V  t    ;v       *   *  N   »  ^*: 


.HISTORY 


_     OF   THE 


POLK  ADMINISTRATION, 


LUCIEN  B.  CHASE, 

A  MEMBER   OF   THE   TWENTY-NINTH  AND   THIRTIETH 
CONGRESSES. 


NEW-YORK : 
GEORGE    P.    PUTNAM,    155    BROADWAY, 

M.DCCC.L. 


ENTERED,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1850,  by 

LUCIEN  B.  CHASE, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  Southern  District 
of  New-York. 


JOHN 

Printer   and   Stereot yp e T 
49,  51  and  53  Ann-st.5  N.  Y. 


PREFACE. 


IT  was  with  a  just  appreciation  of  the  difficult  task 
before  me,  that  I  commenced  the  history  of  Mr. 
Folk's  administration.  I  have  endeavored  to  de 
lineate,  and  I  hope  with  impartiality,  the  transac 
tions  which  signalized  that  eventful  epoch.  Having 
been  in  Congress  during  the  presidential  term  of 
Mr.  Polk,  many  occurrences  recorded  in  these  pages 
passed  under  my  own  observation,  which  greatly 
facilitated  my  researches.  I  have  incorporated  co 
pious  notes,  containing  arguments  upon  both  sides 
of  important  questions,  for  the  purpose  of  present 
ing  the  views  of  Mr.  Folk's  contemporaries.  The 
work  is  respectfully  submitted  to  the  consideration 
of  my  countrymen,  with  the  hope  that  they  will 
deal  gently  with  its  faults,  in  return  for  the  infor 
mation  which  I  trust  it  contains. 

The  events  which  transpired  during  the  admi 
nistration  of  James  K.  Folk  will  exercise  a  vast 
influence  upon  the  destiny  of  this  confederacy. 


224362 


1Y  PREFACE. 

Future  generations  will  designate  it  as  an  age  of 
progress  and  reform.  History  will  preserve  the  evi 
dences  of  the  chivalry  and  military  enthusiasm 
which,  during  the  Mexican  war,  covered  the  Amer 
ican  arms  with  immortal  renown. 

Too  brief  a  period  has  elapsed  since  those  scenes 
occurred,  to  justify  the  belief  that  they  will  be 
weighed  at  the  present  day  with  an  impartial  judg 
ment.  Political  and  personal  animosities  have  not 
yet  been  allayed  by  the  soothing  hand  of  time. 
Mr.  Polk,  but  a  few  months  ago,  retired  from  his 
elevated  position  only  to  be  gathered  to  the  tomb. 
Posterity,  however,  will  regard  with  unprejudiced 
minds  the  brilliant  career  of  that  administration, 
which  for  startling  incidents,  bold  and  comprehen 
sive  policy,  and  grand  and  successful  design,  stands 
unrivalled  upon  the  pages  of  American  history. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I. 

Early  History  of  James  K.  Polk. — His  Election  to  Congress. — Chosen  Go 
vernor  of  Tennessee. — Influences  which  produced  his  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  in  1844. — Presidential  contest  of  1844. — Elevated  to  the  Pre 
sidency. — Selection  of  his  Cabinet.  .••-..  9 


CHAPTER  II. 

First  Annual  Message  of  Mr.  Polk. — Annexation  of  Texas. — Adjustment  of 
the  Oregon  Question.        .  .30 


CHAPTER  III. 

Different  races  in  Mexico. — The  information  is  received  there  thai  Joseph 
Bonaparte  was  placed  upon  the  throne  of  Spain. — Course  pursued  by  the 
Mexicans. — Rupture  between  the  Natives  and  Europeans. — Insurrection 
headed  by  Hidalgo. — Plan  of  Igualo. — Iturbide  proclaimed  Emperor. — He 
is  banished,  and  on  his  return  to  Mexico,  is  shot. — Revolutions. — Santa 
Anna  elected  President. — Texas  Revolution.  55 


A        CHAPTER  IY. 

The  Boundaries  of  Texas. — Becomes  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of  1824. 
— The  Texas  which  was  obtained  from  France  in  1803,  and  which  was 
ceded  to  Spain  in  1819. — Grant  of  land  to  Moses  Austin. — Settlement  of 
Texas. — General  Cos  with  a  military  force  crosses  the  Nueces. — Colli 
sion  of  Arms. — Cos  is  forced  to  surrender. — Santa  Anna  invades  Texas  in 
person. — The  garrison  of  Alamo  slaughtered. — Murder  of  Tanning's 


VI  CONTENTS. 

command. — Battle  of  San  Jacinto. — Santa  Anna  makes  a  treaty  with 
the  Texans. — The  Mexicans  evacuate  Texas. — The  claim  of  Texas  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  77 


CHAPTER  V. 

Independence  of  Texas. — She  applies  for  admission  into  the  Union. — Acquisi 
tion  of  territory  by  Mr.  Jefferson. — Transfer  of  Texas  to  Spain  by  the 
Treaty  of  1819. — Efforts  of  President  Adams  to  have  the  title  reconveyed. 
— Territory  acquired  while  Mr.  Webster  was  Secretary  of  State. — Efforts 
of  England  and  France  to  prevent  annexation. — Passage  of  the  annexa 
tion  resolutions. — Extension  of  our  boundary 97 


CHAPTER  VI.| 

American  Consul  at  Mexico  directed  to  open  negotiations. — The  Mexicans 
agree  to  receive  a  commissioner. — Mr.  Slidell  appointed  Minister  Pleni 
potentiary. — The  Mexicans  refuse  to  receive  him  in  that  character. — 
Causes  of  rupture  which  had  long  existed. — The  Mexicans  raise  troops. 
— Herrera  forced  to  resign  i'i  favor  of  General  Paredes. — Orders  issued  to 
the  Mexican  commanders  upon  the  frontiers  to  attack  the  Americans. — 
Course  pursued  by  the  opposition  members  of  Congress. — Assault  upon 
the  foreign  policy  of  Mr.  Polk. Ill 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Forward  movement  of  the  American  troops. — The  number  and  discipline  of 
the  American  army. — General  Taylor  reaches  Point  Isabel. — Fort  Brown 
erected. — The  Mexicans  cross  the  Rio  Grande. — General  Taylor  moves 
from  Fort  Brown  to  Point  Isabel. — Bombardment  of  Fort  Brown. — Battle 
of  Palo  Alto. — Resaca  de  la  Palma. — The  action  of  Congress. — Reorga 
nization  of  the  army. — The  object  for  which  the  war  was  prosecuted  — 
Difficulty  with  General  Scott. — Requisitions  made  upon  the  Governors  of 
several  States  for  volunteers. — Plan  of  campaign. — Action  of  General 
Gaines. — General  Taylor  marches  from  Camargo  in  the  direction  of  Mon 
terey. — Capture  of  Monterey. — Internal  affairs  of  Mexico. — Pass  granted 
to  Santa  Anna. — General  Wool  marches  upon  Monclova. — General  Kear 
ney  takes  Santa  Fe. — Colonel  Doniphan  advances  upon  Chihuahua. — Vic 
tory  of  Sacramento. — General  Kearney  starts  for  California. — Operations 
of  Colonel  Fremont  and  Commodores  Sloat  and  Stockton.  Orders  issued 
to  raise  contributions  from  the  Mexicans. — General  Taylor  advises  the 
adoption  of  a  defensive  line  — Preparations  made  to  attack  Vera  Cruz. 
— Civil  Governments  authorized  by  the  President. — Movements  of  Colonel 
Price.  .  .  134 


CONTENTS.  VU 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

General  Scott  directed  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war. — General  Taylor  ad 
vised  to  act  upon  the  defensive. — Complaints  of  General  Taylor, — Move 
ments  of  Santa  Anna. — He  advances  upon  Agua  Nueva. — Battle  of  Sue- 
no  Vista. — General  Scott  takes  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
De  Ulloa. — Capture  of  Alvarado. — Victory  of  Cerro  Gordo. — Jalapa  and 
Perote  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. — JL^intment  of  Mr.  Trist 
as  Commissioner  to  Mexico. — Puebla  is  surrendered  to  General  Worth. 
—Arrival  of  reinforcements  from  the  United  States. — The  American 
army  enter  the  Valley  of  Mexico 187 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Battle  of  Contreras.  —  Worth's  division  storms  San  Antonio. —  Victory  of 
Churubusco. — Armistice  granted. — Negotiations  broken  off. — Sanguinary 
battle  of  ]\Iolino  del  Rey. — Storming  of  Chapultepec. — Surrender  of  the 
city. — Santa  Anna  resigns  the  Presidency. — Attacks  Colonel  Childs  at 
Puebla. — Major  Lally  forces  his  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Jalapa. — He  is 
joined  by  General  Lane  with  2,500  men. — Battle  of  Huamantla. — Powers 
invested  in  Mr.  Trist  revoked. — Contributions  exacted. — Treaty  concluded 
by  Mr.  Trist. — General  Scott  recalled. — General  Butler  appointed  to  the 
-  command  of  the  army. — Treaty  of  Guada  loupe  Hjdalgo. — Americans 
evacuate  Mexico. — The  arrfty  otthe  United  States.— Territory  acquired 
from  Mexico. — Its  value 227 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Tariff. — Opinions  of  Messrs.  Clay  and  Polk  upon  that  question. — Mes 
sage  of  Mr.  Polk. — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. — Passage  of 
.the  Tariff  of  1846.— ^Arguments  of  the  friends  and  opponents  of  free  trade. 
— The  Constitutional  Treasury  established. — Discussions  in  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention — Public  Debt  of  the  United  States. — Proposed  Tax 
upon  Tea  and  Coffee 307 


CHAPTER  XI 

Internal  Improvements. — Contest  between  Congress  and  the  Executive  upon 
that  question. — Discussions  upon  the  power  granted  Congress  to  authorize 
the  States  to  lay  duties  upon  tonnage  in  the  Constitutional  Convention. — 
Public  lands. — Pre-emption  rights. — Lands  granted  to  several  States. — 


V1U  CONTENTS. 

Land  granted  to  soldiers. — Post-Office  Department. — Rates  of  postage. 
— Foreign  mails. — Lines  established  to  Chagres  and  California. — The 
Navy 396 

CHAPTER  XII. 

The  veto  power  exercised  by  Mr.  Polk. — The  instructions  to  Mr.  Slidell. — 
The  slavery  question. — The  Wilmot  Proviso.— The  slavery  question  in  the 
Constitutional  Convenlioii. — The  Missouri  compromise. — Territorial  Go- 
vernment  for  Oregon,. — Admission  of  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  into  the  Union. 
— Progress  made  in  the  arts  and  sciences. — State  of  American  literature 
and  education. — Conclusion 429 


THE  POLK  ADMINISTRATION. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Early  History  of  James  K.  Polk. — His  Election  to  Congress. — Chosen  Go 
vernor  of  Tennessee. — Influences  which  produced  his  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  in  1844.— Presidential  contest  of  1844. — Elevated  to  the  Pre 
sidency. — Selection  of  his  Cabinet. 

JAMES  KNOX  POLK,  the  eleventh  President  of  the 
United  States,  was  born  in  Mecklenburgh  county, 
North  Carolina,  on  the  2d  of  November,  1795. 
He  was  the  eldest  of  ten  children.  His  ancestors 
emigrated  from  Ireland  during  the  first  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  settled  in  the  State  of 
Maryland.  A  portion  of  the  family  removed,  first 
to  Pennsylvania,  and  about  the  year  1750  they 
located  in  North  Carolina.  In  1806,  Major  Samuel 
Polk,  the  father  of  James  K.  Polk,  emigrated  to 
Tennessee  and  settled  upon  Duck  River.  It  was 
here  that  young  Polk  endured  the  hardships  of  a 
border  life  until  his  constitution,  which  was  then 
quite  delicate,  came  near  giving  way  under  the  toil 
and  fatigue  to  which  he  was  exposed.  Yielding  to 
the  persuasions  of  his  son.  Major  Polk  enabled  him 


10  HISTORY     OF     THE 

to  enter  the  college  at  Chapel  Hill,  North  Carolina, 
in  1815,  where  he  graduated  in  three  years,  with 
the  highest  honors.  He  was  distinguished  at  col 
lege  for  laborious  application  to  his  studies,  and  by 
a  strict  conformity  to  the  regulations  of  the  insti 
tution.  He  was  always  present  at  recitations,  and 
invariably  attended  morning  and  evening  prayers 
in  the  Chapel. 

"When  he  completed  his  collegiate  education,  he 
entered  the  office  of  the  celebrated  Felix  Grundy 
to  prepare  himself  for  the  practice  of  the  law.  He 
commenced  the  arduous  duties  of  his  profession  in 
1820,  in  the  county  of  Maury,  and  at  once  assumed 
a  high  position  at  the  bar. 

In  1821  he  was  Clerk  to  the  Legislature  of  Ten 
nessee.  His  political  career  commenced  in  1823, 
when  he  was  elected  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
of  Tennessee.  In  1825  he  was  elevated  to  a  seat  in 
Congress.  He  was  re-elected  every  succeeding  two 
years  until  1839.  In  1835  he  was  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  to  which  position  he  was 
re-elected  in  1837.  In  1839,  he  was  chosen  Gover 
nor  of  Tennessee,  and  in  1844  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  rapidity  with  which  lie  was 
elevated,  step  by  step,  to  the  highest  position  on 
earth,  is  indeed  remarkable,  and  proves  conclu 
sively  that  his  success  was  not  the  result  of  circum 
stances  alone. 

No  one  who  knew  Mr.  Polk  ever  considered 
him  a  brilliant  genius.  His  mind  possessed  solidity 
rather  than  imagination.  His  perception  was  intui 
tive,  and  his  memory  retentive  to  an  extraordinary 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  11 

degree,  while  his  judgment  rarely  led  him  into 
error.  His  manners  were  remarkably  affable,  and 
always  made  an  impression  upon  those  who  knew 
him.  Among  his  intimate  friends,  he  indulged  his 
wit  and  humor  with  perfect  freedom,  and  they 
always  found  him  a  pleasant  and  instructive  com 
panion. 

The  career  of  Mr.  Polk  was  as  remarkable  for 
its  brilliancy  as  for  the  substantial  fruits  which  it 
produced.  The  prominent  trait  of  his  character 
was  extraordinary  energy.  In  college,  at  the  bar, 
in  his  political  canvasses,  and  in  the  discharge  of 
his  executive  duties,  he  was  alike  distinguished  for 
his  untiring  industry  and  indomitable  will.  This 
frequently  induced  him  to  devote  his  attention  too 
much  to  minute  details,  and  had  the  effect  of  im 
pairing  his  constitution.  It  was  in  his  canvasses 
that  he  exhibited  all  the  resources  of  his  mind. 
Disaster  only  had  the  effect  of  arousing  his  powers, 
and  stimulated  him  to  win  victory  where  others 
were  subdued  by  defeat.  Three  times  he  canvassed 
the  State  of  Tennessee  as  a  candidate  for  Governor. 
In  1839  he  was  elected  over  Newton  Cannon,  and 
in  1841  and  1843  he  was  defeated  by  James  0. 
Jones.  No  one  who  has  not  experienced  the 
fatigues  of  such  a  struggle,  can  appreciate  its 
labors.  Undismayed  by  the  task  before  him,  Col. 
Polk  always  commenced  the  contest  buoyant  with 
hope.  He  invariably  succeeded  in  inspiring  his 
friends  with  his  own  enthusiasm ;  no  obstacle  could 
deter  him  from  an  energetic  discharge  of  his  duty. 
Subsisting  upon  the  plainest  food,  and  perfectly 


12  HISTORY      OP     THE 

temperate  in  his  habits,  he  accustomed  himself  to  a 
rigid  system  of  diet,  which  alone  could  have  sus 
tained  him  in  his  political  conflicts. 

His  powers  of  endurance  were  taxed  to  their 
utmost  capacity  during  his  presidential  career.  Ele 
vated  to  that  responsible  position  at  the  age  of 
forty-nine,  being  younger  by  several  years  than 
either  of  his  predecessors,  he  was  determined  to  em 
ploy  all  the  resources  of  his  intellect  in  the  dis 
charge  of  his  duties.  His  administration  occurred 
in  times  big  with  great  events,  and  his  sound  judg 
ment,  and  inflexibility  of  purpose,  enabled  him  to 
control  them  with  unparalleled  success. 

The  amiable  and  accomplished  Mrs.  Polk  pre 
sided  with  great  dignity  and  grace  over  the  pre 
sidential  mansion  during  the  term  of  President 
Polk,  All  who  approached  her  were  warmly  im 
pressed  with  her  unaffected  -affability  of  manner, 
and  probably  no  lady  ever  occupied  that  position, 
who  left  it  with  so  many  friends. 

The  prominent  aspirants  for  the  presidency  in 
1844,  were  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  Mr.  Clay.  The 
democratic  party  were  anxious  to  atone  for  the 
terrible  defeat  which  they  sustained  in  1840,  and 
the  whigs  were  determined  to  do  justice  to  the 
distinguished  leader,  who  was  the  "  embodiment " 
of  their  principles.  These  two  gentlemen,  either 
imagined  that  Mr.  Tyler  had  pressed  the  question 
of  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  to 
advance  his  own  prospects  for  the  presidency,  and 
were,  therefore,  determined  to  frustrate  his  designs 
by  forcing  their  supporters  to  oppose  that  measure ; 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  13 

or  they  were  honestly  opposed  to  the  consummation 
of  that  event.  And  while  a  large  majority  of  both 
parties,  at  least  in  the  slave-holding  States,  were 
anxiously  endeavoring  to  promote  a  union  of  the 
two  republics,  and  were  taking  prompt  and  decisive 
steps  to  produce  that  result,  they  were  astounded 
by  the  publication  of  letters  from  Messrs.  Clay  and 
Van  Buren,  in  opposition  to  that  measure.*  The 
attachment  of  the  whig  party  to  Mr.  Clay  proved 
more  powerful  than  their  desire  for  the  admission 

*  "  In  the  future  progress  of  events,  it  is  probable  that  there  will  be  a 
voluntary  or  forcible  separation  of  the  British  North  American  possessions 
from  the  parent  country.  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  think  it  will  be  best 
for  the  happiness  of  all  parties,  that,  in  that  event,  they  should  be  erected 
into  a  separate  and  independent  republic.  With  the  Canadian  republic 
on  one  side,  that  of  Texas  on  the  other,  and  the  United  States,  the  friend 
of  both,  between  them,  each  could  advance  its  own  happiness  by  such 
constitutions,  laws,  and  measures,  as  were  best  adapted  to  its  peculiar 

condition  !" 
********* 

"  In  conclusion,  they  [his  objections  to  annexation]  may  be  stated  in  a 
few  words  to  be,  that  I  consider  the  annexation  of  Texas,  at  this  time, 
without  the  assent  of  Mexico,  as  a  measure  compromising  the  national 
character,  involving  us  certainly  in  a  war  with  Mexico,  probably  with 
other  foreign  powers,  dangerous  to  the  integrity  of  the  Union,  inexpe 
dient  in  the  present  financial  condition  of  the  country,  and  not  called  for 
by  any  general  expression  of  public  opinion." — Letter  of  MR.  CLAY,  May 
9,  1844. 

"  I  by  no  means  contend  that,  a  formal  recognition  of  Texas  by  Mexico 
is  necessary  to  justify  us  in  assenting  to  her  annexation  to  the  United 
States.  Time  and  circumstances  may  work  such  a  change  in  the  rela 
tions  between  these  two  countries  as  to  render  an  act  of  that  character 
on  the  part  of  Mexico  unnecessary  and  unimportant.  What  I  mean  to 
say  is,  that,  from  all  the  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  on  the 
subject,  no  change  has  yet  taken  place  that  would  make  the  objections  I 
have  here  detailed  inapplicable." — Letter  of  MR.  VAN  BUREN,  April  "20, 
1844. 


14  HISTORY     OF     THE 

of  Texas  into  the  Union;  while  the  doctrines  of 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  meeting  with  no  sympathy  from  a 
majority  of  the  democratic  party,  resulted  in  his 
defeat  in  the  Baltimore  Convention,  and  produced 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk.  At  the  meeting  of 
that  convention,  the  claims  of  the  latter  gentleman 
were  alone  pressed,  for  the  office  of  Vice  President, 
and  it  was  only  when  there  was  danger  that  vio 
lence  and  anarchy  w^ould  produce  a  dissolution  of 
the  body,  that  he  was  selected  as  the  compromise 
candidate.*  About  the  same  time  the  Whig  Con- 

*  The  Baltimore  Convention  assembled  on  the  27th  of  May,  1844. 
Mr.  Hendricks  R.  Wright  of  Pennsylvania  was  appointed  President. 
The  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  148  to  116.  This  was  re 
garded  as  a  test  vote,  the  Van  Buren  men  going  in  a  mass  against  it. 

The  first  ballot  resulted  in  the  following  vote  :  Van  Buren,  146  ;  Cass, 
83  ;  Johnson,  24  ;  Buchanan,  4  ;  Woodbury,  2  ;  Stuart,  1  ;  Calhoun,  6. 

The  second  ballot:  Van  Buren,  127:  Cass,  94;  Johnson,  33;  Bu 
chanan,  9;  Stuart,  1  ;  Calhoun,  1. 

Third  ballot:  Van  Buren,  121;  Cass,  92;  Johnson,  33 ;  Buchanan, 
11  ;  Woobury,  2  ;  Calhoun,  2. 

Fourth  ballot:  Van  Buren,  111  ;  Cass,  105;  Johnson,  32  ;  Buchanan, 
17;  Calhoun,  1. 

Fifth  ballot:  Van  Buren,  103;  Cass,  107;  Johnson,  29;  Buchanan, 
26. 

Sixth  ballot:  Van  Buren,  101;  Cass,  116;  Johnson,  23 ;  Buchanan, 
25  ;  Calhoun,  1. 

Seventh  ballot :  Van  Buren,  99  ;  Cass,  123  ;  Johnson,  21  ;  Buchanan, 
22;  Calhoun  1. 

The  excitement  now  became  intense,  and  disorder  and  confusion 
prevailed. 

An  effort  was  now  made  to  establish  the  majority  rule,  but  failed  ;  1 18 
voting  for,  and  148  against.  On  Wednesday  the  Convention  again  met. 

Eighth  ballot :  Van  Buren,  104  ;  Cass,  114  ;  Buchanan,  2  ;  Polk,  44  ; 
Calhoun,  2. 

Ninth  ballot :  Polk,  whole  number  of  votes,  266. 

Mr.  Wright  was  nominated  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  but  declined 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  15 

vention,  with  great  unanimity  and  enthusiasm,  nomi 
nated  Mr.  Clay,  and  thus  the  two  aspirants  were 
placed  before  the  American  people.  Accusations 
were  made  by  each  party  against  the  other,  of  un 
fairness  in  conducting  the  canvass.  It  was  asserted 
by  the  whige,  that  the  northern  democracy  touched 
lightly  upon  the  question  of  annexation,  and  in 
scribed  upon  their  flags  the  motto  of  "  Polk,  Dallas, 
and  the  Tariff  of  1842 ;"  the  democrats  as  posi 
tively  declared  that  the  southern  whigs  did  not 
hesitate  to  denounce  the  question  of  the  annexation 
of  Texas  after  the  publication  of  Mr.  Clay's  letter, 
although  they  had  most  zealously  advocated  that 
measure  while  his  opinions  were  unknown. 

It  is  but  justice  to  both  parties  to  say,  that  the 
canvass  was  the  most  exciting  since  the  organiza 
tion  of  our  Government,  and  was  conducted  with 
as  much  fairness  as  usually  characterizes  those  strug 
gles.  It  is  an  evil  which  is  an  inevitable  result  of 
all  elections  where  parties  are  zealously  supporting 
their  favorite  candidates,  that  all  the  opinions,  even 
if  frankly  promulgated  by  the  aspirants,  are  not  as 
frankly  reiterated  by  partisan  orators  and  the  press 
of  the  country.  Still  this  conduct  upon  the  part 
of  the  politicians  does  not  prevent  the  people  from 
honestly  giving  their  support  to  that  individual 


accepting  the  nomination,  and  on  Thursday  the  Convention  proceeded  to 
elect  another  candidate. 

First  ballot :  Fairfield,  87  ;  Woodbury,  56  ;  Cass,  29 ;  Johnson,  26 ; 
Stewart,  23  ;  Dallas,  13  ;  Marcy,  5. 

Second  ballot :  Dallas,  220  ;  Fairfield,  30  ;  Woodbury  6. 


16  HISTORY      OF     THE 

who  will  illustrate,  in  the  administration  of  public 
affairs,  the  political  opinions  which  they  advocate. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  it  was  known  to  the  Ame 
rican  people,  that  Mr.  Polk  was  in  favor  of  the  im 
mediate  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States, 
and  in  triumphantly  electing  him,  they  consequently 
sanctioned  that  measure.* 

The  prominent  questions  discussed  during  the 
canvass  of  1844  were  the  currency,  the  tariff,  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  the  veto  power,  and  the  dis 
tribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  the  public 
lands.  The  Democratic  Convention  which  nominated 
Mr.  Polk  at  Baltimore,  in  May,  1844,  laid  down  a 

*  "  You  request  from  me  an  explicit  expression  of  opinion  upon  this 
question  of  annexation.  Having1  at  no  time  entertained  opinions  upon 
public  subjects  which  I  was  unwilling  to  avow,  it  gives  me  pleasure  to 
comply  with  your  request.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  declaring  that  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  immediate  re-annexation  of  Texas  to  the  territory  and  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States.  I  entertain  no  doubts  as  to  the  power  or  ex 
pediency  of  the  re-annexation.  * 

"  It  is  a  part  of  the  great  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  directly  connected 
by  its  navigable  waters  with  the  Mississippi  River,  and  having  once  been 
a  part  of  our  Union,  it  should  never  have  been  dismembered  from  it. 
The  government  and  people  of  Texas,  it  is  understood,  not  only  give 
their  consent,  but  are  anxiously  desirous  to  be  re-united  to  the  United 
States.  If  the  application  of  Texas  for  a  re-union  and  admission  into 
our  confederacy  shall  be  rejected  by  the  United  States,  there  is  imminent 
danger  that  she  will  become  a  dependency,  if  not  a  colony  of  Great 
Britain — an  event  which  no  American  patriot,  anxious  for  the  safety  and 
prosperity  of  this  country,  could  permit  to  occur  without  the  most  stren 
uous  resistance.  Let  Texas  be  re-annexed,  and  the  authority  and  laws  of 
the  United  States  be  established  and  maintained  within  her  limits,  and 
also  in  the  Oregon  Territory,  and  let  the  fixed  policy  of  our  government 
be,  not  to  permit  Great  Britain,  or  any  other  foreign  power,  to  plant  a 
colony  or  hold  dominion  over  any  portion  of  the  people  or  territory  of 
either." — Letter  of  JAMES  K.  POLK,  April  23,  1844. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

platform  for  tlie  campaign.*     The  whig  party  at 
the  time  they  nominated  Mr.  Clay  at  Baltimore,  on 

*  Resolved,  That  the  Federal  Government  is  one  of  limited  powers, 
derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of  power  shown 
therein,  ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the  departments  and  agents 
of  the  Government,  and  that  it  is  inexpedient  and  dangerous  to  exercise 
doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  the  power  to  commence  and  carry  on  a  general  system  of  intema_ 
improvement. 

3.  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority  upon  the  Federal 
Government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the  debts  of  the  several 
States  contracted  for  local  or  internal  improvements,  or  other  state  pur 
poses,  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just  and  expedient. 

4.  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  Federal  Government  to 
foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of  another,  or  to  cherish 
the  interests  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of  another  portion  of  our  com 
mon  country ;  that  every  citizen  of  the  country  has  a  right  to  demand  and 
insist  upon  an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and  to  compel  an  ample 
protection  of  persons  and  property  from  domestic  violence  and  foreign 
aggression. 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  Government  to  enforce 
and  practise  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting  our  public  affairs,  and 
that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised  than  is  required  to  defray  the 
necessary  expenses  of  the  Government. 

6.  That  Congress  has  no ' power  to  charter  a  national  bank;  that  we 
believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly  hostility  to  the  best  interests  of 
the  country,  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions  and  the  liberties  of 
the  people,  and  calculated  to  place  the  business  of  the  country  within  the 
control  of  a  concentrated  money  power,  and  above  the  laws  and  will  of 
the  people. 

7.  That  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  interfere 
with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several  States,  and  that 
such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of  every  thing  appertaining  to 
their  own  affairs,  not  prohibited  by  the  Constitution ;  that  all  efforts  of  the 
abolitionists  or  others,  made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  the 
question  of  slavery,  or  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calcu 
lated  to  lead  to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that 
all  such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of 
the  people  and  endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and 
ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  our  political  institutions. 

2 


18  HISTORY     OF     THE 

the    1st    of    May,    1S44,   adopted    certain   resolu 
tions.* 

The  struggle  was  fiercely  contested,  and  almost 
every  expedient  was  resorted  to  for  the  purpose  of 
winning  votes.  The  friends  of  both  the  candidates 

8.  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  government  from  banking 
institutions  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of  the  funds  of  the  government, 
and  the  rights  of  the  people. 

Resohcd,  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be  sacredly 
applied  to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  Constitution  ;  and  that  we 
are  opposed  to  the  law  lately  adopted,  and  to  any  law  for  the  distribution 
of  such  proceeds  among  the  States,  as  alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and 
repugnant  to  the  Constitution. 

Resolutions  were  also  adopted  against  taking  from  the  President  the 
right  of  exercising  the  veto  power ;  and  proclaiming  our  title  to  the  whole 
of  the  territory  of  Oregon  and  against  surrendering  any  portion  of  it  to 
Great  Britain,  and  also  in  favor  of  the  annexation  of  Texas. 

Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Butler  was  chairman  of  the  committee  who  reported 
the  resolutions. 

*  The  Whig  Convention  assembled  at  Baltimore,  May  1st,  1844. 
lion.  Ambrose  Spencer,  of  New- York,  was  appointed  President.  Henry 
Clay  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  for 
the  Vice  Presidency. 

The  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  at  the  Whig 
Convention  of  May,  1844. 

"  Resoh-nJ,  That  in  presenting  to  the  country  the  names  of  Henry 
Clay  for  President,  and  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  for  Vice  President,  the 
convention  is  actuated  by  the  conviction  that  all  the  great  principles  of 
the  whig  party — principles  inseparable  from  the  public  honor  and  pros 
perity — will  be  maintained  and  advanced  by  the  election  of  these  candi 
dates. 

"  Resolrcd,  That  these  principles  may  be  summed  as  comprising  a  well 
regulated  national  currency,  a  tariff  for  revenue  to  defray  the  necessary 
expenses  of  the  government,  and  discriminating  with  special  reference  to 
the  protection  of  the  domestic  labor  of  the  country,  the  distribution  of  the 
proceeds  from  the  sales  of  the  public  lands,  a  single  term  for  the  Pre 
sidency,  a  reform  of  executive  usurpations,  and  generally  such  an  admin 
istration  of  the  affairs  of  the  country  as  shall  impart  to  every  branch  of 
the  public  service  the  greatest  practicable  efficiency,  controlled  by  a  well 
regulated  and  wise  economy." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 


19 


were  conndent  of  success,  and  were  animated  with 
the  greatest  ardor  and  enthusiasm.  The  result  was 
the  election  of  Messrs.  Polk  and  Dallas  to  the  Pre 
sidency  and  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States, 
by  a  majority  of  sixty-five  electoral  votes.* 

On  the  4th  of  March,  1845,  the  President  elect 
of  the  United  States  delivered  his  Inaugural  Ad 
dress  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled  representa 
tives  of  the  American  people,  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  the  diplomatic  corps,  and  an 


* 

For  President. 

For  Vice  President 

l°s 
111 

STATES. 

M 

t  "T1 

o 

ll 

lie- 

§.-=  g 

X  9,  H 

5  ^ 

a 

O  ~ 

%%* 

*"* 

o 

O 

H£ 

9 

Maine,           .... 

9 

9 

6 

New  Hampshire, 

6 

6 

12 

Massachusetts, 

12 

12 

4 

Rhode  Island, 

4 

4 

6 

Connecticut, 

6 

6 

6 

Vermont, 

6 

6 

36 

New  York, 

36 

36 

7 
26 

New  Jersey,       .        ... 
Pennsylvania, 

26 

7 

26 

7 

3 

Delaware, 

3 

3 

8 

Maryland,      .... 

8 

8 

17 

Virginia, 

17 

17 

11 

North  Carolina,      . 

11 

11 

9 

South  Carolina, 

9 

9 

10 

Georgia,        .... 

10 

10 

12 

Kentucky, 

12 

12 

13 

Tennessee, 

13 

13 

23 

Ohio,         .... 

23 

23 

6 

Louisiana,     .... 

6 

6 

6 
12 

Mississippi, 
Indiana,         .... 

6 
12 

6 
12 

9 

Illinois,      .... 

9 

9 

9 

Alabama,       .... 

9 

9 

7 

Missouri, 

7 

7 

3 

Arkansas,     .... 

3 

3 

5 

Michigan, 

5 

5 

275 

170 

105 

170 

105 

20  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

immense  concourse  of  spectators,  and  took  the  oath 
of  office,  which  was  administered  by  the  Chief 
Justice.* 

Mr.  Clay,  the  unsuccessful  candidate  of  the  whig 
party  for  the  presidency,  had  for  a  long  period  been 
an  aspirant  for  that  office.  As  early  as  1824,  he 
was  supported  for  that  position  by  many  warm 
admirers.  Perhaps  no  man  in  the  Union  has  won 
the  attachment  of  so  many  ardent  and  enthusiastic 
personal  friends  as  Mr.  Clay.  ~No  disaster  can 
dampen  their  zeal,  and  each  successive  defeat  only 
has  the  effect  of  attaching  them  still  more  closely 
to  his  person  and  his  fortunes.  He  is,  indeed,  a 
noble  leader.  His  bold  and  impassioned  eloquence, 
his  affability  and  fascination  of  manner,  and  his 
unwavering  devotion  to  his  friends,  altogether  con 
stitute  him  one  of  the  most  influential  statesmen 
which  this  country  has  ever  produced. 

His  patriotism  has  been  too  often  put  to  the 
test  to  admit  of  doubt.  Upon  two  occasions  he 
has  interposed  his  form  between,  the  exasperated 
citizens  of  the  North  and  South.  When  the  ex 
citement  raged  with  frightful  violence  before  the 
admission  of  Missouri,  and  threatened  to  destroy 
the  Union  itself,  with  a  promptness  and  sincerity 
which  proved  that  a  patriot's  heart  beat  within  his 
bosom,  he  poured  oil  upon  the  troubled  waters 
and  assisted  to  allay  the  storm.  And  now,  when 
danger  thickens,  and  a  dark  and  threatening  cloud 
hovers  over  the  Temple  of  Liberty,  his  tall  and 
venerable  form  is  again  seen  protecting  from  sacri- 

*  For  the  Inaugural  Address,  see  Appendix. 


POLK     ADMINISTBATION.  21 

lege  and  violence  our  glorious  Constitution,  and  in 
tones  which  are  tremulous  with  age,  he  implores 
our  distracted  countrymen  to  pause  in  their  career, 
and  save  the  American  Confederacy  from  the  fright 
ful  horrors  which  must  flow  from  its  dissolution. 

The  difficult  and  delicate  duty  now  devolved 
upon  Mr.  Polk  of  selecting  his  cabinet,  and  upon 
a  wise  choice  of  those  persons  much  of  the  popu 
larity  and  success  of  his  administration  depended. 
Not  only  was  it  necessary  to  call  around  him  states 
men  whose  ability  and  experience  would  enable 
them  to  illustrate  the  broad  and  comprehensive 
platform  which  he  had  laid  down  in  his  inaugural 
address,  but  whose  commanding  talents  and  popu 
larity  with  the  American  people  would  recommend 
its  adoption  by  their  representatives.  Among  the 
names  wl^ch  Mr.  Polk  presented  to  the  Senate  as 
his  cabinet  officers,  were  some  of  the  most  distin 
guished  statesmen  in  the  Union,  and  in  their  selec 
tion  he  exhibited  a  thorough  knowledge  of  those 

o  o 

men,  whose  great  abilities  and  remarkable  energy 
greatly  assisted  in  erecting  that  splendid  super 
structure  which  has  given  an  undying  reputation 
to  his  administration. 

The  long  service  of  Mr.  Buchanan  in  the  Sen 
ate,  where  he  had  encountered  in  debate  the 
profoundest  statesmen  in  the  land,  qualified  him 
thoroughly  for  the  department  of  State.  Logical 
and  sound  in  his  reasoning,  with  a  sagacity  which 
could  discover  dangers  in  the  future,  and  the  ability 
to  avoid  them,  however  threatening  and  sudden 
their  approach,  he  was  always  a  formidable  foe  to 


22  HIS  TOE  Y     OF     THE 

meet.  His  diplomatic  communications  gave  evi 
dence  of  thorough  preparation,  and  in  every  con 
flict  between  himself  and  the  representatives  of 
foreign  powers,  they  retired  confounded  and  dis 
comfited  before  his  unanswerable  arguments.  His 
judgment  was  sound  and  comprehensive,  and  his 
mind  was  enriched  by  a  course  of  long  and  painful 
study.  In  the  Senate  he  never  wielded  the  glit 
tering  blade  of  Clay,  nor  the  ponderous  falchion  of 
Webster.  But  whenever  he  addressed  that  body 
it  was  with  a  majesty  of  diction,  an  amplitude  of 
information,  and  an  iron  and  irresistible  strength  of 
reasoning  which  seldom  failed  to  convince,  where 
it  did  not  control.  He  was  as  successful  in  the 
cabinet  as  he  had  been  in  the  Senate,  and  his  vast 
powers  were  ever  equal  to  the  responsibilities  which 
devolved  upon  the  department  of  State,  while  his 
opinions  were  always  received  with  marked  atten 
tion  in  cabinet  council.  The  policy  which  lie  un de 
viating!  y  advocated  in  the  settlement  of  our  diffi 
culties  with  England  and  Mexico,  was  bold  and 
decisive.  While  the  delicate  position  he  occupied 
in  relation  to  the  interests  of  Pennsylvania,  after 
the  course  which  he  pursued  in  the  campaign  of 
1844,  rendered  him  somewhat  timid  upon  the  great 
domestic  question  of  free  trade. 

Robert  J.  Walker,  who  was  assigned  to  the 
Treasury  Department,  had  also  for  many  years  been 
a  distinguished  Member  of  the  Senate,  where  his 
powers  were  illustrated  and  gave  indications  of 
what  might  be  expected  from  his  extraordinary 
energy,  in  the  responsible  position  to  which  he  was 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  23 

called  in  the  Cabinet  of  Mr.  Polk.  He  possessed 
solidity,  without  being  brilliant,  and  always  ex 
hausting  the  subject  which  he  was  investigating,  he 
rarely  failed  to  produce  an  impression  upon  the 
Senate.  It  was  only  when  he  was  aroused  by  the 
magnitude  of  the  subject  under  discussion,  that  he 
employed  all  that  w^as  gorgeous,  yet  pointed,  in 
the  arts  of  oratory.  At  such  moments  his  sarcasm 
and  irony  told  with  great  effect  upon  his  adversary. 
Ordinarily,  however,  his  power  consisted  in  argu 
mentation,  and  in  that  field  he  had  but  few  equals. 
It  was  chiefly  upon  his  labors  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  that  he  will  rest  his  claims  to  an  endur 
ing  fame.  It  was  in  that  department  that  he  em 
ployed  all  the  energies  of  his  nature,  and  the  re 
sources  of  his  vast  and  varied  acquirements,  in  the 
advocacy  of  free  trade.  We  have  only  to  look 
over  the  voluminous  pages  which  he  submitted  to 
Congress,  crowded  with  facts  and  arguments,  to  be 
come  satisfied  that  his  mind  was  absorbed  with  the 
one  idea  which  his  pen  so  faithfully  illustrated. 
The  subject  was  greatly  embarras'sed  by  the  war 
with  Mexico,  and  the  success  with  which  he  carried 
the  financial  credit  of  the  country  through  that 
contest,  proved  him  incontestably  the  ablest  finan 
cier  whom  our  country  has  produced  since  the  days 
of  Robert  Morris.  The  opposition  of  Webster  and 
Evans,  and  the  denunciations  of  the  whig  party, 
could  not  arrest  the  success  of  that  policy,  which 
triumphed  over  the  assaults  of  its  enemies,  and 
more  than  realized  the  warmest  anticipations  of 
its  friends. 


24  HISTORY      OF     THE 

The  appointment  of  Mr.  Marcy  as  Secretary  of 
"War  was  another  fortunate  movement  for  Mr.  Polk. 
As  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  one 
of  her  judges,  he  had  obtained  a  high  reputation. 
With  a  grasp  of  comprehension  which  enabled  him 
at  once  to  master  a  subject,  and  a  force  and  appo- 
siteness  of  reasoning  which  demonstrated  his  views, 
a  soundness  of  judgment,  and  an  intimate  know 
ledge  of  men,  he  was  well  fitted  by  nature  and 
education  to  become  the  confidential  adviser  of  the 
President,  and  the  head  of  the  War  Department. 
The  Mexican  war  served  to  develope  the  great 
features  of  his  character.  The  adoption  of  the 
celebrated  plan^of  the  campaign,  and  its  successful 
prosecution,  in  all  its  parts,  required  the  resources 
of  an  intellect  of  no  ordinary  description.  The 
patience  with  which  he  received  and  replied  to  the 
complaints  which  the  officers  of  the  army  made  to 
him,  were  generally  characterized  by  frankness  and 
urbanity,  and  it  ^yas  only  in  his  response  to  the 
charges  made  by  General  Scott  against  the  admin- 

O  v  O 

istration   and   the   War   Department,  that   he   in 
dulged   in   a   bitterness    of  sarcasm  which    added 

o 

point  and  force   to   the    crushing  and  irresistible 
reply. 

George  Bancroft,  the  historian,  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.  He  occupied  that  position 
but  a  brief  period,  however,  when  he  was  appointed 
the  successor  of  Mr.  Everett  at  the  Court  of  St. 
James.  His  selection  by  Mr.  Polk  as  one  of  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet,  was  not  only  a  proper 
tribute  to  his  vast  and  varied  acquirements  as  a 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  25 

scholar,  but  to  his  ability  as  a  man.  Deeply  versed 
in  the  lore  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  his  writ 
ings  display  evidences  of  profound  thought  and 
thorough  study ;  and  without  possessing  transcen 
dent  abilities,  or  a  brilliant  genius,  his  works  bear 
evidence  of  careful  preparation  and  logical  and 
argumentative  power.  As  a  speaker,  his  manner 
is  not  prepossessing.  Nature  has  not  favored  him 
with  a  rich  and  melodious  voice,  or  a  dignified  and 
attractive  presence.  But  the  gorgeous  imagery 
and  the  sparkling  gems  which  ornament  his  lan 
guage,  gild  the  philosophical  thought  and  classical 
erudition,  and  display  the  intellectual  wealth  which 
years  of  research  have  enabled  him  to  acquire. 

Not  only  has  he  obtained  great  celebrity  as  an 
essayist  and  historian,  but  the  policy  which  he 
advocated  while  at  the  head  of  the  Navy  Depart 
ment  gave  him  the  character  of  an  accomplished 
statesman.  While  his  views  were  sufficiently  en 
larged  and  liberal,  they  received  the  approbation 
of  one  of  the  most  ultra  economists  and  reformers 
in  the  House  of  Representatives.'* 

Twice  .have  individuals  who  had  illustrated  the 
pages  of  English  literature,  been  called  to  preside 
over  the  Navy  Department, f  and  the  same  honor 
should  have  been  conferred  upon  another,  J  whose 
experience  in  early  life  and  subsequent  investiga 
tions,  eminently  qualified  him  for  the  discharge  of 
its  duties.  His  pen  has  not  only  adorned  the  annals 

*  James  J.  McKay,  of  North  Carolina, 
f  James  K.  Paulding  and  George  Bancroft. 
|  J.  Fenimore  Cooper. 


26  HISTOEYOPTIIE 

of  our  country  with,  his  splendid  naval  history,  but 
has  contributed  to  American  literature  its  brightest 
geins,  and  which  will  only  perish  with  the  English 


The  Post  Office  Department  was  filled  by  Cave 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  who  had  been  for  many 
years  one  of  the  most  influential  Members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.  He  had  obtained  great 
celebrity  for  his  inflexible  honesty,  laborious  indus 
try,  and  for  the  vigilance  with  which  he  guarded 
the  public  treasury.  Gifted  with  an  integrity  which 
was  above  suspicion,  he  was  a  terror  to  all  who  are 
endeavoring  to  obtain  the  sanction  of  Congress  to 
fraudulent  claims  ;  and  whenever  his  tall  and  vener 
able  form  was  seen  to  rise  for  the  purpose  of  ad 
dressing  the  House  in  opposition  to  private  claims 
which  were,  not  founded  in  justice,  the  agents  who 
had  been  preparing  them  knew  that  their  fate  was 
sealed.  Perhaps  no  member  exercised  so  great  an 
influence  over  the  House  of  Representatives  during 
his  Congressional  career  as  Mr.  Johnson.  His  long 
service  in  that  body,  his  standing  and  ability,  and 
the  argumentative  and  persuasive  eloquence  which 
characterized  his  speeches,  always  produced  a  re 
markable  effect  upon  that  body.  Mild  and  cour 
teous  in  his  manner,  he  won  the  respect  of  his  po 
litical  opponents,  while  his  unshaken  attachment  to 
his  friends  bound  them  to  him  by  the  warmest  ties. 
The  constancy  of  his  affection  for  men  was  only 
surpassed  by  his  devotion  to  principle  ;  and  nothing 
less  than  a  thorough  conviction  of  utter  worthless- 
ness,  would  induce  him  to  abandon  a  man  whom  he 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  2? 

had  once  called  Ms  friend.  As  an  orator,  he 
was  generally  calm  and  argumentative,  his  promi 
nent  characteristic  being  convincing  and  irresistible 
power.  He  never  studied  the  arts  of  declamation, 
and  did  not  seek  to  gild  his  speeches  with  the  cor 
uscations  of  genius.  A  splendid  exordium  and 
brilliant  peroration  cannot  be  found  in  one  of  his 
efforts.  He  appealed  to  the  reason  and  not  to  the 
imagination,  and  always  with  effect.  Yet  upon 
several  occasions,  when  unwarrantable  attacks  were 
made  upon  him,  or  when  his  indignation  was  aroused 
by  conduct  which  he  reprobated,*  his  retorts  were 
terrible,  and  his  anathemas  annihilating.  Upon 
such  occasions  his  majestic  form  towered,  and  his 
stern  glance  was  fixed  upon  the  offender,  who 
writhed  beneath  the  biting  'and  withering  sarcasms 
which  were  poured  from  the  lips  of  the  speaker. 
With  a  facility  of  illustration,  and  a  fiery  and  im 
passioned  eloquence,  he  returns  again  and  again  to 
the  assault,  until  his  blasting  irony  has  pierced  the 
shield  in  which  the  delinquent  supposed  himself 
encased,  and  he  lies  prostrate  and  bleeding  before 
the  indignant  orator. 

Under  his  administration  of  the  Post  Office  De 
partment  commenced  the  reduction  of  the  postage, 
which  he  opposed  while  a  Member  of  Congress,  but 
to  which  he  subsequently  gave  the  influence  of  his 
name  and  popularity.  He  infused  his  own  energy 
into  the  public  service,  and  not  only  were  contracts 
made  for  conveying  the  mail  through  the  several 

*  See  his  reply  to  Messrs.  Hoge,  Hammett,  and  Holmes,  28th  Congress. 


28  HISTOEYOFTIIE 

States  and  Territories,  but  for  transmitting  it  to 
Europe.  ~No  combination  could  force  him  to  yield 
to  demands  which  he  thought  unjust.  Repeatedly 
and  violently  assailed  by  the  press  for  discharging 
his  duty,  his  firmness  continued  unshaken,  and  he 
witnessed  unmoved,  alike  the  flattery  and  the  abuse 
of  those  who  attempted  to  control  him.  Immova 
bly  fixed  in  the  honesty  of  his  purposes,  he  faith 
fully  discharged  his  duties;  and  when  lie  retired 
from  the  position  which  he  had  so  ably  occupied, 
the  country  lost  the  services  of  an  honest  man.  The 
ofiice  which  he  filled  brought  him  more  immedi- 

o 

ately  in  contact  with  the  people  than  any  other 
under  the  Government ;  and  those  persons  whose 
letters  were  delayed,  no  matter  what  the  cause, 
were  always  ready  to  attribute  it  to  the  fault  of 
Cave  Johnson.  It  is  always  convenient  to  have 
some  one  to  blame ;  and  those  gentlemen  who  were 
so  querulous  while  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  De 
partment,  continued  to  pour  the  vials  of  their  wrath 
upon  the  head  of  his  successor. 

John  Y.  Mason  of  Virginia,  a  member  of  Mr. 
Tyler's  Cabinet,  received  at  first  from  Mr.  Polk 
the  office  of  Attorney  General,  but  subsequently 
was  transferred  to  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the 
Navy.  This  gentleman  is  the  very  soul  of  convi 
viality.  Bland  and  urbane  in  his  manners,  lie  was 
always  very  popular  with  both  political  parties, 
while  he  gave  almost  universal  satisfaction  to  the 
officers  of  the  Xavy.  His  judgment  was  sound  and 
discriminating,  and  without  obtaining  as  much  char 
acter  for  energy  and  industry  as  the  other  members 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  29 

of  the  Cabinet,  still  his  grasp  of  intellect  and  sound 
practical  common  sense,  enabled  him  to  seize  upon 
the  strong  points  of  a  question  with  remarkable 
facility.  He  possessed  a  thorough  knowledge  of 
the  masses,  and  was,  therefore,  a  safe  Cabinet  coun 
sellor. 

Messrs.  Clifford  of  Maine,  and  Toucey  of  Con 
necticut,  also  occupied  the  position  of  Attorney 
General  in  Mr.  Folk's  Cabinet,  and  proved  safe  and 
wise  counsellors,  and  profound  and  able  lawyers. 
The  former  gentleman  was  appointed  a  Commis 
sioner  to  Mexico,  and  the  latter  continued  in  office 
until  the  close  of  the  administration. 


30  HISTORY     OF     THE 


CHAPTER  II. 

First  Annual  Message  of  Mr.  Polk. — Annexation  of  Texas. — Adjustment  of 
the  Oregon  Question. 

O^  the  first  day  of  December,  1845,  the  members 
of  the  2  9 tli  Congress  assembled  at  Washington, 
The  Hon.  John  W.  Davis  of  Indiana  was  elected 
Speaker  of  the  House,  and  the  accomplished  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States  presided  over  the 
deliberations  of  the  Senate.  On  the  following  day, 
Mr.  Polk  delivered  his  first  annual  message  to  Con 
gress.  At  that  time,  although  many  difficulties 
were  unadjusted  between  the  United  States  and 
several  foreign  powers,  still  our  country  w^as  at 
peace  with  all  the  world.*  The  policy  which  gov 
erned  the  administration  was  that  upon  which  alone 
the  honor  of  the  country  can  be  maintained.f  To 
do  exact  justice  to  all  nations,  wins  their  good 

*  "  In  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  our  relations  with  foreign 
powers,  I  am  gratified  to  be  able  to  state  that,  though  with  some  of  them 
there  have  existed  since  your  last  Session  serious  causes  of  irritation  and 
misunderstanding,  yet  no  actual  hostilities  have  taken  place." — Message 
of  Mr.  POLK  to  Congress,  December  2d,  1845. 

f  "  Adopting  the  maxim  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  to  '  ask 
nothing  that  is  not  right,  and  submit  to  nothing  that  is  wrong,'  it  has 
been  my  anxious  desire  to  preserve  peace  with  all  nations,  but  at  the  same 
time,  to  be  prepared  to  resist  aggression,  and  to  maintain  all  our  just 
rights." — Ibid.  For  this  message  see  Appendix. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  31 

opinion,  while  a  determination  to  enforce  it  in  re 
turn,  commands  tlieir  respect. 

The  message  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to 
the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  in 
formed  that  body  that  he  had  approved  the  selec 
tion  made  by  his  predecessor  of  the  1st  and  2d 
sections  of  the  resolution  for  annexing  Texas  to  the 
United  States.  It  only  remained  for  Congress  to 
admit  that  State  into  the  Union  under  the  consti 
tution  which  had  been  established  by  the  people, 
and  a  bill  for  that  purpose  was  enrolled  on  the  2Yth 
of  December,  1845.  A  liberal  course  towards  that 
State  was  recommended  by  the  President,  that  her 
citizens  might  never  regret  a  re-union  with  the  land 
of  their  nativity. 

The  settlement  of  the  boundary  between  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,  occupied  the  at 
tention  of  the  administration  at  an  early  day.  The 
bold  and  decisive  language  used  by  Mr.  Polk  in  his 
inaugural  address,*  produced  quite  a  sensation  in 
England,  and  the  British  ministry  were  satisfied 
that  the  period  for  procrastination  and  delay  had 
passed,  and  that  the  question  must  be  promptly 
met. 

The  attention  of  Congress  was  called  to  the  sub 
ject  by  Mr.  Polk  in  his  first  annual  message,  and 

*  "  Nor  will  it  become  in  a  less  degree  my  duty  to  assert  and  main 
tain  by  all  constitutional  means,  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  that  por 
tion  of  our  territory  which  lies  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Our  title  to 
the  country  of  Oregon  is  '  clear  and  unquestionable,'  and  already  are  our 
people  preparing  to  perfect  that  title  by  occupying  it  with  their  wives 
and  children."— Mr.  FOLK'S  Inaugural  Address. 


32  HISTORY     OF     THE 

the  speedy  adjustment  of  tlie  boundary  was  strongly 
recommended.* 

In  connection  with  the  Oregon  question,  Mr. 
Polk  committed  a  fatal  error,  amounting  to  what 
Talleyrand  would  call  a  "blunder,"  and  which, 
having  the  effect  of  alienating  some  of  his  warmest 
friends,  greatly  embarrassed  his  administration 
throughout.  In  his  first  communication  to  the 
American  people,  he  proclaimed  to  the  world,  that 
our  title  to  the  country  of  the  Oregon  was  "  clear 
and  unquestionable."  In  that  assertion  he  was  but 
reiterating  the  opinions  of  his  constituents,  solemnly 
expressed  at  the  ballot-box.  The  statement  was 
still  more  solemnly  uttered  in  his  message  to 
Congress.f  In  the  same  communication  he  an 
nounced  a  principle  which  should  control  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States.  J  If  it  is  the  un- 

*  "  All  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  becomes  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  consider  what  measures  it  may  be  proper  to  adopt  for  the 
security  and  protection  of  our  citizens  now  inhabiting,  or  who  may  here 
after  inhabit  Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that 
territory.  This  notice  it  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  proper  to  give,  and 
I  recommend  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  giving  it  accordingly, 
and  terminating,  in  this  manner,  the  convention  of  the  6th  of  August, 
1827."— Message  of  Mr.  POLK  to  Congress,  December,  1845. 

f  "  With  this  conviction  the  proposition  of  compromise  which  had 
been  made  and  rejected,  was  by  my  direction,  subsequently  withdrawn, 
and  our  title  to  the  whole  Oregon  territory  asserted,  and  as  is  believed, 
maintained  by  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments." — Ibid. 

|  "  Near  a  quarter  of  a  century  ago,  the  principle  was  distinctly  an 
nounced  to  the  world  in  the  annual  message  of  one  of  my  predecessors, 
that  '  the  American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition 
which  they  have  assumed  and  maintained,  are  henceforth  not  to  be  con 
sidered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any  European  power.' 
This  principle  will  apply  with  greatly  increased  force,  should  any  Euro 
pean  power  attempt  to  establish  any  new  colony  in  North  America.  In 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  33 

change  able  policy  of  this  country  to  prevent  Euro 
peans  from  colonizing  any  portion  of  this  continent, 
it  applies  to  territory  to  which  we  have  no  claim, 
as  well  as  to  that  which  belongs  to  us ;  and  if  we  can 
not  suffer  them  to  colonize  parts  of  the  American 
continent  to  which  we  have  no  claim,  how  can  we 
surrender  territory  to  which  our  title  is  "  clear  and 
unquestionable  ?"  * 

It  is  true,  Mr.  Polk  stated  that  he  proposed  to 
the  British  Government  to  settle  the  boundary 
upon  the  49th°  of  north  latitude,  in  deference  to 
what  his  predecessors  had  done ;  yet  by  that  offer 
he  agreed  to  surrender  nearly  200,000,000  acres 
of  land  which  rightfully  belonged  to  the  United 
States.f  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  this  course  of 


the  existing  circumstances  of  the  world,  the  present  is  deemed  a  proper 
occasion  to  reiterate  and  reaffirm  the  principle  avowed  by  Mr.  Monroe, 
and  to  state  my  cordial  concurrence  in  its  wisdom  and  sound  policy.  The 
re-assertion  of  this  principle,  especially  in  reference  to  North  America,  is 
at  this  day  but  the  promulgation  of  a  policy  which  no  European  power 
should  cherish  the  disposition  to  resist." — Message  of  Mr.  POLK  to  Con 
gress,  December,  1845. 

*  "  The  proposition  thus  offered  and  rejected,  repeated  the  offer  of 
the  parallel  of  49°  of  north  latitude,  which  had  been  made  by  two  pre 
ceding  administrations,  but  without  proposing  to  surrender  to  Great  Bri 
tain,  as  they  had  done,  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia  River." — Ibid. 

f  "  Upon  the  whole :  From  the  most  careful  and  ample  examination 
which  the  undersigned  has  been  able  to  bestow  upon  the  subject,  he  is 
satisfied  that  the  Spanish  American  title,  now  held  by  the  United  States, 
embracing  the  whole  territory  between  the  parallels  of  42°  and  54°  40', 
is  the  best  title  in  existence  to  this  entire  region ;  and  that  the  claim  of 
Great  Britain  to  any  portion  of  it  has  no  sufficient  foundation.  Even 
British  Geographers  have  not  doubted  our  title  to  the  territory  in  dispute. 
There  is  a  large  and  splendid  globe  now  in  the  Department  of  State, 
recently  received  from  London,  and  published  by  Malby  and  Company, 
3 


34  HISTORY     OF     THE 

action  witli  the  principle  which  was  proclaimed  by 
Mr.  Monroe,  and  which  Mr.  Polk  himself  had  so 
forcibly  reiterated,  especially  when  his  offer  ex 
tended  privileges  to  Great  Britain  never  offered  by 
his  predecessors,  consisting  in  the  use  of  free  ports 
on  the  southern  extremity  of  Vancouver's  Island. 
But  when  the  proposition  which  he  made  to  Great 
Britain  was  almost  insultingly  rejected,*  there  was 
no  reason  why  that  boundary  should  be  accepted 
by  our  Government,  if  tendered  by  England.  I 
know  it  has  been  asserted  by  high  authority,  that 
Mr.  Polk  could  not  refuse  a  proposition  which  he 
had  himself  offered  to  that  power.  If  the  offer 
made  by  the  Executive  had  been  accepted,  then  it 
would  have  been  binding,  but  it  was  rejected,  and 
then  withdrawn ;  the  two  Governments,  therefore, 


'  manufacturers  and  publishers  to  the  Society  for  the  Diffusion  of  Useful 
Knowledge,'  which  assigns  this  territory  to  the  United  States. 

"  Notwithstanding  such  was  and  still  is  the  opinion  of  the  President, 
yet  in  the  spirit  of  compromise  and  concession,  and  in  deference  to  the 
action  of  his  predecessors,  the  undersigned,  in  obedience  to  his  instruc 
tions,  proposed  to  the  British  Plenipotentiary  to  settle  the  controversy  by 
dividing  the  territory  in  dispute  by  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude,  offering 
at  the  same  time,  to  make  free  to  Great  Britain  any  port  or  ports  on  Van 
couver's  Island  south  of  this  latitude  which  the  British  Government  might 
desire.  The  British  Plenipotentiary  has  correctly  suggested  that  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Columbia  River  was  not  embraced  in  this  proposal  to 
Great  Britain ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  use  of  free  ports  on  the 
southern  extremity  of  this  island  had  not  been  included  in  former  offers." 
— Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  the  British  Minister,  August  30th, 
1845. 

*  "  The  English  Ambassador  expressed  the  wish  that  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  would  make  '  some  further  proposal  for  the  settle 
ment  of  the  Oregon  question,  more  consistent  with  fairness  and  equity, 
and  with  the  reasonable  expectations  of  the  British  Government.' " — Mr. 
FOLK'S  Message  to  Congress,  December,  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  35 

occupied  the  same  position  which  they  did  before 
it  was  made.  The  argument  is,  that  we  could  not 
refuse  an  oifer  we  were  blind  enough  to  make  our 
selves.  All  agree  that  the  President  could  not 
have  made  a  more  liberal  proposition ;  and  still,  in 
1818  and  in  1826,  our  Government  tendered  to 
Great  Britain  the  49th°  of  north  latitude,  together 
with  the  free  navigation  of  the  Columbia  River 
south  of  that  line.  Now  if  we  were  bound  to 
accept  as  liberal  an  offer  as  we  had  made,  we 
should  be  forced  to  accede  to  the  proposition  which 
we  proposed  in  1818  and  in  1826.  If  that  would 
not  have  been  admissible,  then  the  argument  fails 
to  exculpate  the  administration. 

The  announcement  by  Mr.  Polk  that  our  title 
was  good  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  Territory, 
was  supported  by  the  facts  which  were  fully  illus 
trated  in  that  celebrated  debate  in  Congress,  which 
Mr.  Adams  pronounced  the  ablest  he  had  ever 
listened  to.  The  territory  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains,  and  between  latitude  42°  and  61°,  un 
questionably  belonged  to  Spain  prior  to  the  Nootka 
Convention  between  that  country  and  England,  in 
1790;  and  it  is  important  to  ascertain  whether 
Spain  conveyed  the  sovereignty  which  she  pos 
sessed  in  Oregon  to  Great  Britain  by  the  terms  of 
that  convention.  To  determine  that  fact  it  is  only 
necessary  to  examine  the  third,  fourth,  and  fifth 
articles.*  By  the  third  article  it  was  simply  agreed 

*  "ART.  3.  In  order  to  strengthen  the  bonds  of  friendship,  and  to  pre 
serve  in  future  a  perfect  harmony  and  good  understanding  between  the 
two  contracting  parties,  it  is  agreed  that  their  respective  subjects  shall 


36  HISTORY     OF     THE 

that  the  subjects  of  the  two  high  contracting  parties 
should  have  the  right  of  trading  with  the  Indians 
and  navigating  the  waters  in  that  portion  of  the 
world,  and  to  make  settlements,  subject  to  the  re 
strictions  specified  in  the  subsequent  articles.  Ar 
ticle  4 tli  specified  that  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain 
should  not  navigate  or  carry  on  their  fishery  within 
ten  sea  leagues  from  any  part  of  the  coasts  occupied 
by  Spain.  It  is  difficult  to  imagine  what  rights 
England  could  have  had  where  such  particular 
language  was  used  to  guard  the  privileges  of  Span 
ish  subjects.  Article  5th  stated  that  all  islands, 
and  parts  of  the  northwestern  coasts  of  North 
America,  situate  to  the  north  of  the  part-s  of  i!i3 
•said  coa-st'S  already  occupied  Ijy  Spain,  should  be 


not  bo  disturbed  or  molested  either  in  navigating  or  carrying  on  their 
fisheries  in  the  Pacific  ocean  or  in  the  South  seas,  or  in  landing  on  the 
coasts  of  those  sens  in  places  not  already  occupied,  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  on  their  commerce  with  the  natives  of  the  country,  or  of  making 
settlements  there — the  whole  subject,  nevertheless,  to  the  restrictions 
specified  in  the  two  following  articles." 

"  ART.  4.  His  Britannic  Majesty  engages  to  take  the  most  effectual 
measures  to  prevent  the  navigation  and  the  fishing  of  his  subjects  in  the 
Pacific  ocean  or  in  the  South  seas  from  being  made  a  pretext  for  illicit 
trade  with  the  Spanish  settlements ;  and  with  this  view,  it  is  moreover 
expressly  stipulated,  that  British  subjects  shall  not  navigate,  or  carry  on 
their  fishery  in  the  said  seas,  within  the  space  of  ten  sea  leagues  from 
any  part  of  the  coasts  already  occupied  by  Spain. 

"  ART.  5.  As  well  in  the  places  which  are  to  be  restored  to  the  British 
subjects,  by  virtue  of  the  first  article,  as  in  all  other  parts  of  the  north 
western  coasts  of  North  America,  or  of  the  islands  adjacent,  situate  to 
the  north  of  the  parts  of  the  said  coast  already  occupied  by  Spain, 
wherever  the  subjects  of  either  of  the  two  powers  shall  have  made  settle 
ments  since  the  month  of  April,  1789,  or  shall  hereafter  make  any,  the 
subjects  of  the  other  shall  have  free  access,  and  shall  carry  on  their  trade 
without  any  disturbance  or  molestation." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  37 

open  to  the  subjects  of  both  nations  to  carry  on 
their  trade  without  disturbance  or  molestation.  It 
becomes  important  to  ascertain  what  was  the  most 
northern  point  "occupied"  by  Spain  in  1790.  Lieu 
tenant  Meares,  a  subject  of  Great  Britain,  estab 
lishes  conclusively  that  eighteen  months  before  the 
convention  of  1790  was  signed,  the  Spaniards  occu 
pied  Nootka,*  and  that  place  is  north  of  latitude 
49 J°.  All  that  England  can  make,  then,  out  of 
that  convention,  is  a  joint  right  of  trade  with  Spain 
in  the  country  north  of  latitude  49  i°.  At  the 
time  this  treaty  was  made  between  England  and 
Spain,  the  former  power  was  only  anxious  to  enable 
her  subjects  to  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  engage 
in  the  fisheries ;  there  is  not  the  slightest  evidence 
to  be  gathered  from  the  terms  of  the  convention, 
that  she  w^as  desirous  of  securing  for  her  subjects 
ike  permanent  possession  of  the  country.  This  is 
apparent  from  the  fact  that  the  principal  object  of 
the  convention  appears  to  have  been  to  place  restric 
tions  upon  the  right  of  trade  and  fishing,  so  that 
the  subjects  of  the  two  nations  might  not  interfere 
with  each  other,  and  the  limits  of  these  rights  were 

o 

defined  by  the  settlement  of  the  two  powers.  This 
convention  contained  no"  provisions  impairing  the 
sovereignty  of  Spain. 

All  the  rights  which  Spain  possessed  upon  the 


*  Meares'  expressions  are  that  Martinez  "  took  possession  of  the 
lands  belonging  to  your  memorialist,  hoisting  thereon  the  standard  of 
Spain,  and  performing  such  ceremonies  as  your  memorialist  is  informed 
are  usual  on  such  occasions.  He  then  proceeded  to  build  batteries,  store 
houses,  &c." — Memorial  of  LIEUT.  MEARES  to  the  British  Government. 


HISTOEY      OF     THE 

northwest  coast  were  ceeded  by  that  power  to  tlie 
United  States  by  the  treaty  of  1819.*   AdamJ 

The  title  which  we  acquired  to  that  country 
from  Spain  does  not  preclude  us  from  joining  to  it 
the  claim  which  was  made  by  the  United  States 
upon  the  ground  of  discoveries,  explorations,  and 
settlements.  In  May,  1792,  Captain  Grey,  in  the 
ship  Columbia  from  Boston,  entered  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  River,  sailed  up  the  stream  for  sev 
eral  miles,  and  gave  it  the  name  which  it  has  since 
borne.  It  is  true  that  the  British  commissioners  in 
1826,  in  the  statement  annexed  to  the  protocol 
of  the  sixth  conference,  asserted  that  Lieutenant 
Meares,  in  17 88,  entered  the  bay  of  the  Columbia. 
That  he  had  never  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Co 
lumbia  River  is  evident  from  the  statement  which 
he  made  in  his  journal.f  Tradition  had  located 
the  mouth  of  that  stream  in  the  latitude  where  it 
was  afterwards  found  by  Captain  Grey,  and  Lieu 
tenant  Meares  having  failed  to  discover  it,  expressed 
his  dissatisfaction  by  giving  to  the  promontory 


*  "  The  two  high  contracting  parties  agree  to  cede  and  renounce  all 
their  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions  to  the  territories  described  by  the 
said  line  :  that  is  to  say,  the  United  States  hereby  cede  to  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  and  renounce  for  ever  all  their  rights,  claims,  and  pretensions  to 
the  territories  lying  west  and  south  of  the  above  described  line,  (42°,) 
and  in  like  manner  his  Catholic  Majesty  cedes  to  the  United  States  all 
his  rights  and  claims  and  pretensions  to  any  territory  east  and  north  of 
the  said  line,  and  for  himself,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  renounces  all 
claim  to  the  said  territories  for  ever." — Treaty  of  1819,  between  the  United 
States  and  Spain. 

f  "  He  can  now  safely  assert  that  there  is  no  such  river  as  that  of  St. 
Roc  existing,  as  laid  down  in  the  Spanish  charts." — Journal  of  Lieut. 
MEARES. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  39 

the  name  of  Cape  Disappointment,  and  the  bay 
obtained  the  appellation  of  Deception  Bay.  But 
admitting  that  he  did  discover  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  River,  the  Portuguese  and  not  the  Eng 
lish  were  entitled  to  its  benefits/* 

The  next  question  is,  whether  we  followed  up 
our  discovery  soon  enough  by  exploration  and  set 
tlement,  to  perfect  our  title  ;  and  in  coming  to  a 
conclusion  upon  this  subject,  we  must  take  into  con 
sideration  the  great  distance  to  that  country,  and 
the  obstacles  which  nature  has  thrown  in  our  way. 
The  valley  of  the  Mississippi  was  not  then,  as  now, 
thronged  with  a  hardy  and  adventurous  population. 
Those  vast  prairies  which  spread  out  far  to  the  west 
ward,  had  never  been  traversed  by  the  white  man. 
The  solitude  of  those  gloomy  forests  had  never  been 
disturbed  by  any  thing  but  the  Indian  warwhoop,  and 

*  "  For  the  expedition  in  question,  two  vessels  were  fitted  out  at  the 
Portuguese  port  of  Macao,  near  Canton,  in  China,  from  which,  as  already 
mentioned,  several  voyages  had  been  previously  made  to  the  northwest 
coasts  of  America,  in  search  of  firs.  They  were  both  placed  under  the 
direction  of  John  Meares,  a  lieutenant  in  the  British  navy,  on  half  pay, 
who  sailed  in  the  ship  Felice,  as  supercargo ;  the  other  vessel,  the  brig 
Iphigenia,  also  carried  a  British  subject,  William  Douglass,  in  the  same 
capacity ;  both  vessels,  were,  however,  commanded,  ostensibly  at  least,  by 
Portuguese  captains  ;  they  were  both  furnished  with  passports  and  other 
papers  in  the  Portuguese  language,  granted  by  the  Portuguese  autho 
rities  of  Macao,  and  showing  them  to  be  the  property  of  Juan  Cavallo,  a 
Portuguese  merchant  of  that  place.  The  instructions  for  the  conduct  of 
the  voyage  were  written  only  in  the  Portuguese  language,  and  contained 
nothing  whatsoever  calculated  to  afford  the  slightest  grounds  for  suspi 
cion  that  other  than  Portuguese  subjects  were  interested  in  the  enter 
prise.  Finally,  the  vessels  sailed  from  Macao  on  the  1st  of  January, 
1788,  under  the  Portuguese  flag,  and  there  is  no  sufficient  proof  that  any 
other  was  displayed  by  them  during  the  expedition." — Greenhoiv's  His 
tory  of  Oregon,  p.  172. 


40  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

over  the  trackless  regions  of  tlie  Rocky  Mountains 
the  grisly  bear  roamed  unmolested.  With  all  these 
difficulties,  common  sense  would  lead  us  readily  to 
the  conclusion,  that  in  the  exploration  and  settle 
ment  of  Oregon,  it  was  done  in  a  reasonable  time, 
after  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Roc  by 
Captain  Grey.  In  May,  1804,  Lewis  and  Clark, 
commissioned  by  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  began  the  ascent  of  the  Missouri,  and  on  the 
15th  of  November,  1805,  they  arrived  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia.  This  was  evidence  to  the  nations 
of  the  earth,  that  our  Government  had  asserted  her 
title  to  the  territory.  In  March,  1811,  Astoria  was 
settled  by  a  colony  sent  from  New- York. 

From  the  admissions  and  acts  of  England,  our 
title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  can  be  adduced.  First. 
When  the  negotiations  of  1818  were  in  progress 
between  this  country  and  England,  no  claim  was 
urged  by  the  latter  power  to  the  territory  of  Ore 
gon  under  the  Nookta  Convention.  As  eager  as  the 
English  are  to  seize  every  pretext  for  the  extension 
of  their  boundaries,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
they  would  suffer  any  opportunity  to  pass,  without 
apprising  the  nations  of  the  earth  of  the  rights 
which  they  possess. 

Second.  Astoria  was  surrendered  to  the  United 
States  under  the  first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent, 
and  was  accepted  by  the  American  Commissioner.* 


*  "  In  obedience  to  the  commands  of  his  Royal  Highness,  the  Prince 
Regent,  signified  in  a  dispatch  from  the  Right  Honorable  the  Earl  Ba- 
thurst,  addressed  to  the  partners  or  agents  of  the  Northwest  Company, 
bearing  date  the  27th  of  January,  1818,  and  in  obedience  to  a  subsequent 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  41 

Third.  In  1819  we  acquired  all  the  rights  of 
Spain  to  the  northwest  coast,  north  of  the  42d  de 
gree  of  north  latitude,  without  any  protest  upon 
the  part  of  Great  Britain,  who  well  knew  that  Spain 
claimed  the  sovereignty  of  the  soil  as  far  north  as 
latitude  61°. 

Fourth.  By  the  convention  between  the  United 
States  and  Russia  in  1824,  the  boundary  between 
the  two  powers  was  fixed  in  latitude  54°  40'*.  We 
thus  ceded  to  Russia  6°  and  20',  or  an  extent  of 
country  along  the  coast  of  360  miles.  If  England 


order,  dated  the  26th  of  July,  from  W.  A.  Sheriff,  Esq.,  captain  of  his 
Majesty's  ship  Andromache,  we  the  undersigned,  do,  in  conformity  to  the 
first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  restore  to  the  Government  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  through  its  agent,  J.  B.  Prevost,  Esq.,  the  settlement  of  Fort 
George,  on  the  Columbia  river. 

"  Given  under  our  hands,  in  triplicate,  at  Fort  George,  (Columbia 
river,)  this  6th  day  of  October,  1818. 

«F.  HICKEY, 
"  Captain  of  his  Majesty's  ship  Blossom. 

"J.  KEITH, 
"  Of  the  Northwest  Company." 

"  I  do  hereby  acknowledge  to  have  this  day  received,  in  behalf  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States,  the  possession  of  the  settlement  desig 
nated  above,  in  conformity  to  the  first  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent. 
Given  under  my  hand,  in  triplicate,  at  Fort  George,  (Columbia  river,)  this 

6th  day  of  October,  1818. 

"  J.  B.  PREVOST, 

"  Agent  of  the  United  States." 

*  "  It  is  moreover  agreed,  that,  hereafter,  there  shall  not  be  formed  by 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
States,  any  establishment  upon  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  nor  in 
any  of  the  islands  adjacent  to  the  north  of  fifty-four  degrees  and  forty 
minutes  of  north  latitude  ;  and  in  the  same  manner,  there  shall  be  none 
formed  by  Russian  subjects,  or  under  the  authority  of  Russia,  south  of  the 
same  parallel." — Convention  between  the  United  States  and  Russia,  1824. 


42  IIISTOKYOFT1IE 

had  possessed  title  to  this  soil,  would  she  have  calmly 
and  quietly  suffered  it  to  be  traded  off  by  one  power 
to  another  ? 

Fifth.  So  far  from  objecting  to  the  establishment 
of  the  boundary  between  the  United  States  and 
Russia,  upon  the  parallel  of  54°  40',  and  a  conse 
quent  conveyance  to  Russia  of  6°  of  territory 
which  we  obtained  from  Spain,  England,  in  1825, 
established  her  boundary  with  Russia,  making  the 
parallel  of  54°  40'  the  basis.  By  that  convention 
England  obtained  from  Russia  an  extent  of  country 
three  hundred  and  sixty  miles  in  length,  which  the 
Russians  derived  from  the  United  States— the  latter 
power  holding  under  Spain.  And  yet  the  English 
Government  dispute  the  validity  of  our  Spanish 
title.* 

Sixth.  By  the  convention  of  1818,  England  had 
a  joint  right  of  trade  with  the  United  States,  in  the 
territories  possessed  by  both  powers  west  of  the 


*  ARTICLE  3.  ':  The  line  of  demarkation  between  the  possessions  of  the 
high  contracting  parties  upon  the  coast  of  the  continent,  and  the  islands 
of  America  to  the  northwest,  shall  be  drawn  in  the  manner  following : 
Commencing  from  the  northernmost  point  of  the  Island  called  Prince  of 
Wales's  Island,  which  point  lies  in  the  parallel  of  54°  40'  north  latitude, 
and  between  the  131st  and  133d  degree  of  west  longitude  (meridian  of 
Greenwich).  The  said  line  shall  ascend  to  the  north  along  the  channel 
called  Portland  channel,  as  far  as  the  point  of  the  continent  whore  it 
strikes  the  56th  degree  of  north  latitude.  From  this  last  mentioned  point 
the  line  of  demarkation  shall  follow  the  summit  of  the  mountains  situate 
parallel  to  the  coast,  as  far  as  the  point  of  intersection  of  the  141st  degree 
of  west  longitude  (of  the  same  meridian).  And,  finally,  from  the  said 
point  of  intersection,  the  said  meridian  line  of  the  141st  degree,  in  its  pro 
longation  as  far  as  the  Frozen  Ocean,  shall  form  the  limit  between  Rus 
sian  and  British  possessions  on  the  continent  of  America  to  the  north 
west." — Treaty  between  England  and  Russia,  1825. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  43 

Stony  Mountains.*  The  convention  of  1827,  in 
definitely  extended  and  continued  in  force  the  con 
vention  of  1818,  giving,  however,  to  either  of  the 
contracting  parties  the  right  to  abrogate  it  upon 
giving  to  the  other  party  twelve  months'  notice. 

England,  under  the  convention  of  1818,  had  a 
right  to  trade  between  the  42d  and  the  61st  degrees 
of  north  latitude,  as  our  title  embraced  the  terri 
tory  between  these  parallels.  But  between  the 
conventions  of  1818  and  1827,  the  convention  of 
1824  was  adopted  between  Russia  and  the  United 
States,  by  which  we  transferred  the  soil  north  of 
54°  40'  to  Russia,  and  consequently  when  the  con 
vention  of  1827  was  adopted,  England  had  not  the 
right  of  trade  even,  north  of  54°  40'.  It  is  not  to 
be  supposed  that  England,  if  she  had  rights  in  Ore 
gon  at  that  time,  would  have  suffered  them  to  be  so 
grossly  violated. 

But  there  is  another  treaty  which  precludes 
Great  Britain  from  setting  up  a  claim  to  territory 
west  of  the  Mississippi  river.  By  the  seventh  arti 
cle  of  the  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  France 


*  "  It  is  agreed  that  any  country  that  may  be  claimed  by  either  party 
on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  Mountains, 
shall,  together  with  its  harbors,  bays,  and  creeks,  and  the  navigation  of 
all  rivers  within  the  same,  be  free  and  open  for  the  term  of  ten  years  from 
the  date  of  the  signature  of  the  present  convention,  to  the  vessels,  citi 
zens,  and  subjects  of  the  two  powers  ;  it  being  well  understood  that  this 
agreement  is  not  to  be  construed  to  the  prejudice  of  any  claim  which 
either  of  the  two  high  contracting  parties  may  have  to  any  part  of  said 
country,  nor  shall  it  be  taken  to  affect  the  claims  of  any  other  power  or 
State  to  any  part  of  the  said  country,  the  only  object  of  the  high  contract 
ing  parties,  in  that  respect,  being  to  prevent  disputes  and  differences 
among  themselves." 


44  HISTORY      OF     THE 

in  1763,  tlie  boundary  between  the  two  countries  in 
the  new  world  was  fixed  irrevocably  in  the  middle 
of  the  Mississippi  river,  from  its  source  to  the  river 
Iberville,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  drawn  along 
the  middle  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes  Maurepas 
and  Pontchartrain,  to  the  sea.*  In  1803,  "France 
conveyed  to  the  United  States  whatever  rights  she 
acquired  to  the  territory  lying  west  of  the  Missis 
sippi  river  from  England,  by  the  treaty  of  1783. 

A  determination  to  enforce  the  claim  which  we 
had  to  the  territory  of  Oregon,  had  been  solemnly 
announced  in  various  forms  by  the  Government  of 
the  United  States.  The  recommendation  contained 
in  the  President's  message  to  Congress,  to  give  no 
tice  to  Great  Britain  that  the  joint  occupancy  of 
the  territory  of  Oregon  should  cease,  was  discussed 
at  ere  at  length  in  Congress.  A  debate  remarkable 

o  o 

for  its  ability,  and  the  display  of  varied  and  exten 
sive  acquirements,  followed  the  introduction  of  reso 
lutions  giving  the  twelve  months'  notice,  in  pursu 
ance  of  the  convention  of  1827.-  Masterly  inacti 
vity  was  proclaimed  by  the  distinguished  Senator 
from  South  Carolina,  as  the  true  policy  of  the  Uni 
ted  States.  Pecuniary  interests  and  sectional  feel 
ing  characterized  the  progress  of  that  discussion. 
Fears  were  manifested  that  the  country  would  be 
involved  in  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  resulting  in 

*  "  The  confines  between  the  dominions  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  in 
that  part  of  the  world  (the  continent  of  America)  shall  hejixed  irrevoca 
bly,  by  a  line  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Mississippi,  from  its 
source  to  the  river  Iberville,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  this  river,  and  the  lakes  Maurepas  and  Pontchartrain,  to  the 
sea." — Treaty  of  1763,  between  France  and  Great  Britain. 


POLK     ADHINISTEATION.  45 

the  destruction  of  our  commerce,  and  financial  em 
barrassment  and  ruin.  Southern  representatives 
gave  indications  of  a  willingness  to  surrender  a  por 
tion  of  the  territory,  to  destroy  the  growing  ascen 
dency  of  the  north.  The  characteristics  of  the 
members  from  the  two  great  sections  of  the  Con 
federacy  seemed  to  have  changed,  and  impassioned 
eloquence,  and  fiery  denunciation  breathed  through 
every  sentence  which  was  uttered  by  the  represen 
tatives  from  the  Northern  States  ;  while  a  tempori 
zing,  if  not  a  timid  policy,  controlled  many  of  the 
representatives  from  the  South.  After  a  long  and 
protracted  discussion,  the  resolutions  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives  on  the  9th  of  February, 
1846,*  163  members  voting  in  the  affirmative,  and 
54  in  the  negative.  Of  the  affirmative  votes,  124 
were  democrats,  and  39  were  whigs:  38  whigs 
voted  in  the  negative,  and  16  democrats.  It  will 

*  "  Joint  resolution  of  notice  to  Great  Britain  to"  annul  and  abrogate 
"  the  convention  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  of  the  sixth 
of  August,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  relative  to  the  country 
':  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  westward  of  the  Stony  Mountains,  - 
commonly  called  Oregon. 

"  Resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  cause  notice  to  be  given  to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain, 
that  the  convention  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  Great 
Britain,  concerning  the  territory  of  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  west 
of  the  Stony  or  Rocky  Mountains,  of  the  sixth  day  of  August,  eighteen 
hundred  and  twenty-seven,  signed  at  London,  shall  be  annulled  and  abro 
gated  twelve  months  after  giving  said  notice. 

"  Resolved,  That  nothing  herein  contained  is  intended  to  interfere  with 
the  right  and  discretion  of  the  proper  authorities  of  the  two  contracting 
parties,  to  renew  or  pursue  negotiations  for  an  amicable  settlement  of  the 
controversy  respecting  the  Oregon  territory." — Resolutions  lohich  passed 
the.  House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  February  9th,  1849. 


46  HIST  OK  Y      OF     THE 

be  discovered  tliat  a  large  majority  of  those  wlio 
voted  for  tlie  resolutions  were  democrats,  while  a 
large  majority  of  those  wlio  recorded  their  names 
in  the  negative,  were  whigs. 

The  resolutions  were  transmitted  to  the  Senate 
and  were  amended  in  that  body  by  a  vote  of  30  to 
24,  and,  as  amended,  they  passed  the  Senate  on  the 
16th  of  April,  1846.  Forty  Senators  voting  in  the 
affirmative  and  fourteen  in  the  negative.*  It  will 
be  discovered  that  there  was  a  striking  difference 
between  the  resolutions  passed  by  the  House  and 
by  the  Senate.  The  former  were  mandatory,  and 
directed  the  President  to  cause  notice  to  be  given, 
while  the  latter  threw  upon  the  Executive  the  en 
tire  responsibility  of  performing  that  act.  The 
House  resolutions  specified  that  it  was  not  the  in 
tention  of  that  body  to  interfere  with  the  right 
and  discretion  of  the  proper  authorities  to  renew 
or  pursue  negotiations  for  an  amicable  settlement 
of  the  controversy  respecting  the  Oregon  territory. 
The  resolutions  of  the  Senate  asked  the  earnest 
and  immediate  attention  of  both  Governments  to 
renewed  efforts  for  the  amicable  settlement  of  all 


*  "  And,  therefore,  steps  be  taken  for  the  abrogation  of  the  said  con 
vention  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  in  the  mode  prescribed  in  its  second 
article,  and  that  the  attention  of  the  Governments  of  both  countries  may 
be  the  more  earnestly  and  immediately  directed  to  renewed  efforts  for  the 
amicable  settlement  of  all  their  differences  and  disputes  in  respect  to  the 
said  territory. 

"  And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States 
be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized,  at  his  discretion,  to  give  to  the  British 
Government,  the  notice  required  by  its  said  second  article  for  the  abroga 
tion  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827." — Senate  Reso 
lutions. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  47 

their  differences  and  disputes  in  respect  to  said  ter 
ritory.  On  the  18th  of  April  the  House  proceeded 
to  amend  the  amendment  of  the  Senate,*  by  a  vote 
of  100  to  87,  and  as  amended  they  passed  "by  a 
vote  of  144  to  40.  A  motion  was  made  on  the 
20th  of  April,  by  Mr.  Allen  of  Ohio,  that  the 
Senate  agree  to  the  amendments,  which  was  nega 
tived  by  a  vote  of  29  to  21.  A  committee  of  con 
ference  was  appointed  by  ballot,  and  resulted  in 
the  selection  of  Messrs.  Berrien,  Haywood,  and 
Corwin.  Those  who  were  in  favor  of  enforcing  our 
rights  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  saw  in  the  selection 
of  this  committee  a  surrender  of  a  portion  of  that 
territory.  There  was  much  more  in  the  parliamen 
tary  tactics  of  the  opposition  members  of  the  Sen 
ate,  and  the  reserve  who  acknowledged  John  C. 
Calhoun  as  their  leader,  than  was  generally  sup 
posed.  Those  who  did  not  absolutely  deny  our 
title  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory,  still 
managed  by  an  evasive  and  subtle  policy  to  throw 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  a  prompt  adjustment  of  the 
question.  Instead  of  assuming  the  power  which 
justly  belonged  to  Congress  of  giving  the  notice  to 
Great  Britain,  they  were  determined  to  throw  the 
entire  responsibility  upon  the  Executive. 

The  Senate  committee  met  the  one  appointed 
by  the  House,  consisting  of  Messrs.  C.  J.  Ingersoll, 
Owen,  and  Hilly ard,  and  their  joint  efforts  pro- 

*  "  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States 
is  authorized  and  requested  to  give  to  the  British  Government  the  notice 
required  by  its  said  second  article  for  the  abrogation  of  the  convention  of 
the  6th  of  August,  1827." — Amendment  of  the  House  to  the  Amendment 
of  the  Senate,  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session  29#i  Congress,  p.  692. 


48  HISTORY      OF     THE 

duced  what  was  scarcely  regarded  as  a  compromise 
between  the  two  Houses.""  The  Senate  agreed  to 
the  report  of  the  committee  by  a  vote  of  42  to  10, 
and  the  House  by  a  vote  of  142  to  46.  Although 

«/  o 

the  report  which  thus  received  the  sanction  of  Con 
gress,  threw  the  responsibility  upon  Mr.  Polk  of 
giving  the  notice ;  many  members  who  voted  for  it 
were  resolutely  determined  to  enforce  our  claim 
to  every  foot  of  territory  to  which  we  were  enti 
tled.  They  gave  a  reluctant  vote  for  the  resolu 
tions,  because  there  was  no  probability  that  the 
Senate  would  abandon  the  position  which  they  had 
assumed.  They  also  had  a  perfect  reliance  in  the 
firmness  and  decision  of  the  Executive.  And  be 
lieving  that  the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy 

*  "  With  a  view,  therefore,  that  steps  be  taken  for  the  abrogation  of 
the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  in  the  mode  prescribed 
in  its  second  article,  and  that  the  attention  of  the  Governments  of  both 
countries  may  be  the  more  earnestly  directed  to  the  adoption  of  all  proper 
measures  for  a  speedy  and  amicable  adjustment  of  the  differences  and 
disputes  in  regard  to  the  said  territory — 

"  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That,  the  President  of  the 
United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  authorized,  at  his  discretion,  to  trive 
to  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  the  notice  require:!  by  the  second 
article  of  the  said  convention  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  for  the  abro 
gation  of  the  same. 

"C.  J.  IXGERSOLL, 
"  ROBERT  DALE  OWEN, 
"HENRY  W.  HILL  YARD, 
"  Committee  upon  the  part  of  the  House. 

"  JOHN  McPIIERSON  BERRIEN, 

"THOMAS  COR  WIN, 

"  WILLIAM  II.  HAYWOOD,  JR., 

"  Committee  upon  the  part  of  the  Senate." 

Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session  29/7i  Congress,  p.  720. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  49 

of  that  territory  was  the  only  means  of  settling  the 
qustion,  they  sanctioned  the  resolutions. 

The  notice  which  Congress  had  authorized  the 
President  to  give  the  English  Government  for  the 
termination  of  the  joint  occupation  of  Oregon  was 
communicated  soon  after  through  the  American 
Minister  at  London.*  This  was  followed  by  an 
offer  upon  the  part  of  Mr.  Packenham,  to  settle 
the  question  upon  the  basis  of  the  proposition  made 
by  Mr.  Polk  in  1845.  On  the  10th  of  June,  1846, 
the  Executive  transmitted  the  proposal  to  the  Sen-  \ 
ate,  and  solicited  the  advice  of  that  body  as .  to 
the  course  he  should  pursue.  He  stated  in  his  mes 
sage  that  the  opinions  which  he  had  expressed  in 
December,  1845,  were  unchanged;  and  that  if  the 
Senate  should  decline,  by  the  constitutional  rnajo- 


*  "  Now,  therefore,  after  a  careful  consideration  of  the  premises,  I, 
James  K.  Polk,  President  of  the  United  States,  in  the  exercise  of  the 
authority  and  discretion  vested  in  me  by  the  said  '  joint  resolution  con 
cerning  the  Oregon  Territory,'  and  in  pursuance  of  the  second  article  of 
the  convention  of  the  6th  of  August,  1827,  therein  mentioned,  do  hereby, 
in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  give  notice  to  her  Majesty,  the  Queen  of 
the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  that  at  the  end  of 
twelve  months  from  and  after  the  delivery  of  these  presents  by  the  Envoy 
Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  at  Lon 
don  to  her  Britannic  Majesty,  or  her  Majesty's  Principal  Secretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  the  said  convention  shall  be  entirely  annulled  and 
abrogated. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I   have   caused   the   seal  of  the   United 
States  to  be   hereunto  affixed,  given  under  my  hand  at  the 
[L.  s.]     City  of  Washington,  this  twenty  eighth-day  of  April,  A.  D. 
1846,  and  of  the   Independence   of  the   said  States  the  sev 
entieth. 

«  JAMES  K.  POLK. 
"  By  the  President, 

"  JAMES  BUCHANAN,  Secretary  of  State." 
4 


50  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

rity,  to  advise  Mm  to  accept  the  proposition,  lie 
should  reject  it.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  should, 
"by  the  majority  required  to  ratify  a  treaty,  advise 
him  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  British  Government, 
he  would  do  so.* 

In  this  communication  he  committed  himself  to 
the  action  of  the  Senate,  and  it  was  well  understood 
at  Washington  what  advice  that  body  would  give 

*  "  To  the  Senate  of  flic  United  States. 

"  I  lay  before  the  Senate  a  proposal,  in  the  form  of  a  convention,  pre 
sented  to  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  sixth  instant,  by  the  Envoy  Ex 
traordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  her  Britannic  Majesty,  for  the 
adjustment  of  the  Oregon  question,  together  with  a  protocol  of  this  pro 
ceeding.  1  submit  this  proposal  to  the  consideration  of  the  Senate,  and 
request  their  advice  as  to  the  action  which,  in  their  judgment,  it  may  be 
proper  to  take  in  reference  to  it. 

"  In  the  early  periods  of  the  Government,  the  opinion  and  advice  of 
the  Senate  were  often  taken  in  advance  upon  important  questions  of  our 
foreign  policy.  General  Washington  repeatedly  consulted  the  Senate, 
and  asked  their  previous  advice  upon  pending  negotiations  with  foreign 
powers,  and  the  Senate  in  every  instance  responded  to  his  call  by  giving 
their  advice,  to  which  he  always  conformed  his  action.  This  practice, 
though  rarely  resorted  to  in  later  times,  was,  in  my  judgment,  eminently 
wise,  and  may,  on  occasions  of  great  importance,  be  properly  revived. 
The  Senate  are  a  branch  of  the  treaty-making  power ;  and.  by  consult 
ing  them  in  advance  of  his  own  action  upon  important  measures  of  for 
eign  policy  which  may  ultimately  come  before  them  for  their  considera 
tion,  the  President  secures  harmony  of  action  between  that  body  and 
himself. 

':  My  opinions  and  my  action  on  the  Oregon  question  were  fully  made 
known  to  Congress  in  my  annual  message  of  the  2d  of  December  last, 
and  the  opinions  therein  expressed  remain  unchanged.  Should  the  Sen 
ate,  by  the  constitutional  majority  required  for  the  ratification  of  treaties, 
advise  the  acceptance  of  this  proposition,  or  advise  it  with  such  modifica 
tions  as  they  may,  upon  full  deliberation,  deem  proper.  T  shall  conform 
my  action  to  their  advice.  Should  the  Senate,  however,  decline  by  such 
constitutional  majority  to  give  such  advice,  or  to  express  an  opinion  on 
the  subject,  I  shall  consider  it  my  duty  to  reject  the  offer." — Message  of 
Mr.  POLK  to  the  Senate,  June  IQtli,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  51 

him.  To  reject  the  proposal  of  the  English  Gov 
ernment  would  have  brought  him  into  collision 
with  a  large  majority  of  the  Senate.  The  nerves 
which  had  remained  unmoved  during  many  polit 
ical  struggles,  and  the  firmness  which  had  often 
overcome  the  most  fiery  opposition,  where  the 
cheeks  of  the  resolute  and  bold  blanched  with  ter 
ror,  were  shaken  at  the  prospect  of  a  rupture  with 
Great  Britain  unsanctioned  by  one  branch  of  the 
legislative  power. 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  Executive  message, 
Mr.  Allen  moved  that  it  be  referred  to  the  Com 
mittee  on  Foreign  Relations,  of  which  he  was  chair 
man.  This  proposition  was  rejected  by  the  deci 
sive  vote  of  37  to  9.  A  resolution  was  then  intro 
duced  advising  the  President  to  accept  the  pro 
posal  of  the  British  Government.  Mr.  Mies  moved 
to  amend  that  proposition*  by  providing  that  the 
right  to  navigate  the  Columbia  River  by  the  Hud 
son  Bay  Company,  and  all  British  subjects  trading 
with  them,  be  limited  to  the  year  1863.  This 
amendment  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  31  to  10,  and 
the  resolution  as  originally  introduced  was  passed 
by  a  vote  of  38  to  12.f  Two  more  than  the  re 
quisite  number  of  votes  were  given  in  favor  of  the 

*  "  Resolved,  That  the  right  of  navigating  the  Columbia  River,  se 
cured  to  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  to  all  British  subjects  trading 
with  the  same,  be  limited  to  the  year  A.  D.  1863,  when  it  shall  cease  and 
determine." — Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session  29th  Congress,  p.  1223. 

f  "  Resolved,  (two-thirds  of  the  Senators  present  concurring,)  That 
the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  advised  to  accept 
the  proposal  of  the  British  Government,  accompanying  his  message  to  the 
Senate,  dated  10th  June,  1846,  for  a  convention  to  settle  boundaries  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  west  of  the  Rocky  or  Stony 
Mountains . ' ' — /  bi  d. 


52  HISTORY     OF     THE 

acceptance  by  the  President  of  the  offer  made  by 
Great  Britain. 

On  the  16th  of  June  a  message  was  received 
from  the  President  of  the  United  States  announcing 
the  fact,  that  a  convention  between  the  two  Gov 
ernments  for  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  boun 
dary,  had  been  signed  on  the  day  before.*  On  the 

*  "  Convention  between  the  United  States  of  America  and  her  Ma 
jesty,  the  Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britian  and  Ireland, 
concluded  at  Washington,  the  15th  of  June,  1846. 

"  The  United  States  of  America  and  her  Majesty,  the  Queen  of  the 
United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  deeming  it  to  be  desirable 
for  the  future  welfare  of  both  Governments,  that  the  state  of  doubt  and 
uncertainty  which  has  hitherto  prevailed  respecting  the  sovereignty  and 
government  of  the  territory  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  lying 
westward  of  the  Rocky  or  Stony  Mountains,  should  be  finally  terminated 
by  an  amicable  compromise  of  the  rights  mutually  asserted  by  the  two 
parties  over  the  said  territory,  have  respectively  named  plenipotentiaries 
to  treat  and  agree  concerning  the  terms  of  such  settlement :  that  is  to 
say,  The  President  of  the  United  States  of  America  has  on  his  part 
furnished  with  full  powers  James  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State  of  the 
United  States,  and  her  Majesty,  the  Queen  of  the  United  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  has  on  her  part,  appointed  the  right  honorable 
Richard  Packenham,  a  member  of  her  Majesty's  most  honorable  Privy 
Council,  and  her  Majesty's  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary  to  tho  United  States,  who.  after  having  communicated  to  each 
other  their  respective  full  powers,  found  in  good  and  due  form,  have 
agreed  upon  and  concluded  the  following  articles  : 

"  ART.  I.  From  the  point  on  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude 
where  the  boundary  laid  down  in  existing  treaties  and  conventions  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  terminates,  the  line  of  boun 
dary  between  the  territories  of  the  United  States  and  those  of  her  Bri 
tannic  Majesty  shall  be  continued  westward  along  the  said  forty-ninth 
parallel  of  north  latitude  to  the  middle  of  the  channel  which  separates 
the  continent  from  Vancouver's  Island,  and  thence  southerly  through  the 
middle  of  the  said  channel  and  of  Fuca's  Straits  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
Provided,  however,  that  the  navigation  of  the  whole  of  the  said  channel 
and  straits,  south  of  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  remain  free 
and  open  to  both  parties. 

"  ART.  II.  From  the  point  at  which  the  forty-ninth  parallel  of  north 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION 


18th  of  June,  1846,  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of  41  to 
14,  advised  and  consented  to  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty.* 

latitude  shall  be  found  to  intersect  the  great  northern  branch  of  the  Co 
lumbia  River,  the  navigation  of  the  said  branch  shall  be  free  and  open  to 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  and  to  all  British  subjects  trading  with  the 
same,  to  the  point  where  the  said  branch  meets  the  main  stream  of  the 
Columbia,  and  thence  down  the  said  main  stream  to  the  ocean,  with  free 
access  into  and  through  the  said  river  or  rivers  ;  it  being  understood  that 
all  the  usual  portages  along  the  line  thus  described  shall  in  like  manner 
be  free  and  open.  In  navigating  the  said  river  or  rivers,  British  subjects, 
with  their  goods  and  produce,  shall  be  treated  on  the  same  footing  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States  ;  it  being,  however,  always  understood  that 
nothing  in  this  article  shall  be  construed  as  preventing,  or  intending  to 
prevent,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  from  making  any  regu 
lations  respecting  the  navigation  of  the  said  river  or  rivers,  not  incon 
sistent  with  the  present  treaty. 

"  ART.  III.  In  the  future  appropriation  of  the  territory  south  of  the 
forty-ninth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  as  provided  in  the  first  article  of  this 
treaty,  the  possessory  rights  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  of  all 
British  subjects  who  may  be  already  in  the  occupation  of  land  or  other 
property,  lawfully  acquired  within  the  said  territory,  shall  be  respected. 

"  ART.  IV.  The  farms,  lands,  and  other  property  of  every  description, 
belonging  to  the  Paget's  Sound  Agricultural  Company,  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Columbia  River,  shall  be  confirmed  to  the  said  company.  In  case, 
however,  the  situation  of  those  farms  and  lands  should  be  considered  by 
the  United  States  to  be  of  public  and  political  importance,  and  the  United 
States  Government  should  signify  a  desire  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
whole  or  any  part  thereof,  the  property  so  required  shall  be  transferred  to 
the  said  Government,  at  a  proper  valuation  to  be  agreed  upon  between  the 
parties. 

"  ART.  V.  The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and  by  her 
Britannic  Majesty,  and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  at  London  at 
the  expiration  of  six  months  from  the  date  hereof,  or  sooner  if  possible. 

In  witness  whereof,  the  respective  plenipotentiaries  have  signed  the 
same,  and  have  affixed  thereto  the  seals  of  their  arms. 

Done  at  Washington  the  fifteenth  day  of  June,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-six. 

[L.  s.]  «  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

[L.  s.]  «  RICHARD  PACKENHAM." 

*  Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  were  Messrs.  Archer,  Ashley, 


54  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Bagby,  Barrow,  Benton,  Berrien,  Calhoun,  Chalmers,  Thomas  Clayton, 
John  M.  Clayton,  Colquitt,  Corvvin,  Critter  den,  Davis,  Dayton,  Dix,  Evans, 
Green,  Hay  wood,  Houston,  Huntington,  Johnson  of  Maryland,  Johnson 
of  Louisiana,  Lewis,  McDuffie,  Mangum,  Miller,  Moorehead,  Niles,  Pearce, 
Penybacker,  Phelps,  Rusk,  Sevier,  Simmons,  Speight,  Turney,  Upham, 
Webster,  Woodbridge,  and  Yulee. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  were  Messrs.  Allen,  Atchison, 
Atherton,  Breese,  Bright,  Cameron,  Cass,  Dickenson,  Fairfield,  Hannegan, 
Jenness,  Semple,  Sturgeon,  and  Westcott. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  55 


CHAPTER  III. 

Different  races  in  Mexico. — The  information  is  received  there  that  Joseph 
Bonaparte  was  placed  upon  the  throne  of  Spain. — Course  pursued  by  the 
Mexicans. — Rupture  between  the  Natives  and  Europeans. — Insurrection 
headed  by  Hidalgo. — Plan  of  Igualo. — Iturbide  proclaimed  Emperor. — He 
is  banished,  and  on  his  return  to  Mexico,  is  shot. — Revolutions. — Santa 
Anna  elected  President. — Texas  Revolution. 

THE  war  with.  Mexico  occupied  much  of  the  atten 
tion  of  the  administration.  Mr.  Polk  had  no  sooner 
taken  the  oath  of  office,  than  he  found  our  relations 
with  that  country  .were  extremely  delicate.  No 
efforts  which  he  could  make,  appeared  to  appease 
the  Mexicans,  or  to  induce  them  to  act  in  good  faith 
towards  us. 

It  is  now  my  purpose  to  trace  the  events  which 
preceded  the  commencement  of  hostilities  upon  the 
Rio  Grande,  and  to  follow  our  victorious  troops 
through  their  triumphant  progress,  until  the  capital 
of  Mexico  surrendered  to  their  prowess  and  valor. 

Before  examining  into  the  immediate  causes  of 
the  war  with  Mexico,  I  will  briefly  refer  to  the 
prominent  revolutions  which  occurred  in  that  coun 
try  previous  to  that  event.  The  contest  was  waged 
with  a  so  called  republic :  yet  Mexico  hardly  de 
serves  the  name.  Since  the  struggle  terminated, 
which  produced  a  separation  from  Spain,  Mexico 
has  been  the  theatre  of  anarchy  and  blood.  Revo- 


56  HISTORY      OF     THE 

lution  and  violence  have  succeeded  each  other  in 
rapid  succession.  The  existence  of  each  govern 
ment  has  seldom  lasted  longer  than  two  years,  and 
instability  and  misrule  have  always  controlled  the 
fortunes  of  the  Mexicans.  This  result,  so  fatal  to 
law  and  order,  has  undoubtedly  been  produced  by 
the  peculiar  mental  organization  of  that  people,  and 
the  amalgamation  of  the  different  races,  which  are 
found  within  the  borders  of  Mexico. 

The  people  are  divided  into  seven  great  classes : 
1st,  the  Europeans  ;  2d,  the  Creoles  or  whites,  of 
pure  European  blood,  but  horn  in  America  ;  3d,  the 
Indians ;  4th,  the  mestizos,  or  mixed  breeds  of 
whites  and  Indians ;  5th,  the  mulattoes,  or  descend 
ants  of  whites  and  negroes  ;  6th,  the  negroes  ;  and 
7th,  the  descendants  of  negroes  and  Indians,  The 
pure  Indians,  in  1803,  exceeded  two  millions  and  a 
half,  and  at  the  time  of  the  revolution  there  were 
only  eighty  thousand  Europeans.  Among  such  a 
motley  collection,  perhaps  it  would  be  too  much  to 
anticipate  the  prevalence  of  republicanism. 

The  first  manifestation  of  excessive  zeal  exhi 
bited  by  the  Mexicans  in  the  affairs  of  the  mother 
country,  was  upon  the  reception  of  the  news  that 
the  Spanish  Bourbons  had  been  dethroned,  and  the 
crown  usurped  by  a  Bonaparte. 

In  July,  1808,  a  determination  was  manifested 
throughout  Spanish  America,  to  sustain  the  cause 
of  the  dethroned  princes.  Iturrigaray,  the  viceroy, 
proclaimed  the  establishment  of  the  Spanish  Junta, 
and  required  the  ayuntamiento  to  yield  obedience 
to  its  orders.  Although  they  were  true  to  Ferdi- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  57 

nand,  still  they  refused  obedience  to  the  junto,  and 
proposed  the  creation  of  a  similar  body  in  Mexico,- 
and  Iturrigaray  was  inclined  to  yield  to  their  wishes. 
Probably  this  determination  was  manifested  upon 
the  part  of  the  ayuntamiento,  because  a  majority 
of  them  were  natives  of  the  soil;  and  there  was 
exhibited  a  jealousy  of  the  mother  country.  The 
audiencia  was  composed  of  the  civil  and  military 
officers  sent  out  from  Spain ;  there  was  a  natural 
antipathy,  then,  between  this  body  and  the  natives 
of  Mexico.  Finding  the  remonstrances  ineffectual, 
which  they  urged  against  the  course  of  the  ayunta 
miento,  the  audiencia  seized  the  person  of  Iturri 
garay,  and  confined  him  in  the  palace.  This  act  of 
violence  rendered  the  rupture  complete  between 
the  Europeans  and  the  natives  of  the  soil ;  and  from 
that  time  commenced  those  dissensions  which  termi 
nated  in  tearing  from  the  crown  of  Spain  its  bright 
est  jewel.  For  the  time,  however,  the  audiencia 
triumphed  and  overcame  all  opposition  to  the  cen 
tral  junto.  About  this  time,  Don  Francisco  Xavier 
Vanegas  was  appointed  to  the  viceroy alty  of  Mex 
ico.  This  appointment  proved  most  unfortunate  for 
the  interest  of  Spain  in  the  new  world.  Passion 
ate,  headstrong  and  violent,  he  was  totally  unfitted 
for  a  position  of  so  much  importance,  and  hastened 
the  crisis,  which  even  the  most  prudent  could  not 
long  delay.  At  this  moment  there  appeared  upon 
the  stage,  a  man  whose  genius  and  patriotism  at 
once  aroused  the  slumbering  energies  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  and  gave  an  impetus  to  the  revolutionary  spi 
rit,  which  soon  involved  the  whole  country  in  the 
turmoils  and  violence  of  an  insurrection. 


58  JUST  OK  Y     OF     THE 

That  man  was  Don  Miguel  Hidalgo  Y  Costilla. 
•lie  was  tlie  cnra  or  priest  of  Dolores.  He  was 
thoughtful  and  inquiring,  possessing  undoubted  abi 
lity,  and  whatever  acts  of  barbarity  lie  may  have 
committed  in  his  subsequent  career,  he  was  never 
theless  a  man  of  kindly  and  generous  impulses. 
His  attention  had  been  turned  to  agricultural  pur 
suits.  He  had  introduced  the  silk-worm,  and  had 
planted  around  his  habitation  the  vine.  These  were 
destroyed,  and  this  act  of  injustice  aroused  his  re 
sentment.  The  barbarities  which  he  daily  saw  in 
flicted  upon  his  countrymen,  were  now  illustrated  in 
his  own  case.  By  his  eloquence  and  fiery  ardor,  he 
aroused  the  indignation  of  his  neighbors,  who  flocked 
to  his  standard,  and  he  soon  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  fifty  thousand  raw  and  undisciplined  troops. 
Several  battles  were  lost  and  won ;  victory  alter 
nately  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  Spaniards  and 
Mexicans,  until  July,  1811,  when  Hidalgo  was  taken 
prisoner  and  shot.  With  his  death  almost  expired 
the  hopes  of  the  patriots.  It  is  true,  in  different 
parts  of  the  country  the  contest  was  continued  by 
broken  divisions  of  the  Mexican  army,  with  varied 
success,  until  the  Congress  was  forcibly  dissolved  by 
the  Mexican  General  Teran.  This  resulted  in  the 
overthrow,  in  quick  succession,  of  Victoria,  Bravo, 
Eayan,  Guerrero,  and  Teran. 

These  disasters  were,  to  a  certain  extent,  com 
pensated  by  the  introduction  into  Mexico  of  the 
Spanish  constitution,  in  1812.  This  event  for  a 
while  gave  satisfaction  to  the  Mexicans,  but  the 
germ  of  Independence  which  began  to  bud  during 


POLK     ADMINISTE  ATT  ON.  59 

the  first  insurrection  gradually  expanded  into  full 
bloom,  and  on  the  24th  of  February,  1821,  Iturbide, 
then  in  the  service  of  Spain,  assembled  the  chief 
officers  of  his  army  at  Iguala,  and  presented  them 
a  set  of  propositions  for  the  institution  of  a  national 
government,  which  are  termed  in  the  history  of 
that  country,  "the  plan  of  Iguala."  It  proposed 
that  Mexico  should  form  an  independent  empire, 
the  throne  being  offered  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and 
in  the  event  of  his  refusal,  to  the  other  princes  of 
his  family,  in  succession.* 

The  independence  of  Mexico  dates  from  this 
movement.  Not  satisfied  with  the  establishment  of 
a  republican  form  of  government,  Iturbide  usurped 
the  supreme  authority.  In  1824  he  was  proclaimed 
Emperor.  A  revolution  which  quickly  succeeded, 
expelled  him  from  power,  and  he  was  banished  from 
the  land.  Returning,  however,  against  his  express 
stipulations,  he  was  arrested  in  July,  1824,  and  im 
mediately  shot.f 

*  1.  "That  Mexico  should  form  an  independent  empire,  the  crown  of 
which  should  be  offered  to  the  king  of  Spain,  and  in  the  event  of  his  re 
fusal,  to  the  other  princes  of  his  family  in  succession,  on  condition  that 
the  person  accepting  should  reside  in  the  country,  and  should  swear  to 
observe  a  constitution  to  be  fixed  by  a  congress. 

2.  "  That  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  should  be  supported,  and  the 
rights,  immunities,  and  property  of  its  clergy  should   be  preserved  and 
secured. 

3.  "  That  all  the  actual  inhabitants  of  Mexico,  whatever  might  be 
their  birth-place  or  descent,  should  enjoy  the  same  civil  rights." 

STATEMENT  OF  ITURBIDE. 

f  "  The  epoch  in  which  I  have  lived  has  been  a  critical  one ;  equally 
critical  is  the  moment  at  which  I  am  about  to  submit  to  the  world  a  sketch 
of  my  political  career.  The  public  are  not  uninformed  of  my  name,  or 


60  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Subsequently  to  that  event,  and  previous  to  the 
year  1828,  one  revolution  succeeded  another  in 
quick  succession.  Violence,  misrule  and  mob  law 

of  my  actions  ;  but  they  have  known  both  through  a  medium  greatly  dis 
colored  by  the  interests  of  those  persons  who  have  transmitted  them  to 
distant  countries.  There  is  one  great  nation  particularly,  in  which  seve 
ral  individuals  have  disapproved  of  my  conduct,  and  have  misrepresented 
my  character.  It  becomes  my  duty,  therefore,  to  relate  my  own  history. 
I  shall  tell,  with  the  frankness  of  a  soldier,  both  what  I  have  been  and 
what  1  am.  My  actions  and  their  motives  may  thus  be  fairly  judged  by 
every  impartial  person  of  the  present  age,  still  more  by  posterity.  I  know 
no  other  passion  or  interest  save  that  of  transmitting  to  my  children  a 
name  which  they  need  not  be  ashamed  to  bear. 

"  It  would  be  an  idle  waste  of  time  to  set  about  refuting  the  various 
attacks  which  have  been  circulated  against  me ;  they  are  framed  in  terms 
calculated  only  to  reflect  dishonor  upon  their  authors. 

"  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  break  the  chains  which  enthralled  my 
country  :  I  proclaimed  her  independence  :  I  yielded  to  the  voice  of  a  grate 
ful  and  a  generous  people,  and  allowed  myself  to  be  seated  on  a  throne 
which  I  had  created,  and  had  destined  for  others :  I  repressed  the  spirit  of 
intrigue  and  disorder.  These  are  my  crimes  ;  notwithstanding  which  I 
now  appear,  and  shall  continue  to  appear,  with  as  sincere  a  countenance 
before  the  Spaniards  and  their  king,  as  I  have  worn  before  the  Mexicans 
and  their  new  rulers.  To  both  countries  I  have  rendered  important  servi 
ces,  though  neither  knew  how  to  profit  by  the  advantages  which  I  acquired 
for  them. 

"  In  the  year  1810, 1  was  simply  a  subaltern  officer  ;  a  lieutenant  in 
the  provincial  regiment  of  Valladolid,  my  native  city.  It  is  well  known, 
that  the  individuals  who  serve  in  those  troops  receive  no  pay.  The  mili 
tary  profession  was  not  the  principal  object  of  my  pursuit.  I  possessed  an 
independence,  and  attended  to  the  improvement  of  my  property,  without 
disturbing  my  mind  with  the  desire  of  obtaining  public  employments.  I 
did  not  stand  in  need  of  them,  either  for  the  purpose  of  affording  rne  a 
subsistence,  or  of  adding  distinction  to  my  name,  as  it  pleased  Providence 
to  give  me  an  honorable  origin,  which  my  forefathers  have  never  stained, 
and  which  down  to  my  time  all  my  kinsmen  have  supported  by  their 
conduct. 

"  When  the  revolution,  set  on  foot  by  Don  Miguel  Hidalgo,  curate  of 
Dolores,  broke  out,  he  offered  me  the  rank  of  lieutenant-general.  The 
offer  was  one  that  might  have  tempted  any  young  man  without  experience, 
and  at  an  age  when  his  ambition  might  be  excited.  I  declined  it,  howev- 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  61 

prevailed  throughout  the  land.  In  1828,  Santa 
Anna,  who  was  then  Governor  of  Vera  Cruz,  insti 
gated  a  revolt  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  was,  by 

er,  because  I  was  satisfied  that  the  plans  of  the  curate  were  ill  contrived, 
and  that  they  would  produce  only  disorder,  massacre,  and  devastation, 
without  accomplishing  the  object  which  he  had  in  view.  The  result 
demonstrated  the  truth  of  my  predictions.  Hidalgo,  and  those  who  fol 
lowed  his  example,  desolated  the  country,  destroyed  private  property,  deep 
ened  the  hatred  between  the  Americans  and  Europeans,  sacrificed  thou 
sands  of  victims,  obstructed  the  fountains  of  public  wealth,  disorganized 
the  army,  annihilated  industry,  rendered  the  condition  of  the  Americans 
worse  than  it  was  before,  by  exciting  the  Spaniards  to  a  sense  of  the  dan 
gers  which  threatened  them  ;  they  moreover  corrupted  the  manners  of  the 
people,  and  far  from  obtaining  independence,  increased  the  obstacles  which 
were  opposed  to  it. 

"  If,  therefore,  I  took  up  arms  at  that  epoch,  it  was  not  to  make  war 
against  the  Americans,  but  against  a  lawless  band  who  harassed  the  coun 
try.  The  Mexican  Congress,  at  a  later  period,  proposed  that  statues 
should  be  erected  to  the  leaders  of  that  insurrection,  and  that  funeral 
honors  should  be  paid  to  the  ashes  of  those  who  perished  in  it.  I  have 
warred  with  those  chiefs,  and  I  should  war  with  them  again  under  similar 
circumstances.  The  word  insurrection  in  that  instance  did  not  mean  in 
dependence  and  equal  liberty  ;  its  object  was,  not  to  reclaim  the  rights  of 
the  nation,  but  to  exterminate  all  the  Europeans,  to  destroy  their  posses 
sions,  and  to  trample  on  the  laws  of  war,  humanity,  and  religion.  The 
belligerent  parties  gave  no  quarter :  disorder  presided  over  the  operations 
on  both  sides,  though  it  must  be  acknowledged,  that  one  party  are  censu 
rable,  not  only  for  the  evils  which  they  caused,  but  also  for  having  pro 
voked  the  other  party  to  retaliate  the  atrocities  which  were  perpetrated 
by  their  enemies. 

"  About  the  month  of  October,  in  the  year  1810, 1  was  offered  a  safe 
conduct  for  my  father  and  family,  together  with  assurances  that  his  pro 
perty  and  mine  should  be  exempted  from  conflagration  and  plunder,  and 
that  the  people  attached  to  them  should  not  be  subject  to  assassination 
(which  was  at  that  time  a  matter  of  ordinary  occurrence),  on  the  sole 
condition  that  I  should  quit  the  standard  of  the  king  and  remain  neutral. 
These  propositions  were  made  to  me  by  the  leaders  of  that  disastrous  in 
surrection,  and  are  well  known  to  the  Mexicans.  I  was  then  at  San 
Felipe  del  Obraje,  commanding  a  small  detachment  of  infantry,  and  at  a 
distance  of  four  leagues  from  me  was  Hidalgo  with  a  considerable  force. 
I  gave  the  same  answers  to  these  overtures,  as  to  the  propositions  already 


G2  HISTORY     OF     THE 

the  Congress  of  the  Republic,  proclaimed  an  out 
law.  Even  at  that  early  period  in  his  career,  he 
was  remarkable  for  his  wily  and  subtle  policy,  and 

mentioned.  I  always  looked  upon  that  man  as  criminal,  who,  in  a  season 
of  political  convulsions,  sheltering  himself  in  cowardly  indolence,  re 
mained  a  cold  spectator  of  the  evils  which  oppressed  his  country,  and 
made  no  effort  to  mitigate,  at  least,  if  he  could  not  remove,  the  sufferings 
of  his  fellow-citizens.  I  therefore  kept  the  field,  with  a  view  equally  to 
serve  the  king,  the  Spaniards,  and  the  Mexicans. 

"  I  was  in  consequence  engaged  in  several  expeditions,  and  had  the 
good  fortune  to  see  victory  never  desert  the  troops  under  my  command, 
except  on  one  inconsiderable  occasion  (in  1815),  when  I  made  an  attack 
on  Coporo,  a  military  point  which  was  well  fortified,  and  inaccessible  from 
the  nature  of  the  ground.  I  then  served  under  the  orders  of  Llanos,  a 
Spanish  General.  He  commanded  me  to  attack  the  place ;  delicacy  for 
bade  me  to  offer  any  opposition  to  his  mandate,  though  I  was  fully  con 
vinced  that  the  result  could  not  be  favorable.  As  soon  as  I  was  on  the 
march,  I  communicated  my  opinion  to  the  general  by  dispatch  :  I  retreat 
ed,  as  1  had  foreseen  I  should  do,  but  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  preserve 
four-fifths  of  my  force,  in  an  action  in  which  I  apprehended  that  I  should 
have  lost  the  whole. 

';  I  engaged  with  the  enemy  as  often  as  he  offered  battle,  or  as  I  came 
near  him,  frequently  with  inferior  numbers  on  my  part.  I  led  the  sieges 
of  several  fortified  places,  from  which  I  dislodged  the  enemy,  and  I  ren 
dered  them  incapable  of  serving  afterwards  as  asylums  for  the  discon 
tented.  I  iiad  no  other  opponents  than  those  of  the  cause  which  I  defend 
ed,  nor  any  other  rivals  than  those  who  were  envious  of  my  success. 

"  Tn  1816  the  provinces  of  Guanajuato  and  Valladolid.  and  the  army 
of  the  north,  were  under  my  command  ;  but  I  resigned  my  office  through 
a  sense  of  delicacy,  and  retired  to  pursue  my  natural  disposition,  in  the 
cultivation  of  my  estates.  The  reason  of  my  resignation  was  this  :  two 
inhabitants  of  Querataro,  who  were  subsequently  assisted  bv  four  or  live 
families  in  Guanajuato,  three  of  which  consisted  of  the  families  of  three 
brothers,  and  ought  therefore  to  be  considered  as  one,  sent  a  memorial 
against  me  to  the  viceroy.  Many  were  the  crimes  of  which  they  accused 
me ;  they  could  not,  however,  find  one  witness  to  support  their  charges, 
though  I  had  resigned  for  the  purpose  of  removing  every  obstacle  to 
their  coming  forward,  by  taking  away  the  motives  of  hope  on  the  one 
side,  or  of  fear  on  the  other.  The  families  of  the  countess  dowao-er  of 
Rul.  and  of  Alaman,  gave  proof,  by  abandoning  the  accusation,  that  they 
had  been  taken  by  surprise,  and  that  they  had  been  deceived.  The  vice- 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  63 

sustained  by  the  gallant  and  ever-faithful  citizens 
of  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz,  he  made  a  bold  stand 
against  the  authorities  of  the  country.  Alternately 

roys,  Calleja  and  Apodaca,  took  cognizance  of  the  matter,  and  after  hear 
ing  the  reports  of  the  ayuntamientos,  the  curates,  the  political  chiefs,  the 
commandants  and  military  chiefs,  and  of  all  the  most  respectable  persons 
in  the  two  provinces,  and  the  army  (who  not  only  made  my  cause  their 
own,  but  gave  me  tokens  of  their  unqualified  approbation),  they  affirmed 
the  dictamen  of  their  auditor,  and  of  the  two  civil  ministers,  declaring  that 
the  accusation  was  false  and  calumnious  in  all  its  parts,  that  I  had  per 
mission  to  institute  an  action  of  damages  against  the  slanderers,  and  that 
I  might  return  to  discharge  the  functions  of  the  office  which  I  had  re 
signed.  1  did  not  choose  to  resume  the  command,  nor  to  exercise  my 
right  of  action,  and  I  gave  up  the  pay  which  I  enjoyed. 

"  The  ingratitude  which  I  experienced  from  men  had  wounded  my 
feelings  deeply  ;  their  insincerity,  to  call  it  by  no  severer  name,  made  me 
shun  every  opportunity  of  again  becoming  the  object  of  their  attacks. 
Besides,  the  anger  of  the  contending  parties  having  expended  itself,  and 
the  country  having  returned  to  a  state  of  comparative  tranquillity,  I  was 
relieved  from  that  sense  of  obligation  which  six  years  before  had  com 
pelled  me  to  have  recourse  to  arms.  My  country  no  longer  stood  in  need 
of  my  services,  and  without  betraying  my  duty,  I  thought  that  I  might 
now  rest  from  the  toils  of  the  camp. 

';  In  1820  the  constitution  was  re-established  in  Spain.  The  new  order 
of  things,  the  ferment  in  which  the  Peninsula  was  placed,  the  machina 
tions  of  the  discontented,  the  want  of  moderation  amongst  the  supporters 
of  the  new  system,  the  vacillation  of  the  authorities,  and  the  conduct  of 
the  Government  and  Cortes  at  Madrid  (who,  from  the  decrees  which  they 
issued,  and  the  speeches  which  some  of  the  deputies  pronounced,  ap 
peared  to  have  determined  on  alienating  the  colonies) ,  filled  the  heart  of 
every  good  patriot  with  the  desire  of  independence,  and  excited  amongst 
the  Spaniards  established  in  the  country,  the  apprehension  that  all  the  hor 
rors  of  the  former  insurrection  were  about  to  be  repeated.  Those  who 
exercised  the  chief  authority,  and  had  the  forces  at  their  command,  took 
such  precautions  as  fear  naturally  dictated  :  and  those  persons  who  at  the 
former  epoch  had  lived  by  disorder,  made  preparations  for  again  turning  it 
to  advantage.  In  such  a  state  of  things  the  richest  and  most  beautiful 
part  of  America  was  about  to  become  again  the  prey  of  contending  fac 
tions.  In  every  quarter  clandestine  meetings  took  place,  for  the  purpose 
of  discussing  the  form  of  government  which  ought  to  be  adopted.  Among 
the  Europeans  and  their  adherents,  some  wished  for  the  establishment  of 


64  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

successful,  and  a  refugee,  lie  managed  for  several 

years  to  create  revolutions  and  counter-revolutions. 

To    repress    the    demonstrations    under    Santa 

the  Spanish  constitution.  They  succeeded  in  realizing  their  views  to  a 
certain  extent,  but  the  system  was  badly  understood,  and  the  loose  manner 
in  which  it  was  obeyed,  indicated  the  shortness  of  its  duration.  There 
were  some  who  conceived  that  it  ought  to  undergo  modifications,  inas 
much  as  the  constitution  framed  by  the  Cortes  at  Cadiz  was  inapplicable 
to  '  New  Spain.'  Others  there  were  who  sighed  after  the  old  absolute 
government,  as  the  best  support  of  their  lucrative  employments,  which 
they  exercised  in  a  despotic  manner,  and  by  which  they  had  gained  a 
monopoly.  The  privileged  and  powerful  classes  fomented  these  different 
parties,  attaching  themselves  to  the  one  or  the  other,  according  to  the  ex 
tent  of  their  political  information,  or  the  projects  of  aggrandizement  which 
their  imaginations  presented.  The  Americans  wished  for  independence, 
but  they  were  not  agreed  as  to  the  mode  of  effecting  it,  still  less  as  to  the 
form  of  government  which  they  should  prefer.  With  respect  to  the  for 
mer  object,  many  were  of  opinion  that  in  the  first  place,  all  the  Europeans 
should  be  exterminated,  and  their  property  given  up  to  confiscation.  The 
less  sanguinary  would  have  been  contented  with  banishing  them  from  the 
country,  thus  reducing  thousands  of  families  to  a  state  of  orphanage. 
The  moderate  party  suggested  only  that  they  should  be  excluded  from  all 
public  offices,  and  degraded  to  the  condition  in  which  they  had  kept  the 
natives  of  the  country  for  three  centuries.  As  to  the  form  of  govern 
ment,  one  party  proposed  a  monarchy,  tempered  by  the  Spanish,  or  some 
other  constitution ;  a  second  party  wished  for  a  federative  republic ;  a 
third  for  a  central  republic ;  and  the  partisans  of  each  system,  full  of 
enthusiasm,  were  impatient  for  the  accomplishment  of  their  different 
objects. 

"  I  had  friends  in  the  principal  towns,  many  of  whom  had  been  long 
connected  with  my  family ;  others  I  had  known  in  my  expeditions,  and 
during  the  period  when  I  held  my  command.  The  army,  I  had  reason  to 
believe,  was  strongly  attached  to  me.  All  those  who  knew  me  did  their 
utmost  to  supply  me  with  information.  I  had  visited  the  best  provinces, 
obtained  accurate  information  as  to  the  nature  of  the  country  and  the 
character  of  the  inhabitants,  the  points  capable  of  being  fortified,  and  the 
resources  upon  which  dependence  might  be  placed.  I  saw  new  revolu 
tions  on  the  eve  of  breaking  out ;  my  country  was  about  to  be  drenched 
in  blood  ;  I  was  led  to  believe  that  I  had  the  power  to  save  her,  and  I  did 
not  hesitate  to  undertake  so  sacred  a  duty. 

"  I  formed  my  plan,  known  under  the  title  of  { the  plan  of  Iguala.' 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  65 

Anna,  Bustamente,  then  President  of  Mexico,  dis 
patched  General  Calderon  with  an  effective  force, 
who  defeated  Santa  Anna  on  the  3d  of  March  at 

pamphlet,  which  I  have  seen,  has  asserted  that  that  project  was  the  work 
of  a  club  of  serviles,  who  held  their  meeting  at  the  profesa,  a  building 
belonging  to  the  congregation  of  St.  Philip,  in  Mexico.  Any  person  who 
reads  the  document  must  be  convinced,  from  its  contents  alone,  that  it 
could  not  have  been  dictated  by  servilism  ;  I  put  out  of  the  question  the 
opinions  of  those  persons  to  whom  it  is  attributed,  and  shall  only  say  that 
they  are  matters  upon  which  the  multitude  is  very  commonly  mistaken. 
For  me,  I  look  upon  those  persons  as  men  eminently  respectable  for  their 
virtues  and  their  knowledge.  After  the  plan  had  been  drawn  out,  I  con 
sulted  upon  it  with  distinguished  individuals  of  different  parties  ;  not  one 
of  them  disapproved  of  it ;  it  was  not  modified  in  any  manner ;  nothing 
was  added  or  erased. 

"  In  tracing  out  this  project,  my  aim  was  to  give  independence  to  my 
country,  because  such  was  the  general  desire  of  the  Americans ;  a  desire 
founded  on  natural  feelings,  and  on  principles  of  justice.  It  was,  besides, 
the  only  means  by  which  the  interests  of  the  two  nations  could  be  secured. 
The  Spaniards  would  not  allow  themselves  to  be  convinced  that  their  de 
cline  began  with  their  acquisition  of  the  colonies,  while  the  colonists  were 
fully  persuaded  that  the  time  of  their  emancipation  had  arrived. 

"  The  plan  of  Iguala  guarantied  the  religion  which  we  inherited  from 
our  ancestors.  To  the  reigning  family  of  Spain,  it  held  out  the  only  pros 
pect  which  survived  for  preserving  those  extensive  and  fertile  provinces. 
To  the  Mexicans,  it  granted  the  right  of  enacting  their  own  laws,  and  of 
having  their  government  established  within  their  own  territory.  To  the 
Spaniards,  it  offered  an  asylum,  which,  if  they  had  possessed  any  foresight, 
they  would  not  have  despised.  It  secured  the  rights  of  equality,  of  pro 
perty,  and  of  liberty,  the  knowledge  of  which  is  within  the  reach  of  every 
one,  and  the  possession  of  which,  when  once  acquired,  every  man  would 
exert  all  his  power  to  preserve.  The  plan  of  Iguala  extinguished  the 
odious  distinction  of  castes,  offered  to  every  stranger  safety,  convenience, 
and  hospitality ;  it  left  the  road  to  advancement  open  to  merit ;  conciliated 
the  good  opinion  of  every  reasonable  man ;  and  opposed  an  impenetrable 
barrier  to  the  machinations  of  the  discontented. 

"  The  operation  of  putting  the  plan  into  execution  was  crowned  with 
the  happy  result  which  I  had  anticipated.  Six  months  were  sufficient  to 
untwist  the  entangled  knot  which  had  bound  the  two  worlds.  Without 
bloodshed,  without  fire,  robbery,  devastation,  without  a  tear,  my  country 
was  free,  and  transformed  from  a  colony  into  an  empire.  In  order  to  ren- 
5 


66  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Talome,  and  besieged  him  in  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz. 
Fortune,  however,  did  not  long  desert  him.  Cal- 
deron  was  forced  to  retreat.  Bustarnente  resigned 

der  the  work  conformable  to  received  customs,  only  one  additional  circum 
stance  was  required — a  treaty,  which  the  diplomatists  would  add  to  the 
long  catalogue  of  those  which  they  already  possess,  and  which  commonly 
turn  out  to  be  only  so  many  proofs  of  the  bad  faith  of  men,  as  they  are 
not  seldom  violated  when  it  is  the  interest  of  one  of  the  parties,  and  he 
happens  to  be  the  strongest.  Nevertheless,  it  is  right  to  follow  the  laws 
of  custom.  On  the  24th  of  August,  I  had  an  interview  with  that  most 
worthy  Spanish  general,  Don  Juan  de  O'Donoju ;  and  on  the  same  day 
was  concluded  between  us  a  treaty,  which  bears  the  name  of  the  place 
where  it  was  signed,  and  was  sent  off  to  his  majesty,  Ferdinand  VII.,  by 
un  officer  of  O'Donoju's  suit. 

'•  The  treaty  of  Cordova  opened  to  me  the  gates  of  the  capital,  which 
otherwise  I  could  have  forced.  But  it  is  always  delightful  to  me  to  be 
spared  the  necessity  of  exposing  my  men,  and  of  shedding  the  blood  of 
those  who  have  been  my  companions  in  arms. 

'•  There  were  persons  who  raised  questions  on  the  treaty  of  Cordova, 
by  doubting  my  authority,  as  well  as  that  of  O'  Donoju,  to  enter  into  a 
compact  upon  a  matter  of  so  much  delicacy.  It  would  be  easy  to  answer 
them,  by  saying  that  in  me  was  deposited  the  will  of  the  Mexican  people 
tit  that  period ;  in  the  first  place,  because  that  which  I  signed  in  their 
name  was  conformable  to  what  they  must  have  desired;  and  secondly, 
because  they  had  already  given  proofs  of  their  sentiments  ;  such  as  were 
able  to  bear  arms,  by  joining  me,  and  others  by  assisting  me  in  every  way 
which  lay  in  their  power.  In  every  place  through  which  I  passed,  I  was 
received  in  the  most  enthusiastic  manner.  Seeing  that  no  one  was  forced 
to  exhibit  these  demonstrations,  it  is  to  be  inferred  that  they  approved  ot 
my  intentions,  and  that  their  ideas  accorded  with  mine.  With  respect  to 
General  O'Donoju.  ho  was  the  principal  authority  furnished  with  creden 
tials  from  his  Government,  and  even  though  he  might  not  have  received 
specific  instructions  for  that  particular  case,  the  circumstances  authorized 
him  to  do  the  best  he  could  for  his  country. 

"  Had  this  general  commanded  an  army  superior  to  mine,  and  pos 
sessed  resources  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  carry  on  war  against  me,  he 
might  have  properly  refused  to  sign  the  treaty  of  Cordova,  without  first 
communicating  with  his  Government,  and  receiving  its  answer.  But 
attended  as  ho  was  with  scarcely  a  dozen  officers,  the  whole  country 
being  in  my  power,  his  mission  being  adverse  to  the  sentiments  of  the 
people,  unable  to  procure  intelligence  of  the  state  of  things,  without  any 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  67 

the  Presidency,  and  was  succeeded  by  Pedraza.  In 
1833,  Santa  Anna  himself  was  elected  President  of 
Mexico.  The  dissolution  of  Congress  by  the  Pre- 

knowledge  of  the  localities,  shut  up  in  a  weak  fortress,  which  was  ex 
posed  to  our  fire,  with  an  army  in  front  of  him,  and  the  few  troops  of  the 
king  who  had  remained  in  Mexico,  commanded  by  an  intrusive  chief ; 
under  such  circumstances,  let  those  persons  who  disapprove  of  the  con 
duct  of  O'Donoju  say  what  they  would  have  done  if  they  had  been  in  his 
place,  or  what  they  imagine  he  ought  to  have  done  ?  He  must  have 
signed  the  treaty  of  Cordova,  or  have  become  my  prisoner,  or  have  re 
turned  to  Spain !  he  had  no  other  alternative.  If  he  had  chosen  either  of 
the  latter,  all  his  countrymen  would  have  been  compromised,  and  the 
Government  of  Spain  would  have  lost  every  hope  of  those  advantages 
which  it  then  obtained  ;  advantages  which  it  never  would  have  acquired, 
if  I  had  not  been  in  the  command,  and  if  O'Donoju  had  not  been  an  able 
politician  as  well  as  a  faithful  Spaniard. 

"  I  entered  Mexico  on  the  27th  of  September,  1821  ;  on  the  same 
day  was  installed  the  Junta  of  Government  which  is  spoken  of  in  the 
plan  of  Iguala,  and  the  treaty  of  Cordova.  It  was  nominated  by  me,  but  not 
according  to  my  arbitrary  choice ;  for  I  wished  to  assemble  together  such 
men  of  every  party  as  enjoyed  the  highest  reputation  amongst  their 
friends.  This  was  the  only  means  which  could  be  resorted  to  in  such 
extraordinary  circumstances  for  consulting  the  public  opinion. 

"  Up  to  this  point  my  measures  gained  general  approbation,  and  in  no 
instance  were  my  hopes  deceived.  But  as  soon  as  the  junta  began  to 
exercise  its  functions,  it  perverted  the  powers  which  had  been  granted  to 
it ;  and  within  a  few  days  after  its  installation,  I  saw  what  was  likely  to 
be  the  issue.  From  that  moment  I  shuddered  for  the  fate  that  awaited  my 
fellow-citizens.  It  was  in  my  power  to  resume  the  whole  authority,  and 
I  asked  myself,  ought  I  not  to  resume  it,  if  such  a  step  be  essential  to 
the  safety  of  my  country  ?  I  considered,  however,  that  it  would  have 
been  rash  in  me  to  resolve  on  undertaking  such  an  enterprise,  relying 
solely  on  my  own  judgment.  If  I  were  to  consult  with  others,  my  design 
might  transpire,  and  intentions,  which  had  sprung  solely  from  my  love 
for  my  country,  and  from  a  desire  to  promote  its  happiness,  might  be 
attributed  to  ambitious  views,  and  construed  into  a  violation  of  my  pro 
mise.  Besides,  even  if  I  were  to  accomplish  every  thing  which  I  pro 
posed,  I  could  not  have  done  it  without  infringing  on  the  plan  of  Iguala, 
which  it  was  my  great  object  to  maintain,  because  I  looked  upon  it  as  the 
aegis  of  the  public  welfare.  These  were  the  true  reasons  which,  to 
gether  with  others  of  less  importance,  restrained  me  from  taking  any  de- 


68  HISTOETOFTHZ 

sident  was  quickly  followed  by  a  change  in  the 
form  of  government.  The  State  Legislatures  were 
dissolved,  and  a  Central  Government,  whole  and  in 
cisive  measures.  They  would  have  brought  me  into  collision  with  the 
favorite  feelings  of  the  cultivated  nations  of  the  world,  and  have  rendered 
me.  for  some  time,  an  object  of  hatred  to  a  set  of  men.  who  were  infatu 
ated  by  chimerical  ideas,  and  who  had  never  learned,  or  had  soon  forgotten, 
that  the  republic  which  was  most  jealous  of  its  liberty,  possessed  also  its 
dictators.  I  may  add.  that  I  have  always  endeavored  to  te  consistent  in 
my  principles;  and  as  I  had  proposed  to  form  a  junta.  I  fultiiled  my  pro 
mise,  and  was  reluctant  to  undo  the  work  of  my  own  hands. 

"  There  were  at  this  time,  some  deputies  in  Mexico  who  set  little  value 
on  the  public  happiness,  when  it  is  opposed  to  their  private  interest,  and 
who  had  acquired  reputation  by  some  actions  that  appeared  generous  to 
those  who  were  benefited  by  them  without  knowing  the  secret  views  by 
which  they  had  been  prompted.  They  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
mysteries  of  intrigue,  ever  ready  to  stoop  to  servility  when  they  found  it 
expedient,  and  to  assume  insolence  when  their  star  was  in  the  ascendant. 
These  men  disliked  me  because  I  had  hitherto  been  successful  in  my 
career,  and  they  begun  to  foment  those  parties  which  were  afterwards 
known  under  the  titles  of  Republicans  and  Bourbonists.  and  which, 
however  they  differed  on  other  points,  were  united  in  their  opposition 
to  me. 

-  The  republicans  were  hostile  to  me.  because  they  well  knew  they 
could  never  bring  me  to  contribute  to  the  establishment  of  a  government, 
which,  whatever  might  be  its  attractions,  did  not  suit  the  Mexicans. 
Nature  produces  nothing  by  sudden  leaps  :  she  operates  by  intermediate 
degrees.  The  moral  world  follows  the  laws  of  the  physical.  To  think 
that  we  could  emerge  all  at  once  from  a  state  of  debasement,  such  as  that 
of  slavery,  and  from  a  state  of  ignorance,  such  as  had  been  indicted  upon 
us  for  three  hundred  years,  during  which  we  had  neither  books  nor  in 
structors,  and  the  possession  of  knowledge  had  been  thought  a  sufficient 
cause  for  persecution  ;  to  think  that  we  could  cr-ain  information  and  refine 
ment  in  a  moment,  as  if  by  enchantment ;  that  we  could  acquire  every 
virtue,  forget  prejudices,  and  give  up  false  pretensions,  was  a  vain  ex 
pectation,  and  could  only  have  entered  into  the  visions  of  an  enthusiast. 

"  Tne  Bourbonists,  on  the  other  hand,  wished  for  my  fall,  because,  as 
soon  as  the  decision  of  the  government  of  Madrid  was  made  known, 
through  its  decree  of  the  13th  of  February,  which  was  subsequently 
transmitted  by  the  minister  for  the  colonies,  and  in  which  the  conduct  of 
O'Donoju  was  form:.1.'.;.  1.  the  treaty  of  Cordova  became  null 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  69 

divisible,  was  established.  This  act  produced  re 
sistance  upon  the  part  of  Coahuila,  Texas,  and 
Zacatecas.  The  latter  State  was  reduced  to  sub- 

and  void,  as  to  that  part  of  it  which  invited  the  Bourbons  to  the  crown  of 
Mexico,  and  effective  with  respect  to  the  nation's  entering  into  the  full 
enjoyment  of  its  right  to  elect  as  sovereign  the  individual  whom  it  would 
deem  most  worthy  of  that  high  office.  The  Bourbonists,  therefore,  no 
longer  expecting  that  a  Bourbon  would  reign  in  Mexico,  thought  only  of 
our  returning  to  our  former  state  of  dependence  ;  a  retrogression  which 
was  impossible,  considering  the  impotence  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
determination  of  the  Americans. 

"  Hence  I  became  the  object  of  attack  to  both  these  parties,  because 
as  I  had  the  public  force  at  my  command,  and  was  the  centre  of  general 
opinion,  it  was  necessary  to  the  preponderance  of  either  party  that  I 
should  cease  to  exist. 

"  The  leaders  of  the  factions  spared  no  pains  to  gain  proselytes  ;  and 
certainly  they  found  many  to  adhere  to  them.  Some  who  were  the  least 
experienced,  suffered  themselves  to  be  easily  led  away  ;  because  they  saw 
nothing  more  in  the  projects  on  foot  than  what  was  represented  to  them, 
and  there  is  no  design  of  which  different  views  may  not  be  given  ;  some 
hoped  that  by  the  subversion  of  the  Government  they  might  advance  their 
own  fortunes ;  and  others,  the  natural  enemies  of  established  order,  in 
whatever  system  it  prevails,  were  anxious  only  for  a  change.  Among 
the  latter,  one  might  be  named  who  values  himself  on  his  literary  accom 
plishments,  and  has  made  himself  conspicuous  in  the  revolution.* 

"  The  first  duty  of  the  junta  after  its  installation,  was  to  frame  the 
convocatoria,  or  proclamation  for  the  assemblage  of  a  Congress,  which 
was  to  give  a  constitution  to  the  monarchy.  The  junta  took  more  time 
to  perform  this  duty  than  the  urgency  of  the  case  permitted,  and  com 
mitted  several  errors  in  framing  the  convocatoria.  It  was  extremely  de 
fective,  but  with  all  its  imperfections  it  was  accepted ;  I  could  do  no  more 
than  perceive  the  evil,  and  lament  it.  The  census  of  the  provinces  was 
not  consulted ;  hence,  for  instance,  one  deputy  was  appointed  for  a  pro 
vince  containing  a  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  and  four  for  a  province 
scarcely  peopled  by  half  that  number.  Nor  did  it  at  all  enter  into  the 
calculations  of  the  junta,  that  the  representatives  ought  to  be  in  propor 
tion  to  the  civilization  of  the  represented.  Three  or  four  individuals 
might  be  easily  selected  from  among  a  hundred  well-educated  citizens, 
who  might  possess  the  qualifications  necessary  to  constitute  good  deputies ; 

*  The  individual  here  referred  to  is  probably  Don  Lucas  Alaman. 


70  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

mission  by  Santa  Anna  in  person,  while  General 
Cos  was  dispatched  for  the  purpose  of  forcing  the 
Texans  to  yield.  Thus  violence  and  fraud  pro- 

whilst  among  a  thousand,  who  are  without  education,  and  are  ignorant  of 
the  first  rudiments,  scarcely  one  man  can  be  met  with  of  sufficient  ability 
to  know  what  is  conducive  to  the  public  welfare — whose  mind  is  suffi 
ciently  enlarged  to  take  accurate  views  of  public  affairs,  or  at  least  to 
save  him  from  extravagant  errors  respecting  them ;  who  has  sufficient 
firmness  of  character  to  vote  according  to  what  he  thinks  best,  and  not  to 
deviate  from  his  opinion  when  once  convinced  of  its  truth  ;  and  whose 
experience  enables  him  to  perceive  the  grievances  which  afflict  his  pro 
vince,  as  well  as  the  remedy  which  they  require.  For,  although  that 
remedy  might  not  always  be  within  his  reach,  such  experience  would 
enable  him,  on  hearing  others  proposed,  to  form  a  sound  judgment  upon 
them. 

"  These  defects  were  quite  sufficient  to  extinguish  every  hope,  that  any 
benefits  would  be  derived  from  the  convocatoria  of  the  junta.  It  had 
many  other  faults  which  I  have  not  mentioned,  as  I  do  not  mean  to  com 
ment  upon  them.  But  there  is  one  which  I  cannot  pass  over  in  silence, 
that  of  having  the  deputies  nominated  at  the  will,  not  of  a  district  (partido), 
for  that  would  be  of  a  majority  of  the  citizens,  but  of  the  ayuntamientos 
of  the  principal  towns.  See  the  injury  thus  done  to  the  country  people 
at  large  !  In  the  elections  a  vote  was  given  by  the  junta,  to  the  electors, 
chosen  by  the  country  people  ;  and  a  voice  wras  also  given  to  the  indivi 
duals  who  composed  the  ayuntamiento  of  the  principal  town  of  each  de 
partment.  But  in  electing  the  ayuntamientos,  it  was  possible  to  get  into 
them  by  a  little  management,  as  was  in  fact  frequently  done  ;  because  the 
wish  of  aspiring  to  the  functions  of  these  bodies,  was  not  so  general 
as  the  ambition  of  obtaining  a  seat  in  Congress.  The  ayuntamientos 
were,  therefore,  filled  up  at  their  own  pleasure,  and  were  consequently 
vitiated  ;  and  as  all  the  members  possessed  a  vote  in  the  elections  for  de 
puties,  the  ayuntamientos  became  almost  the  only  electors.  This  is  evi 
dent  to  any  one  who  knows  how  thinly  the  population  is  distributed  over 
that  country,  and  how  great  a  disproportion  exists  between  the  number  of 
inhabitants  in  a  town,  and  in  its  dependencies. 

"  To  render  this  clearer,  let  it  be  supposed  that  a  principal  town  of  a 
province  contains  four,  eight,  or  ten  thousand  inhabitants,  leaving  out  of 
the  question  the  city  of  Mexico,  the  population  of  which  exceeds  one 
hundred  and  seventy  thousand  souls,  and  other  cities  densely  inhabited. 
The  ayuntamiento  of  such  a  town  consists,  perhaps,  of  fifty  or  sixty  mem 
bers  ;  the  departments  which  have  to  send  electors  to  the  principal  town. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

duced  a  radical  change  in  the  internal  affairs  of 
Mexico,  and  the  sovereignties  of  the  States  were 
substituted  by  the  establishment  of  a  Central  Gov- 

name  no  more  than  eight  or  ten.  This  small  number,  therefore,  acting  in 
conjunction  with  all  the  members  of  the  ayuntamiento,  is  reduced  to  a 
cipher,  and  the  election  terminates  according  to  the  pleasure  of  that  body. 
Thus  the  people  were  deceived  by  being  told,  that  in  them  resided  the 
sovereignity,  which  they  were  to  delegate  to  the  deputies  whom  they  were 
about  to  name  ;  when  in  fact  there  was  no  such  nomination,  except  on 
the  part  of  the  ayuntamiento,  or  rather,  indeed,  of  the  directors  of  the 
junta,  who,  after  the  dissolution  of  that  body,  passed  into  the  Congress,  in 
order  to  continue  their  manoeuvres . 

"  To  this  system,  so  framed,  was  added  intrigue  in  the  elections ;  the 
most  worthy  men  were  not  sought  for,  nor  even  those  who  were  decided 
for  any  particular  party.  It  was  quite  sufficient  if  the  candidate  were  my 
enemy,  or  so  ignorant  that  he  might  easily  be  persuaded  to  become  so.  If 
he  possessed  either  of  these  requisites,  he  was  deemed  competent  to  dis 
charge  the  sacred  functions  which  were  to  be  intrusted  to  him. 

.  "  If  the  archives  of  state  have  not  been  spoliated,  remonstrances  may  be 
found  amongst  them  from  almost  all  the  provinces,  pointing  out  the  nullity 
of  the  powers  conferred  on  the  deputies.  Several  individuals  were  elected 
who  had  been  accused  of  conduct  notoriously  scandalous ;  some  had  been 
prosecuted  as  criminals  :  others  were  men  of  broken  fortunes,  tumultuous 
demagogues,  officers  who  had  capitulated,  and  who,  violating  the  laws  of 
war  and  their  paroles,  had  again  taken  up  arms  against  the  cause  of 
liberty,  and  after  suffering  defeat  had  surrendered  a  second  time.  Some 
of  the  new  deputies  were  obstinate  anti-independents,  and  one  was  an 
apostate  monk,  although  by  law  no  member  of  the  religious  orders  could 
have  a  seat  in  Congress.  The  authors  of  the  remonstrances  offered  also 
to  prove,  that  the  rules  for  the  conduct  of  the  elections,  as  they  were  laid 
down  in  the  convocatoria,  had  been  infringed ;  and  that  the  persons  re 
turned  were  not  those  whom  the  majority  approved,  but  those  who  were 
the  most  skilful  in  intrigue.  These  documents  were  all  sent  to  my  depart 
ment,  when  I  was  generalissimo  and  admiral-in-chief ;  when  I  became 
Emperor,  I  directed  them  to  be  transmitted  to  the  department  of  the 
interior,  for  the  purpose  of  being  deposited  in  the  archives.  I  did  not  wish 
to  lay  them  before  the  Congress,  because,  even  if  justice  were  done,  which 
could  hardly  be  expected,  I  saw  that  they  would  be  productive  only  of 
odium,  and  of  legal  prosecutions.  1  considered  that  time  would  be  lost  in 
new  elections,  as  it  would  be  necessary  to  have  the  most  of  them  renewed, 
and  I  felt  that  our  most  important  care  was  first  to  organize  the  govern- 


72  HISTORY      OF     THE 

eminent.  Stability  did  not  follow  this  event.  The 
history  of  the  country  from  +he  insurrection  under 
Hidalgo  has  presented  a  succession  of  revolutions. 

ment.  Besides,  I  thought  that  the  errors  into  which  this  Congress  might 
fall,  might  be  corrected  by  that  which  should  succeed  it.  This  mode  of 
reasoning,  which  would  have  been  questionable,  perhaps  under  any  other 
circumstances,  was  suitable  to  those  which  then  existed,  because  the  ob 
ject  was  to  avoid  greater  evils. 

"  The  result  of  the  elections,  therefore,  was  the  formation  of  a  Congress, 
perfectly  conformable  to  the  wishes  of  the  party  who  influenced  its  nomi 
nation.  A  few  men  of  undoubted  virtue  and  wisdom,  and  of  the  purest 
patriotism,  whose  fair  reputation  was  so  widely  extended  that  no  machina 
tions  could  prevent  them  from  having  a  majority  of  suffrages,  found  them 
selves  confounded  with  a  multitude  of  intriguers,  of  assuming  manners 
and  sinister  intentions.  I  do  not  desire  to  be  credited  on  my  mere  asser 
tions  ;  examine  the  acts  of  the  Congress  during  the  eight  months  that 
elapsed  from  its  installation  until  its  suspension.  The  principal  object  of 
its  assembling  was  to  draw  up  a  constitution  ft./  the  empire  :  not  a  single 
line  of  it  was  written.  In  a  country,  naturally  the  richest  in  the  world,  the 
treasury  was  exhausted  ;  there  were  no  funds  to  pay  the  army  or  the  public 
functionaries  ;  there  was  no  revenue,  not  even  a  system  of  finance  estab 
lished,  as  that  which  had  existed  in  the  time  of  the  Spanish  rule  had  been 
abolished,  without  any  other  system  having  been  substituted  for  it.  The 
Congress  would  not  occupy  itself  in  matters  of  such  essential  importance, 
notwithstanding  the  repeated  and  urgent  solicitations  which  I  made  to  it  in 
person,  and  through  the  secretaries  of  state.  The  administration  of  justice 
was  wholly  neglected  ;  in  the  changes  which  had  taken  place,  some  of  the 
officers  had  left  the  empire,  some  died,  others  had  embraced  new  avoca 
tions,  and  the  offices  and  tribunals  were  nearly  deserted.  Upon  this  sub 
ject,  also,  the  Congress  declined  to  take  any  steps  :  in  short,  although  the 
empire  was  in  the  weakness  of  infancy,  and  wanted  their  assistance  at 
every  point,  they  did  nothing.  The  speeches  which  were  pronounced, 
turned  on  matters  of  the  most  trifling  description,  and  if  any  of  them  hap 
pened  to  touch  on  topics  deserving  of  consideration,  they  were,  to  say  the 
least  of  them,  foreign  to  the  exigencies  of  the  moment.  What  honors 
should  be  paid  to  the  chiefs  of  the  insurrection  who  had  fallen  ?  What 
should  be  the  form  for  the  oath  of  an  archbishop  ?  Who  ought  to  nomi 
nate  the  supreme  tribunal  of  justice  ?  Such,  together  with  a  demand  for 
an  apostate  friar,  who  was  a  prisoner  in  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
and  other  similar  subjects,  formed  the  grave  occupations  of  a  body  so  au 
gust,  in  its  institution  !  Add  to  this,  that  not  a  single  regulation  was  made 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  73 

The  people  would  now  yield  voluntary  submission 
to  a  crown,  and  then  become  zealous  supporters  of 
popular  liberty.  But  short  intervals  of  calm  would 
occur  between  the  scenes  of  anarchy  and  violence. 

for  the  government  of  the  interior.  The  result  was,  that  the  Congress 
became  the  opprobrium  of  the  people,  and  fell  into  a  state  of  abject  con 
tempt.  The  public  prints  exposed  its  defects,  and  even  one  of  the  depu 
ties  stated  his  opinion,  that  it  stood  in  need  of  reformation. 

"  It  soon  became  manifest  that  the  object  of  those  who  gave  all  its 
movements  to  that  machine,  was  only  to  gain  time,  and  to  deceive  each 
other  until  they  found  an  opportunity,  for  the  arrival  of  which  they  se 
cretly  labored,  in  order  to  throw  off  the  mask.  Notwithstanding  the  cun 
ning  which  they  used,  and  the  dissimulation  with  which  they  endeavored 
to  carry  out  their  designs,  the  people  and  the  army  saw  through  their  real 
views.  Neither  the  army  nor  the  people  desired  slavery  on  one  hand,  or 
republicanism  on  the  other ;  nor  did  they  wish  to  see  me  deposed,  or  even 
in  any  manner  offended,  and  from  these  feelings  arose  that  distrust  with 
which  the  whole  nation  received  all  the  resolutions  that  originated  in  so 
vitiated  a  body. 

"  About  the  month  of  April,  1822,  a  state  of  agitation  was  observable, 
which  threatened  to  end  in  anarchy.  A  public  measure,  effected  in  a 
scandalous  manner,  discovered  the  hypocrisy  of  its  authors.  The  Con 
gress  deposed  three  of  the  regents,  leaving  in  office  with  me  only  one, 
who  was  well  known  to  be  my  enemy,  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  my 
vote  in  the  executive  to  a  nullity.  They  did  not  attempt  to  depose  me, 
from  an  apprehension  that  they  would  be  resisted  by  the  army  and  the 
people,  of  my  influence  with  whom  they  were  well  aware.  This  resolu 
tion  was  passed  in  the  most  precipitate  and  singular  manner.  The  ques 
tion  was  proposed,  discussed,  agreed  to,  and  carried  into  execution  in  one 
sitting,  whereas  it  had  been  previously  settled  by  decree,  that  every  pro 
position  which  was  submitted  to  the  Congress,  should  be  read  three  times, 
at  three  distinct  sittings,  before  it  should  be  discussed.  After  this  step 
they  proposed  another ;  a  commission,  appointed  for  that  purpose,  pre 
sented  a  regulation  concerning  the  regency,  in  which  the  command  of  the 
army  was  declared  incompatible  with  the  functions  of  the  executive  power. 
They  were  jealous  of  my  having  the  soldiery  at  my  disposal :  to  such 
men  fear  was  very  natural.  This  regulation,  although  it  did  not  receive 
the  sanction  of  the  legislature  on  account  of  the  want  of  time,  left  no 
doubt  of  the  designs  which  were  entertained  against  me,  and  was  the  im 
mediate  cause  which  accelerated  the  event  of  the  18th  of  May.  At  ten 
o'clock,  on  that  memorable  night,  the  people  and  garrison  of  Mexico  pro- 


4  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Indeed,  from  1828  to  1833,  Mexico  witnessed 
the  ascendency  of  Santa  Anna,  the  triumphs  of 
Bustamente,  the  elevation  of  Guerrero,  the  popu- 

claimed  mo  Emperor.  "  Live  Agustin  the  First !"  was  the  univeral  cry. 
Instantly,  as  if  all  were  actuated  by  the  same  sentiment,  that  extensive 
capital  was  illuminated  ;  the  balconies  were  decorated,  and  filled  with  the 
most  respectable  inhabitants,  who  joyously  echoed  back  the  acclamations 
of  the  immense  crowds  of  people  which  thronged  all  the  streets,  especial 
ly  those  near  the  house  where  I  resided.  Not  one  citizen  expressed  any 
disapprobation,  a  decided  proof  of  the  weakness  of  my  enemies,  and  of  the 
universality  of  the  public  opinion  in  my  favor.  No  accident  or  disorder 
of  any  kind  occurred.  The  first  impulse  of  my  mind  was  to  go  forth  and 
declare  my  determination  not  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  the  people.  If  I 
restrained  myself  from  appearing  before  them  for  that  purpose,  it  was 
solely  in  compliance  with  the  counsel  of  a  friend  who  happened  at  the  mo 
ment  to  be  with  me.  "  They  will  consider  it  an  insult,"  he  had  scarcely 
time  to  say  to  me,  "  and  the  people  know  no  restraint  when  they  are  irrita 
ted.  You  must  make  this  fresh  sacrifice  to  the  public  good  ;  the  country 
is  in  danger ;  remain  a  moment  longer  undecided,  and  you  will  hear  their 
acclamations  turned  into  death-shouts."  I  felt  it  necessary  to  resign  my 
self  to  circumstances  ;  and  I  spent  the  whole  of  that  night  in  allaying  the 
general  enthusiasm,  and  persuading  the  troops  to  give  time  for  my  deci 
sion,  and  in  the  meanwhile  to  render  obedience  to  the  Congress.  I  went 
out  repeatedly  to  harangue  them,  and  wrote  a  short  proclamation,  which 
was  circulated  the  following  morning,  and  in  which  I  expressed  the  same 
sentiments  as  those  I  addressed  to  the  people.  I  convened  the  regency, 
assembled  the  generals  and  superior  officers,  communicated  what  had  oc 
curred  by  dispatch  to  the  president  of  the  Congress,  and  requested  him  to 
summon  immediately  an  extraordinary  sitting.  The  regency  was  of 
opinion  that  I  ought  to  yield  to  public  opinion  ;  the  superior  officers  of  the 
army  added,  that  such  also  was  their  unanimous  opinion,  that  it  was  ex 
pedient  I  should  do  so,  and  that  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  act  according  to  my 
own  desires,  as  I  had  dedicated  myself  entirely  to  my  country  ;  that  their 
privations  and  sufferings  would  be  useless  if  I  persisted  in  my  objections ; 
and  that  having  compromised  themselves  through  me,  and  having  yielded 
me  unqualified  obedience,  they  had  a  claim  to  my  compliance.  They  sub 
sequently  drew  up  a  memorial  which  they  presented  to  the  Congress,  re 
questing  it  to  take  this  important  matter  into  its  consideration.  This 
paper  was  signed  also  by  the  individual  who  subsequently  officiated  as  pre 
sident  of  the  act  of  Casa-Mata,  and  by  one  of  the  present  members  of  the 
executive  body. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION. 

larity  of  Gomez  Farias,  the  victories  of  Bravo,  the 
Presidency  of  Pedraza,  and  the  disgrace  of  each 
and  all  in  succession.  In  1834  Santa  Anna  forced 

"  The  Congress  met  on  the  following  morning ;  the  people  crowded  to 
the  galleries  and  the  entrance  to  the  chamber  :  their  applauses  were  in 
cessant  ;  a  joyous  agitation  was  observable  in  every  face ;  the  speeches 
of  the  deputies  were  interrupted  by  the  impatience  of  the  multitude.  It 
is  difficult  to  obtain  order  in  moments  like  these  ;  but  such  an  important 
discussion  required  it,  and  in  order  to  attain  that  object,  the  Congress  re 
quired  that  I  should  be  present  at  the  sitting.  A  deputation  was  appoint 
ed,  who  communicated  the  invitation  to  me.  I  declined  it,  because  as  they 
were  about  to  treat  of  me  personally,  my  presence  might  be  considered  as 
a  restraint  on  the  freedom  of  debate,  and  an  impediment  to  the  clear  and 
frank  expression  of  each  individual's  opinion.  The  deputation  and  several 
general  officers,  however,  prevailed  on  me  to  accept  the  invitation,  and  I 
immediately  went  out  in  order  to  proceed  to  the  place  where  the  Congress 
were  assembled.  The  streets  were  scarcely  passable,  so  crowded  were 
they  with  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital ;  they  took  the  horses  from  my 
carriage,  and  I  was  drawn  by  the  people,  and  amidst  their  enthusiastic  ac 
clamations,  to  the  palace  of  the  Congress.  On  entering  the  hall  where 
the  deputies  were  assembled,  the  vivas  were  still  more  enthusiastic,  and 
resounded  from  every  quarter. 

"  The  question  of  the  nomination  was  discussed,  and  there  was  not  a 
single  deputy  who  opposed  my  accession  to  the  throne.  The  only  hesi 
tation  expressed  by  a  few,  arose  from  a  consideration  that  their  powers 
were  not  extensive  enough  to  authorize  them  to  decide  on  the  question. 
It  appeared  to  them  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  notify  the  subject  to 
provinces,  and  to  require  from  them  an  enlargement  of  powers  already 
granted,  or  new  powers  specifically  applicable  to  this  case  alone.  I  sup 
ported  this  opinion,  as  it  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of  finding  out  some 
means  for  evading  the  acceptance  of  a  situation  which  I  was  most  anx 
ious  to  decline.  But  the  majority  were  of  a  contrary  opinion,  and  I  was 
elected  by  seventy-seven  voices  against  fifteen.  These  latter  did  not  deny 
me  their  suffrages  ;  they  confined  themselves  simply  to  the  expression  of 
their  belief,  that  the  provinces  ought  to  be  consulted,  since  they  did  not 
think  their  powers  ample  enough,  but  at  the  same  time  they  said  that  they 
were  persuaded  that  their  constituents  would  agree  with  the  majority,  and 
think  that  what  was  done  was  in  every  respect  conducive  to  the  public 
welfare.  Mexico  never  witnessed  a  day  of  more  unmixed  satisfaction ; 
every  order  of  the  inhabitantg  testified  it.  I  returned  home  as  I  had  pro 
ceeded  to  the  Congress,  my  carriage  drawn  by  the  people,  who  crowded 


76  HISTOKYOFTHE 

the  Congress  to  suspend  its  Sessions,  and  while  that 
body  were  engaged  in  remodelling  the  constitution, 
commenced  the  Texas  revolution,  which  ended  in 
the  independence  of  that  country,  thus  severing  for 
ever  from  Mexico  a  large  portion  of  her  territory, 
and  which  subsequently  produced  results  of  the 
greatest  magnitude,  involving  two  great  republics 
in  the  conflict  of  arms,  and  terminating  in  the  con 
quest  of  Mexico  and  the  dismemberment  of  her 
territory.  This  brings  us  to  the  important  question 
of  the  Texas  revolution,  the  independence  of  that 
country,  its  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and 
the  war  which  ensued,  which  will  be  examined 
more  in  detail. 


around  to  congratulate  me,  expressing  the  pleasure  which  they  felt  on 
seeing  their  wishes  fulfilled." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  77 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Boundaries  of  Texas. — Becomes  a  member  of  the  Confederacy  of  1824. 
— The  Texas  which  was  obtained  from  France  in  1803,  and  which  was 
ceded  to  Spain  in  1819. — Grant  of  land  to  Moses  Austin. — Settlement  of 
Texas. — General  Cos  with  a  military  force  crosses  the  Nueces. — Colli 
sion  of  Arms. — Cos  is  forced  to  surrender. — Santa  Anna  invades  Texas  in 
person. — The  garrison  of  Alamo  slaughtered. — Murder  of  Tanning's 
command. — Battle  of  San  Jacinto. — Santa  Anna  makes  a  treaty  with 
the  Texans. — The  Mexicans  evacuate  Texas. — The  claim  of  Texas  to 
the  Rio  Grande. 

THE  Texas  Revolution,  and  its  consequences,  were 
prominent  causes  of  the  war  with  Mexico;  and 
therefore  the  settlement  of  Texas,  its  independence 
and  annexation  to  the  United  States,  must  be  "brief 
ly  examined.  It  has  been  unjustly  asserted  by 
those  whose  position  entitled  their  opinions  to  some 
consideration,  that  the  first  settlers  of  Texas  were 
outlaws  from  their  native  land.  That  their  object 
in  emigrating  to  Texas  was  to  seek  an  asylum,  and 
when  they  had  obtained  sufficient  strength,  to  sever 
from  Mexico  by  force  that  portion  of  her  territory. 
This  charge  is  as  unfounded  as  unjust. 

In  the  investigation  of  this  branch  of  the  sub 
ject,  it  becomes  important  to  ascertain  what  were 
the  boundaries  of  Texas,  at  the  date  of  her  revolu 
tion. 

It  has  been  asserted,  that,  as  the  independence 
of  that  country  was  accomplished  by  revolution, 


78  HISTORY     OF     TIIE 

only  so  much  as  was  forcibly  wrested  from  Mexico 
by  the  sword,  was  annexed  to  this  country.  On 
the  other  side,  it  has  been  as  strenuously  insisted, 
that  the  country  known  as  Texas,  has  always  been 
bounded  on  the  south  and  west  by  the  Rio  Bravo  ; 
and  to  the  extent  of  these  boundaries  was  incorpo 
rated  as  a  State  into  the  Mexican  confederacy.  The 
several  States  of  Mexico,  in  1824,  adopted  a  consti 
tution  similar  to  our  own  ;  and  it  has  been  insisted, 
that  Texas,  as  one  of  those  States,  becoming  a  party 
to  the  compact,  was  bound  by  its  provisions  only  so 
long  as  they  remained  in  force.  That  the  constitu 
tion  of  1824  was  a  compact  of  States,  there  can  be 
no  doubt.*  Santa  Anna,  subsequently  to  that  pe 
riod,  having  by  force  and  fraud  violated  that  con 
stitution,  each  State  in  the  confederacy  was  resolved 
into  its  original  element.f  It  is  not  easily  con 
ceived  how  this  reasoning  can  be  successfully  con 
troverted.  It  is  strongly  fortified  by  analogy. 

*  ART.  4.  The  Mexican  nation  adopts  for  its  government  the  form  of 
republican  representative,  popular,  federal. 

ART.  5.     The  parts  of  this  federation  are  the  States  and  Territories. 

A;;T.  171.  The  articles  of  this  Constitution,  and  the  constitutional 
act  which  establishes  the  liberty  and  independence  of  the  Mexican  nation, 
its  religion,  form  of  government,  liberty  of  the  press,  and  division  of  the 
supreme  powers  of  the  federation  and  the  States,  can  never  be  reformed. 
— Nrj'/cr/n  Constitution  of  1824. 

"•  Airr.  12.  It  is  free  and  independent  of  the  other  United  Mexican 
States,  and  of  every  other  foreign  power  and  dominion."  Passed  March 
llth,  1827.  and  accepted  by  Mexico. —  Constitution  of  Texas. 

f  Vattel  says  it  is  a  truth  "•  acknowledged  by  every  sensible  writer, 
whose  prn  is  not  enslaved  by  fear  or  sold  for  hire,  that  as  soon  as  a  prince 
attacks  the  constitution  of  the  state,  he  breaks  the  contract  which  bound 
the  people  to  him  ;  the  people  become  free  by  the  act  of  the  sovereign, 
and  can  no  longer  view  him  but  as  a  usurper,  who  would  load  them  with 
oppression." 


POLK     ADMIN>S<rE  ATION.  79 

When  the  effort  was  made  to  formNmr  own  Consti 
tution  as  a  substitute  for  the  old  article^of  confede 
ration,  delegates  from  the  several  States  ^assembled 
in  convention.  The  instrument  which  was  then 
drawn  up,  until  sanctioned  by  nine  States,  was  not 
more  obligatory  than  so  much  blank  paper.  \Pre- 
viously  to  becoming  parties  to  the  instrument,\the 
States  were  independent  sovereignties.  They  w^re 
known  to  possess  certain  limits,  not  always,  it  us 
true,  very  well  defined,  so  far  as  the  territories  we^e 
concerned  which  belonged  to  them,  but  sufficiently 
so  for  all  practical  purposes.  Suppose,  then,  thes0 
States  had  refused  to  become  parties  to  the  COEJ- 
stitution,  each  would  have  preserved  its  sove 
reignty  entirely  independent  of  the  rest.  Again, 
suppose  that  nine  States — the  number  required  by 
the  Constitution  to  give  it  life,  had  become  parties 
to  it,  and  the  three  remaining  States,  had  uncondi 
tionally  refused  to  sanction  it,  there  was  no  power 
to  force  them.  They  might  have  remained  to  tjdis 
day  separate  and  independent  sovereignties.  But 
for  a  still  further  illustration :  suppose  at  this  clay 
the  Union,  which  is  composed  of  thirty  States/ and 
has  expanded  in  power  and  grandeur  until  Jt  has 
become  one  of  the  first  powers  on  the  earth,  should 
be  violently  assailed  by  a  victorious  chieftain,  fresh 
from  the  battle-field,  with  his  trained  bands'  obedient 
to  his  will,  and  the  Constitution  should  be  destroyed, 
will  any  one  insist  that  the  States  wornd  be  bound 
by  the  decrees  of  the  usurper  ?  On  the  contrary, 
all  would  admit  that  the  boncls  which  bound  the 
Union  together,  having^been  violently  dissevered, 


80  HISTORY    or    THE 

eacli  State  would  become  free  and  independent.  If 
this  reasoning,  from  analogy,  be  conclusive,  no 
one  can  deny  that  when  the  Constitution  of  1824, 
to  which  Texas  had  become  a  party,  was  destroyed 
by  Santa  Anna,  that  Texas  at  once  resumed  the 
rights  which  she  possessed  before  becoming  a  party 
to  that  compact.  The  country  known  as  Texas, 
was  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States  by  the 
treaty  of  1803.  We  have  the  authority  of  some  of 
the  most  distinguished  American,  French,  and  Spa 
nish  statesmen,  for  saying,  that  the  southern  and 
western  boundary  of  Texas  was  the  Rio  Bravo.* 

*  Mr.  Adams  in  1818  says  :  ';  The  claim  of  France  always  did  extend 
westward  to  the  Rio  Bravo.  She  always  claimed  the  territory  which  you 
call  Texas,  as  being  within  the  limits,  and  forming  a  part  of  Louisiana." 

Mr.  Clay,  in  his  Raleigh  letter,  written  in  1844,  said  :  "  The  United 
States  acquired  a  title  to  Texas,  extending,  as  I  believe,  to  the  Rio  del 
Norte,  by  the  treaty  of  Louisiana." 

In  Spain,  Texas  has  gone  to  the  Rio  Bravo  ever  since  the  beginning  of 
1700.  Mr.  Cevallos,  negotiating  with  Pinckney  and  Monroe,  writes  at 
Aranjnez,  April  13th,  1805  :  "  The  limits  between  Louisiana  and  the 
Texas  have  been  always  known,  even  when  the  French  possessed  Lou 
isiana.  Near  the  beginning  of  the  last  century,  the  venerable  Alanzet.  of 
the  order  of  San  Francisco,  founded  in  the  province  of  Texas,  towards  the 
confines  of  Louisiana,  different  missions,  among  them  Nacogdoches."  And 
a  few  years  after  he  wrote,  "  it  was  generally  known  in  the  writings  of 
those  times,  that  the  province  of  Texas,  or  new  Philippines,  had  its  boun 
daries  about  the  middle  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  Pocenes,  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  to  the  East  Louisiana." 

Let  us  hear  Don  Onis  to  Mr.  Adams,  January  16,  1817  :  "  You  did 
me  the  honor  to  applaud  a  proposition  so  frank  and  liberal,  as  dictated  by 
equity  and  good  faith,  and  made  known  to  me  with  the  same  frankness, 
that  the  United  States  desired  to  unite  to  its  dominions  all  the  territories 
which  belong  to  Spain  to  the  east  of  the  Mississippi ;  and  that,  for  them, 
they  would  offer  to  Spain  those  which  were  between  the  Rio  del  Norte 
and  the  Colorado.  But  as  not  only  these  lands,  but  all  those  which  lie 
between  the  Colorado  and  Cape  North,  drawing  a  line  by  the  river  Mer- 
mento,  or  Mermentao,  towards  the  Presidio  of  Adias,  and  from  thence,  by 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  81 

Unfortunately  that  Territory  was  ceded  to  Spain 
by  the  treaty  of  1819,  and  subsequently  to  that  pe 
riod  was  wrested  from,  that  Government  with  the 

the  Arryo  Onda,  towards  Natchitoches,  are  a  part  of  the  province  of  Texas, 
belonging  to,  and  in  the  uninterrupted  possession  of,  his  Majesty,  without 
there  having  been,  in  relation  thereto,  any  dispute  between  France  and 
Spain,  (that  dispute  being  solely  as  to  Natchitoches,  which  fort  the 
French  raised  unjustly  in  the  territory  of  his  Catholic  Majesty,)  it  results 
that  this  proposition  not  only  does  not  offer  compensation  to  his  Majesty* 
for  West  and  East  Florida,  whose  cession  to  the  United  States  you  inti 
mate  would  be  very  agreeable,  but  it  involves  the  relinquishment  of  the 
property  and  possession  which  his  Majesty  has  of  the  territory  in  the  pro 
vince  of  Texas,  which  lies  between  the  Colorado  and  the  vicinity  of  Natch 
itoches."  (For  Foreign  Relations,  438.)  There  is  no  pretence  that 
Spain  altered  the  boundaries  of  provinces,  between  1821  and  1824.  At 
the  latter  date  the  Confederation  of  Mexico  was  established,  taking  the 
provinces  as  they  then  stood.  (See  While's  Recapitulation,  375,  Title  X.) 

CONSTITUTIVE  ACTS  OF  THE  MEXICAN  FEDERATION. 

FORM    OF    GOVERNMENT   AND    RELIGION. 

ART.  1.  The  Mexican  nation  is  composed  of  provinces  formally 
known  as  the  Viceroyalty  of  New  Spain,  the  Captain-generalship  of  Yu 
catan,  and  the  internal  provinces  of  the  east  and  west. 

ART.  6.  The  integral  parts  are  free,  sovereign,  and  independent 
States,  in  as  far  as  regards  exclusively  its  internal  administration,  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  laid  down  in  this  Act,  and  in  the  General  Constitution. 

ART.  7.  The  States  at  present  composing  the  federation  are  as 
following,  viz. :  Guanajuato,  the  internal  State  of  the  west,  composed  of  the 
provinces  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa ;  the  internal  State  of  the  east  comprising 
the  provinces  of  New  Leon,  Coahuila,  and  Texas ;  the  internal  State  of 
the  north,  containing  the  provinces  of  Chihuahua,  Durango,  and  New  Mex 
ico  ;  Mexico  ;  Michoacan,  Oajaca,  Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  Queretaro,  San 
Luis  Potosi,  New  Santander,  called  also  Tamaulipas,  Tabasco,  Lascala, 
Vera  Cruz,  Jalisco,  Yucatan,  and  Zacatecas.  The  Californias  and  the 
district  of  Coluira,  (except  the  town  of  Fomiela,  which  remains  annexed 
to  Jalisco,)  will  for  the  present  be  territories  of  the  federation,  and  direct 
ly  subject  to  its  supreme  power. 

Dated  Mexico,  January  31,  1824. 

JOHN  GAZENAN. 

Page  380.     The  Federal  Constitution  of  the  United  Mexican  States, 
sanctioned  the  General  Constituent  Congress  on  the  4th  of  October,  1824. 
—388,  Title  11.     Only  section. 
6 


§2  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

remainder  of  the  Mexican  provinces.  After  the 
cession  of  Texas  to  Spain,  it  -was  well  understood  by 
statesmen  and  intelligent  men  of  every  party,  that 
the  western  boundary  of  that  country  continued  to 
be  the  Rio  Grande  ;*  at  all  events,  for  a  consider- 

ART.  4.  The  Mexican  nation  adopts  for  the  form  of  its  Govern 
ment  a  popular,  representative,  and  federal  republic. 

ART.  5.  The  constituent  parts  of  the  federation  are  the  following 
Stales  and  Territories,  viz. :  The  States  of  Chiapas,  Chihuahua,  Coahuila, 
and  Texas,  Durango,  Guanajuato.  Angeles,  Queretaro,  San  Luis  Potosi, 
Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  Tabasco,  Tamaulipas,  Vera  Cruz,  Jalisco,  Yucatan, 
and  Zacatecas;  the  Territories  of  Upper  California,  Lower  California, 
Colima,  and  Santa  Fe,  de  Nuevo  Mexico.  A  constitutional  law  will  fix 
the  character  of  Tlascula. 

Dated  4th  of  October,  1824,  fourth  year  of  independence,  third  of  li 
berty,  and  second  of  confederation. 

LORENZO  DE  ZAVALA,  President. 

Laws  and  Decrees  of  tJie  State  of  Coahuila  and  Texas. 

DECREE    NO.    I. 

The  Territory  of  the  State  shall  be  that  recognized  as  both  provinces, 
until  the  present  time.  August  15,  1824. 

429.       DECREE    NO.    13. 

ART.  1.  In  that  part  of  this  State  known  as  the  Province  of  Texas, 
a  political  authority  shall  be  provisionally  established,  styled  "  Chief  of 
Department  of  Texas."  February  1,  1825. 

Mr.  Madison  says,  January  31,  1804,  to  Mr.  Livingston,  "  With  re 
spect  to  the  western  extent  of  Louisiana,  Mr.  Laussat  held  a  language 
more  satisfactory.  He  considered  the  Rio  Bravo,  or  Del  Norte,  as  far  as 
the  thirtieth  degree  of  north  latitude,  as  its  true  boundary  on  that  side." — 
Foreign  Relations,  page  574. 

*  "  Texas  is  bounded  southeast  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  ;  west  and  south 
west  by  the  Rio  del  Norte." — Morse's  Geographical  Dictionary,  edition 
1821. 

"'  Texas,  province  of  Mexico,  bounded  southwest  by  the  Rio  Grande 
del  Norte." — Brooks'9 s  Universal  Gazetteer,  edition  1823. 

"  Texas  claimed  by  Spain  as  a  part  of  the  internal  provinces,  and 
bounded  west  by  the  Del  Norte,"  &c. —  Worcester  Gazetteer,  1823. 

'•  Texas,   province   of  Mexico,  in   the    former    provincios    internes, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  83 

able  distance  up  that  stream.*  It  cannot  be  denied 
then,  that  the  Texas  which  became  a  party  to  the 
compact  of  1824,  was  the  Texas  which  was  acquired 
from  France  in  1803,  and  which  was  ceded  to  Spain 
in  1819.  The  Rio  Grande  was  regarded  as  the 
western  boundary  of  Texas,  not  only  by  well-in 
formed  persons  in  this  country,  but  was  not  dis 
puted  by  the  Mexican  authorities. 

No  claim  had  been  made  by  the  Government  of 
Mexico,  or  by  any  of  her  military  chieftains  to  the 
Nueces  as  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Mexican 
Republic  previous  to  the  battle  of  Palo  Alto.  In 
their  pronunciamentos  they  have  demanded  the 
Sabine  as  the  boundary  of  their  possessions.  They 
have  claimed  "  the  whole  or  none."  And  whenever 
they  have  given  any  evidence  of  being  wearied  of 
the  attempt  to  re-conquer  Texas,  they  have  indi 
cated  the  Rio  Del  Norte  as  the  extent  of  their 
sacrifice,  f  In  1821  a  large  party  of  American  citi- 

bounded  southwest  by  the  Rio  Grande  del  None.— Darby's  Gazetteer, 
edition  1827. 

"  Texas,  province  of  Mexico  in  the  former  internal  provinces,  is  bound 
ed  southwest  by  the  Rao  Grande." — Davenport's  Gazetteer,  edition  1832. 

In  his  letter  to  Aaron  V.  Brown,  General  Jackson  says  :  "  Remember 
also,  that  if  Texas  be  annexed  to  the  United  States,  our  western  boundary 
would  be  the  Rio  Grande,  which  is  itself  a  fortification,  on  account  of  its 
extensive  barren  and  uncultivated  plains." 

"The  real  Texas  which  we  acquired  by  the  treaty  of  1803,  and 
flung  away  by  the  treaty  of  1819,  never  approached  the  Rio  Grande,  ex 
cept  near  its  mouth,"  &c. 

*  Again :  "  I  draw  a  broad  line  of  distinction  between  the  Province 
of  Texas  and  the  Republic  of  Texas.  The  province  laid  between  the 
Sabine  and  the  lower  Rio  del  Norte,  and  between  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and 
the  Red  River.  The  republic  of  Texas  stretches  to  the  whole  extent  of 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Of  the  two  Texases,  I  go  for  the  reco 
very  of  the  old  one." 

f  Proclamation  of  General  Adrian  Woll,  June  20th,  1844.    Dispatch 


84  HISTOKYOFTHE 

zens  formed  the  determination  of  settling  upon  a  large 
tract  of  land,  granted  by  Mexico  to  Moses  Austin. 
They  were  not  a  lawless  band  of  outlaws,  deter 
mined  to  plunder  Mexico  of  lier  territory,  but  were 
invited  to  go  thither.  The  Mexicans,  finding  it  ex 
ceedingly  inconvenient  to  contend  against  the  wild 
and  desperate  bands  of  Indians  who  were  continu 
ally  making  incursions  and  carrying  fire  and  slaugh 
ter  among  their  defenceless  hamlets,  sought  the 
protection  of  the  western  rifle  against  their  terrible 
foes,  and  when  they  had  formed  a  barrier  between 
the  Indians  and  Mexicans,  the  latter  sought  to  dis 
arm  and  render  defenceless  those  who  had  gener 
ously  proved  their  protectors.  To  submit  to  this 
cowardly  aggression  was  impossible.  The  remorse 
less  bands  of  savages,  who  hung  like  a  dark  and 
threatening  cloud  around  their  settlements,  were 
only  kept  aloof  by  the  dreaded  rifle ;  and  if  the 
Texans  had  been  disarmed,  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife  would  have  carried  death  and  dis 
may  into  every  dwelling  in  Texas.  Resistance  or 
indiscriminate  massacre  w^as  the  only  alternative. 
That  Santa  Anna  had  resolved  upon  their  destruc 
tion  they  had  no  reason  to  doubt.  The  members 
of  the  Legislature  of  Coahuila  were  seized  and  im 
prisoned  for  merely  protesting  against  the  acts  of 
the  Central  Government.  In  this  state  of  excite 
ment,  surrounded  by  dangers  upon  all  sides,  the 
Texans  elected  delegates  to  meet  in  convention  at 

of  General  Filisola,  May  31st,  1836.  Articles  of  agreement  signed  May 
14th,  1836,  by  Santa  Anna,  Gen.  Filisola,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Antonio 
Ganoa,  and  Don  Joachin  Ramyres. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATIOK.  85 

San  Felipe  in  October,  1835.  About  this  time 
General  Cos,  with  a  considerable  body  of  troops, 
crossed  the  Rio  Grande,  and  leaving  a  portion  of 
his  forces  at  Lipantitlan,  on  the  west  side  of  the 
Nueces,  and  at  Goliad,  marched  with  his  main  force 
to  San  Antonio.  And  while  the  delegates  were 
quietly  assembling,  General  Cos  sent  a  body  of  two 
hundred  cavalry  to  Gonzales,  a  small  town  in  the 
neighborhood  of  that  place,  and  demanded  of  the 
citizens  the  surrender  of  a  small  cannon  which  they 
used  as  a  defence  against  the  Indians.  Their  reply 
was  grape  and  canister,  and  thus  the  Texas  revo 
lution  commenced.  The  news  of  this  collision  at 
once  aroused  the  people  of  Texas  to  the  defence  of 
their  homes.  They  shouldered  their  rifles  and  hur 
ried  to  the  scene  of  contest.  They  rallied  from 
both  sides  of  the  Nueces,  and  from  the  banks  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  In  a  few  days  Goliad  and  Lipan 
titlan  had  fallen  into  their  possession.  The  conven 
tion  which  had  assembled  at  San  Felipe  issued  a 
declaration  against  the  Central  Government,  and 
declared  in  favor  of  the  Constitution  of  1824.  De 
termined  that  not  a  Mexican  soldier  should  degrade 
the  soil  of  Texas,  they  concentrated  their  forces 
around  San  Antonio  and  forced  General  Cos  to 
surrender.  Among  the  number  who  left  their  fire 
sides  to  drive  from  the  province  the  Mexican  inva 
ders,  as  I  have  already  stated,  were  persons  who 
resided  between  the  Nueces  and  the  Rio  Grande. 
In  the  moment  of  peril  they  gallantly  shared  the 
dangers  which  threatened  all !  In  the  hour  of  tri 
umph  gratitude  was  not  forgotten ;  they  were  not 


86  IIISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  men  basely  to  disregard  tlie  interests  of  that 
portion  of  the  people  of  Teyas.  Many  of  them  fell 
during  the  struggle.  The  rights  of  the  widow  and 
orphan  have  been  asserted,  and  to  the  honor  of  the 
Texas  nation  be  it  said,  that  they  would  have  haz 
arded  their  national  existence  in  the  defence  of  her 
citizens  residing  in  every  portion  of  her  dominions. 
By  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  of  General  Cos, 
the  rights  of  those  citizens  were  guaranteed. 

Thus  ended  the  first  conflict  between  the  Mexi 
cans  and  the  people  of  Texas.  Not  only  did  they 
manifest  a  determination  to  resist  all  attempts  to 
subjugate  them,  but  the  result  proved  their  ability 
to  do  so.  The  terms  of  the  capitulation  of  Gen. 
Cos,  establishes  the  first  link  in  the  revolutionary 
chain  of  title  of  Texas  to  the  Eio  Grande,  as  her 
western  boundary.* 

General  Cos,  with  his  soldiers  and  convicts,  re- 
crossed  the  Rio  Grande.  To  this  date,  then,  al 
though  assailed  without  any  justification  whatever, 
by  those  who  should  have  been  actuated  by  feelings 
of  gratitude,  the  Texans  exhibited  a  determination 

*  "  Capitulation  entered  into  by  General  Martin  Prefedo  De  Cos,  of  the  perma 
nent  troops,  and  General  Edward  Burlcson,  of  the  Colonial  Troops  of  Texas. 
Being  desirous  of  preventing  the  further  ejfusion  of  blood,  and  the  ravages 
of  civil  u~ar.  ice  have  agreed  on  the  following  stipulations  : 

"  1st.  That  General  Cos  and  his  officers  retire  with  their  arms  and 
private  property  into  the  interior  of  the  republic,  under  parole  of  honor 
that  they  will  not  in  any  way  oppose  the  establishment  of  the  Federal 
Constitution  of  1824." 

"  3d.  That  the  General  take  the  convicts  lately  brought  in  by  Colonel 
Ugartachea,  beyond  the  river  Rio  Grande." 

"  14th.  General  Burleson  will  furnish  General  Cos  with  such  provi 
sions  as  can  be  obtained,  necessary  for  his  troops  to  the  Rio  Grande,  at 
the  ordinary  price  of  the  country." 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  87 

to  adhere  to  the  constitution  of  1824.  Reared  un 
der  the  beneficent  institutions  of  the  United  States, 
they  were  attached  to  the  liberal  principles  which 
the  constitution  of  1824  guaranteed.  They  were 
willing  to  shed  their  blood  in  its  defence.  But 
Santa  Anna  as  resolutely  prepared  to  enforce  their 
obedience  to  his  despotic  will.  He  gathered  a  large 
and  well  appointed  army,  resolved  to  subdue  the 
spirit  of  the  Texans,  or  ravage  their  country  with 
fire  and  sword.  All  Mexico  lay  prostrate  at  his 
feet.  JSTo  voice  was  raised  in  the  defence  of  consti 
tutional  liberty ;  and  it  was  left  for  the  gallant  little 
band  of  Texan  heroes  to  battle  alone  with  the  for 
ces  of  the  usurper.  It  was  then  that  a  convention 
was  called  in  haste,  and  a  declaration  of  independ 
ence  was  issued,*  and  appealing  to  the  God  of  bat- 

*  "  It  has  dissolved,  by  force  of  arms,  the  State  Congress  of  Cohuila 
and  Texas,  and  obliged  our  representatives  to  fly  for  their  lives  from  the 
seat  of  Government ;  thus  depriving  us  of  the  fundamental  political  right 
of  representation. 

"  It  has  demanded  the  surrender  of  a  number  of  our  citizens,  and  or 
dered  military  detachments  to  seize  and  carry  them  into  the  interior  for 
trial,  in  contempt  of  the  civil  authorities,  and  in  defiance  of  the  laws  and 
the  constitution. 

"  It  denies  us  the  right  of  worshipping  the  Almighty  according  to  the 
dictates  of  our  own  conscience,  by  the  support  of  a  national  religion,  cal 
culated  to  promote  the  temporal  interest  of  its  human  functionaries,Tather 
than  the  glory  of  the  true  and  living  God. 

"  It  has  demanded  us  to  deliver  up  our  arms,  which  are  essential  to  our 
defence — the  rightful  property  of  freemen,  and  formidable  only  to  tyran 
nical  governments. 

"  It  has  invaded  our  country  both  by  s'ea  and  by  land,  with  the  intent  to 
lay  waste  our  territory  and  drive  us  from  our  homes  ;  and  has  now  a  large 
mercenary  army  advancing  to  carry  on  against  us  a  war  of  extermination. 

"  It  has,  through  its  emissaries,  incited  the  merciless  savage,  with  the 
tomahawk  and  scalping  knife,  to  massacre  the  inhabitants  of  our  defence 
less  frontiers." — Texan  Declaration  of  Independence,  March  2d,  1836. 


88  HISTORY      OF     THE 

ties  for  the  justice  of  their  cause,  they  prepared  for 
the  conflict.  The  first  blood  which  was  shed  in  this 
struggle,  watered  the  territory  between  the  Nueces 
and  the  Eio  Grande.  The  Alamo  was  surrounded 
by  9,000  Mexicans,  and  the  fort  was  only  taken 
after  a  terrible  struggle,  in  which  every  one  of  its 
defenders  perished.  This  victory  was  won  by  the 
Mexicans  at  a  dreadful  sacrifice  of  life.  The  Tex- 
ans  were  armed  with  the  much  dreaded  rifle,  which 
produced  dreadful  havoc  in  the  ranks  of  their  foes. 
Colonel  Fanning,  unable  to  defend  Goliad,  accepted 
terms  of  capitulation  which  guaranteed  the  lives  of 
his  command.  These  stipulations  were  violated  by 
Santa  Anna,  who  ordered  about  four  hundred  pri 
soners  to  be  shot ;  an  act  of  cold-blooded  barbarity 
which  for  all  time  will  place  the  seal  of  infamy  upon 
his  character. 

The  bands  of  Santa  Anna  swept  like  the  besom 
of  destruction  across  that  portion  of  Texas  lying 
west  of  the  Nueces.  Nearly  all  of  the  male  inha 
bitants  in  that  part  of  the  country  found  bloody 
but  honorable  graves.  The  Mexican  army  contin 
ued  rapidly  to  advance,  spreading  fire  and  devasta 
tion  in  their  terrible  career,  until  Santa  Anna  was 
encountered  upon  the  battle  field  of  San  Jacinto  by 
780  Texans  on  the  21st  of  April,  183G,  and  after 
a  short  but  desperate  conflict,  was  defeated  and  ta 
ken  prisoner.  The  punishment  which  he  deserved 
was  death.  He  had  violently  overturned  the  con 
stitution  of  his  country,  and  sought  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet,  to  subjugate  a  people  who  had  protected 
the  Mexicans  against  the  inroads  of  the  savages. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  89 

He  had  conducted  the  contest  as  only  a  savage 
could  be  capable.  He  had  disregarded  the  rules 
by  which  civilized  nations  are  governed,  and  murder 
and  indiscriminate  slaughter  marked  his  progress. 
But  the  Texans  not  only  wielded  their  glittering 
blades  upon  the  field  of  battle  with  terrible  effect, 
but  could  treat  with  humanity  a  prostrate  foe.  A 
treaty  was  entered  into  with  Santa  Anna,  12th  of 
May,  1S36.*  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  Texas 

*  "  Articles  of  agreement  and  solemn  compact  made  and  adopted  by  Dai'id  G. 
Burnett,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  and  the  undersigned,  members 
of  the  cabinet  thereof,  on  the  one  part,  and  Don  Antonio  Lopez  De  Santa 
Anna,  President  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  and  Don  Vlncente  FUisola.  gene 
ral  of  division,  Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramyres  Y  Sesma,  and  Don 
Antonio  Gaona,  generals  of  brigades  of  the  armies  of  Mexico. 

"  1st.  That  the  armies  of  Mexico  shall,  with  all  practical  expedition, 
evacuate  the  territory  of  Texas,  and  retire  to  Monterey,  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande." 

"  3d.  That  the  army  of  Texas  are  to  march  westwardly,  and  to  occupy 
such  posts  as  the  commanding  general  may  think  proper  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte." 

i(  5th.  That  the  following  be,  and  the  same  are  hereby,  established  and 
made  the  lines  of  demarkation  between  the  two  Republics  of  Mexico  and 
Texas,  to  wit :  The  line  shall  commence  at  the  estuary  or  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  on  the  western  bank  thereof,  and  shall  pursue  the  same  bank 
up  the  said  river,  to  the  point  where  the  river  assumes  the  name  of  Rio 
Bravo  Del  Norte ;  from  which  point  it  shall  proceed  on  the  same  western 
bank  to  the  head  waters,  or  source  of  said  river,  it  being  understood  that 
the  terms  Rio  Grande  and  Rio  Bravo  Del  Norte  apply  to  and  designate 
one  and  the  same  stream.  From  the  source  of  said  river,  the  principal 
head  branch  being  taken  to  ascertain  that  source,  a  due  north  line  shall  be 
run  until  it  shall  intersect  the  boundary  line  established  and  described  in 
the  treaty  negotiated  by  and  between  the  Government  of  Spain  and  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  of  the  north ;  which  line  was  subse 
quently  transferred  to  and  adopted  in  the  treaty  of  the  limits  made  be 
tween  the  Government  of  Mexico  and  that  of  the  United  States ;  and 
from  this  point  of  intersection  the  line  shall  be  the  same  as  was  made  and 
established  in  and  by  the  several  treaties  above  mentioned,  to  continue  to 
the  mouth  or  outlet  of  the  Sabine  river,  and  from  thence  to  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico. 


90  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

was  to  be  evacuated,  and  the  Rio  Grande  was  to  be 
established  as  the  boundary  line  between  the  two 
republics.  This  is  the  second  link  in  the  revolu 
tionary  chain  of  title  which  Texas  won  to  that 
river.  I  know  it  has  been  asserted  that  Santa  Anna 
being  at  that  time  a  prisoner,  all  stipulations  which 
he  might  agree  to,  were  void.  This  objection  seems 
more  to  be  relied  upon  by  certain  American  Mem 
bers  of  Congress  than  by  the  Mexicans  themselves. 

Santa  Anna  commenced  the  war,  and  it  is  a 
principle  of  the  law  of  nations  that  he  had  the  right 
to  terminate  it.*  The  fact  that  he  was  a  usurper 
does  not  affect  the  principle.f 

The  only  question  to  be  inquired  into  is,  did  he 
act  voluntarily.  There  is  abundant  evidence  to 
prove  that  he  did.J  If  the  law  of  nations  was 

<;  9th.  The  release  of  the  President  Santa  Anna  shall  be  made  imme 
diately  on  receiving  the  signatures  of  the  Generals  Don  Viente  Filisola, 
Don  Jose  Urea,  Don  Joachin  Ramyres  Y  Sesma,  and  Don  Antonio  Gaona, 
to  this  agreement,  and  his  conveyance  to  Vera  Cruz  as  soon  afterwards  as 
may  be  convenient." 

*  "  The  same  power  who  has  the  right  of  making  war,  of  determining 
on  it,  of  declaring  it,  and  of  directing  its  operations,  has  naturally  that 
likewise  of  making  and  concluding  a  treaty  of  peace." — Vattel,  p.  432. 

f  "  Other  states,  as  having  no  right  to  interfere  with  the  domestic 
concerns  of  that  nation,  or  to  interfere  in  her  government,  are  bound  to 
abide  by  her  decisions,  and  to  look  no  further  than  the  circumstances  of 
actual  possession.  They  may,  therefore,  broach  and  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  the  usurper." — Valid,  p.  436. 

t  ';  When  1  offered  to  treat  with  this  Government  (Texas),  I  was 
convinced  that  it  was  useless  for  Mexico  to  continue  the  war.  I  have 
acquired  exact  information  respecting  the  country  which  I  did  not  possess 
four  months  ago.  1  have  too  much  zeal  for  the  interests  of  my  country 
to  wish  for  any  thing  which  is  not  compatible  with  them.  Being  always 
ready  to  sacrifice  myself  for  its  glory  and  advantage,  I  never  would  have 
hesitated  to  subject  myself  to  torments  of  death  rather  than  consent  to  any 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  91 

different  it  would  lead  to  the  most  disastrous  con 
sequences.  In  that  event,  exterminating  war  might 
be  the  result.  Suppose  all  the  members  composing 
the  Government  at  Washington,  should  be  taken 
prisoners  by  an  invading  foe.  If  they  had  no  power 
to  make  a  binding  treaty,  peace  -  would  never  be 
made,  and  a  perpetual  war  would  be  the  conse 
quence.  If  General  Scott  had  captured  the  Mexi 
can  authorities  when  he  took  possession  of  the  city 
of  Mexico,  will  any  one  assert  that  they  would  not 
have  had  the  power  to  make  a  peace  ?  If  not,  Mex 
ico  must  have  remained  a  subjugated  province  of 
this  country.  But  again,  to  put  a  stronger  case : 
suppose  an  absolute  monarch  should  fall  into  the 
hands  of  his  foes,  unless  he  could  make  a  treaty, 
the  contest  would  be  protracted  for  years.  Until 
mankind  become  as  remorseless  and  savage  as 
beasts  of  prey,  no  such  sanguinary  rules  could  be 
adopted  for  the  government  of  nations.  The  Tex- 
ans  complied  faithfully  with  all  the  articles  which 
the  treaty  contained.  The  Mexicans  availed  them 
selves  of  all  the  advantages  which  resulted  from  it. 
They  not  only  in  that  way  ratified  the  treaty,  but 

compromise,  if  Mexico  could  thereby  obtain  the  slightest  benefit.  I  am 
firmly  convinced  that  it  is  proper  to  terminate  this  question  by  political 
negotiaton." — Letter  of  Santa  Anna,  July  4th,  1836. 

"  His  Excellency,  (Santa  Anna,)  in  my  humble  opinion,  in  the  treaties 
agreed  upon,  and  that  I  had  the  honor  to  send  to  your  Excellency,  acted 
with  entire  liberty,  and  had  nothing  more  in  view  than  the  interest  of  his 
country."— Dispatch  of  General  Filisola,  June  10th,  1836. 

"  I  do  not  mention  other  reasons,  perhaps  more  convincing,  and,  in 
fine,  I  think  I  have  saved  the  whole  army  from  a  disaster,  and  the  national 
decorum  from  a  positive  disgrace." — Dispatch  of  General  Filisola,  May 
31sZ,  1836. 


92  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

tlie  President  pro  tern,  of  the  Mexican  Republic, 
during  the  absence  of  Santa  Anna,  expressly  autho 
rized  any  act  which  would  release  the  President 
from  captivity,  and  relieve  the  Mexican  forces  in 
Texas  from  the  imminent  peril  which  surrounded 
them.  This  Avas  done  in  a  dispatch  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  and  Marine  on  the  loth  of  May,  1836, 
addressed  to  General  Filisola.*  Not  only  was  ex- 

"  Secretary's  Office  of  War  and  Marine,  ) 
Central  Section,  First  Bureau.  ) 

*  "  Excellent  Sir :  With  the  most  profound  sorrow,  his  Excellency, 
the  President  pro  tern.,  has  learned,  by  the  official  letter  of  your  Excel 
lency  of  the  25th  of  last  month,  the  defeat  suffered  on  the  21st  of  the 
same  month,  by  the  division  commanded  in  person  by  the  President  Gen- 
eral-in-chief  of  the  army,  (Santa  Anna,)  and  the  very  lamentable  misfor 
tune  that  his  Excellency  should  be  made  prisoner  with  other  chiefs  and 
officers. 

"  His  Excellency,  the  President  pro  tern.,  is  in  some  measure  con 
soled  that  a  general  so  experienced  as  your  Excellency  should  be  the  one 
who  obtains  the  command,  the  which  he  expressly  confirms. 

"  The  first  desire  that  his  Excellency  has,  is  that  you  address  the 
enemy's  general,  exacting  from  him,  by  decorous  means,  the  liberty  of  the 
President  Gencral-in-chief.  or  at  least  during  the  time  this  point  can  be 
regulated,  the  consideration  due  to  his  high  dignity,  and  to  a  person  so 
distinguished  in  the  annals  of  American  history,  and  for  whose  preserva 
tion  the  entire  nation  is  interested  by  gratitude,  and  because  he  is  chief 
of  it. 

"  His  Excellency,  the  President  pro  tern.,  counts  upon  your  Excel 
lency's  directing  all  your  efforts  to  save  the  remainder  of  the  army,  by 
concentrating  it  so  as  to  render  it  more  respectable,  placing  it  in  a  con 
venient  place  for  receiving  provisions,  for  which  the  most  efficacious 
measures  are  adopted.  The  preservation  of  Bexar  is  of  absolute  neces 
sity,  in  order  that  the  Government,  according  to  circumstances,  may  act 
as  they  see  fit. 

"  The  fate  of  all  the  prisoners  is  very  interesting  to  the  nation,  and  it 
is  recommended  to  your  Excellency  to  endeavor  to  alleviate  it,  giving 
authority  from  this  moment  to  propose  exchanges,  and  to  preserve  for  this 
purpose,  and  because  humanity  exacts  it,  the  lives  of  the  prisoners  made 
and  that  may  be  made  from  the  enemy.  Your  Excellency  knows  the 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  93 

press  authority  granted  by  the  Government  ad  in 
terim,  in  addition  to  the  voluntary  act  of  Santa 
Anna,  but  he  obtained  thereby  the  release  of  him 
self  and  his  army.  All  the  advantages  resulting 
from,  the  treaty  were  reaped  by  the  Mexicans,  and 
surely  there  is  no  reasoning  based  upon  morality, 
which  could  excuse  a  repudiation  of  what  had  been 
so  solemnly  agreed  upon.  No  portion  of  the  spirit 
which  actuated  the  noble  Roman  who  returned  to 
his  foes,  after  having  advised  a  rejection  of  the 
terms  offered  by  the  Carthagenians,  can  dwell  in 
the  bosom  of  that  man,  be  he  Mexican  or  Ameri 
can,  who  can  justify  the  faithless  conduct  of  the 
Mexican  authorities. 

Since  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  was  fought, 
there  have  been  several  incidental  recognitions  by 
the  Mexican  chiefs,  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  boun 
dary  between  the  two  countries.*  After  General 
Filisola  had  withdrawn  beyond  the  Rio  Grande ; 
General  Felix  Houston,  with  a  body  of  Texans, 
took,  and  kept  possession  of  the  east  bank  of  that 
river.  The  garrison  of  Loredo,  which  had  been 
maintained  for  years,  was  also  withdrawn  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande,  and  the  whole  territory  was  left 

circumstances  which  may  result  from  an  imprudence  committed  in  this 
affair,  but  the  Government  fears  nothing  as  regards  this,  because  it  knows 
how  great  is  the  skill  and  zeal  of  your  Excellency  for  the  best  service  of 
the  country." 

*  3d.  Every  individual  who  shall  be  found  at  the  distance  of  one  league 
from  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo,  will  be  regarded  as  a  favorer  and 
accomplice  of  the  usurpers  of  that  part  of  the  national  territory,  and  as  a 
traitor  to  his  country,  and  after  a  summary  military  trial,  shall  be  pun 
ished  as  such. 

Proclamation  of  Adrian  Woll,  Gen.  of  brigade,  1844. 


94  HISTORY     OF     THE 

in  the  possession  of  the  Texans.  The  triumph  of  the 
patriots  was  complete,  and  +he  terrible  chastisement 
inflicted  upon  the  invader,  taught  him  to  treat  with 
respect  those  who  knew  so  well  how  to  defend  their 
rights.  It  is  not  easy  to  enslave  men  who  have  a 
just  appreciation  of  their  privileges,  and  possess 
the  courage  to  defend  them.  No  more  gallant  men 
ever  unfurled  their  banners  to  the  breeze,  than  the 
Texans  who  rallied  around  Houston  and  Kusk,  at 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto.  They  fought  with  the 
knowledge,  that  certain  death  followed  in  the  path 
of  defeat,  yet  they  shrunk  not  from  the  trial,  and  so 
fearful  was  the  collision,  that  the  Mexican  heart 
was  appalled,  and  twice  only  during  the  eight  suc 
ceeding  years,  did  a  Mexican  force  cross  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  then  only  to  be  driven  ignominiously 
back.  Texas  emerged  from  the  contest  free  and 
independent.* 

*  "  Mexico  may  have  chosen  to  consider,  and  may  still  choose  to  con 
sider  Texas  as  having  been  at  all  times  since  1835,  and  as  still  continuing  a 
rebellious  province  ;  but  the  world  has  been  obliged  to  take  a  very  different 
view  of  the  matter.  From  the  time  of  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  in  April, 
1836.  to  the  present  moment,  Texas  has  exhibited  the  same  external  signs 
of  national  independence  as  Mexico  herself,  and  with  quite  as  much  stabi 
lity  of  government,  practically  free  and  independent,  acknowledged  as  a 
political  sovereignty  by  the  principal  powers  of  the  world  ;  no  hostile  foot 
finding  rest  within  her  territory  for  six  or  seven  years,  and  Mexico  herself 
refraining  for  all  that  period  from  any  further  attempt  to  re-establish  her 
own  authority  over  that  territory,  it  cannot  but  be  surprising  to  find  Mr. 
de  Bocanognu  (the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  Mexico,)  complaining, 
that  for  that  whole  period,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  its  Govern 
ment,  have  been  favoring  the  rebels  of  Texas,  and  supplying  them  with 
vessels,  ammunition,  and  money,  as  if  the  war  for  the  reduction  of  the 
province  of  Texas  had  been  constantly  prosecuted  by  Mexico,  and  her 
success  prevented  by  these  influences  from  abroad."— Mr.  Webster,  Secre 
tary  of  State,  July  8,  1842. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  95 

The  people  of  Texas  had  given  such  evidence 
of  their  ability  to  maintain  *  their  independence  of 
Mexico,  that  it  was  acknowledged,  not  only  by  the 
United  States,  but  also  by  several  of  the  principal 
powers  of  Europe.  It  was  a  fact  well  known  to  the 
Government  and  people  of  the  United  States  pre 
vious  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  that  country  claimed  the  Eio  Grande  as  its 
western  boundary.  Upon  all  occasions,  they  had 
given  evidence  that  such  was  their  opinion.  There 
was  a  provision  in  the  constitution  of  Texas,  authoriz 
ing  a  representation  of  the  counties  of  Bexar  and  San 
Patricio.  The  first  Congress  of  Texas  passed  an 
act,  extending  her  jurisdiction  over  the  country  to 
the  Rio  Grande.*  An  act  was  also  passed  to  incorpo 
rate  the  Texas  railroad,  navigation,  and  banking 
company,  with  the  right  of  connecting  the  waters 
of  the  Rio  Grande  with  the  Gulf,  by  means  of  in 
ternal  navigation.-)-  An  act  to  raise  revenue  by 
impost  duties,  was  also  passed,  and  one  of  the  col 
lection  districts  commenced  at  the  Rio  Grande.  J 
An  act  was  passed  fixing  the  dividing  line  between 
the  counties  of  Bexar  and  San  Patricio.  §  Other 
laws  to  the  same  effect  were  enacted. 

The  citizens  of  Texas  had  now  passed  through 
the  different  states  of  colonists,  revolutionists,  and 
independent  freemen.  A  small  band  of  men,  in 
spired  by  an  unconquerable  love  for  liberty,  had 

*  Law  of  Texas  approved,  December  19,  1836. 
f  Law  of  16th  December,  136. 
j  Law  of  June  12th,  1837. 

5  Law  of  May  24, 1828.     Law  of  the  21st  December,  1838.     Law, 
February  5th,  1840.     January  14th,  1843.     December  19th,  1843. 


96  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

boldly  encountered  the  trained  bands  of  eight  mil 
lions  of  people.  Conduct  more  savage  and  unre 
lenting  than  was  practised  towards  them,  never  dis 
graced  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare.  But  the  Texans 
were  more  terrible  upon  the  battle  field,  than  any 
foes  which  that  mixture  of  the  European,  Indian 
and  African  race  had  yet  attempted  to  subdue ;  and 
the  results  of  one  campaign  taught  them  to  fear  a 
collision  with  men,  who,  although  merciful  in  the 

I  o 

moment  of  triumph,  were  still  resistless  in  the  shock 
of  battle. 

I  will  merely  add,  that  there  is  no  force  in  the 
assertion,  that  the  Texans  only  acquired  a  title  by 
conquest  to  that  portion  of  Texas,  lying  this  side  of 
the  Nueces.  It  surely  was  not  necessary  that  they 
should  maintain  soldiers  upon  every  square  foot  of 
the  territory.  It  is  only  necessary  to  possess  the 
ability  to  make  good  the  usurpation  at  all  times. 
That  was  certainly  the  case  with  the  Texans,  from 
the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  ;  until  the  moment  of  an 
nexation,  no  hostile  foot  found  a  resting-place  with 
in  her  borders. 

The  American  colonies  declared  their  indepen 
dence  of  Great  Britain,  in  ITT 6.  The  stniff^le  con- 

oo 

tinned  more  than  seven  years.  Suppose  that  Eng 
land,  instead  of  making  a  treaty,  had  withdrawn 
from  the  contest,  would  not  our  title  be  as  good  to 
every  part  of  the  thirteen  States,  as  to  that  portion 
which  was  enriched  by  the  blood  of  our  revolution 
ary  sires  ?  And  yet,  how  small  a  portion  of  that 
territory  was  trod  by  an  American  soldier. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  97 


CHAPTER  V. 

Independence  of  Texas. — She  applies  for  admission  into  the  Union. — Acquisi 
tion  of  territory  by  Mr.  Jefferson. — Transfer  of  Texas  to  Spain  by  the 
Treaty  of  1819. — Efforts  of  President  Adams  to  have  the  title  reconveyed. 
— Territory  acquired  while  Mr.  Webster  was  Secretary  of  State. — Efforts 
of  England  and  France  to  prevent  annexation. — Passage  of  the  annexa 
tion  resolutions. — Extension  of  our  boundary. 

I  COME  now  to  an  examination  of  those  events  which 
resulted  in  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United 
States.  It  is  not  true  that  the  Government  of  this 
country  ever  sought  to  acquire  that  territory  by 
conquest.  On  the  contrary,  all  proper  exertions 
were  used  in  1836,  by  the  Administration  then  in 
power,  to  restrain  the  ardor  of  our  people,  who 
seeined  determined  to  fly  to  the  rescue  of  their 
brethren  whose  blood  was  watering  the  soil  of 
Texas.  The  neutrality  of  our  Government  was 
preserved.  This  was  not  only  the  case,  but  to  pre 
vent  any  unjust  accusations  against  its  good  faith, 
the  application  which  Texas  made,  in  a  short  time 
after  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  for  annexation  to 
this  country,  was  rejected.  At  a  general  election 
in  September,  1836,  the  citizens  of  Texas  declared 
with  great  unanimity  in  favor  of  a  union  with  the 
United  States ;  and  in  November  following  the  in 
dependence  of  that  republic,  authorized  the  ap- 
7 


98  HISTORY      OF     THE 

pointment  of  a  minister  to  accomplish  that  result. 
But  all  their  propositions  were  rejected  by  the  ad 
ministration  of  President  Jackson.  And  it  was  not 
until  a  sufficient  number  of  years  had  elapsed,  du 
ring  which  time  the  Texans  had  exhibited  far  more 
ability  to  maintain  their  independence,  than  the 
Mexicans  themselves,  that  the  question  of  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas  was  seriously  agitated  in  the 
United  States.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the 
territory  which  we  had  upon  several  occasions  of 
fered  to  purchase  from  Mexico,  she  lost  by  her 
treacherous  and  unjustifiable  conduct  towards  the 
citizens  of  Texas. 

It  was  not  left  to  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Polk  to  originate  the  doctrine  that  our  boundaries 
should  be  extended.  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  the  treaty 
of  1803  with  France,  immeasurably  advanced  the 
interests  of  his  country.  This  was  unfortunately, 
to  a  considerable  extent,  impaired  by  the  cession  to 
Spain  under  the  treaty  of  1819  ;  and  no  doubt,  see 
ing  the  error  committed  by  the  cabinet  of  which 
he  was  a  member,  Mr.  Adams,  during  the  term  of 
his  presidency,  made  early  and  sincere  endeavors  to 
restore  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Rio  Del  Norte.  To  accomplish  this  object,  the 
constant  exertions  of  his  administration  were  em 
ployed.  On  the  26th  of  March,  1825,  Mr.  Clay, 
then  Secretary  of  State,  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Poinsett,  our  Minister  at  Mexico,  in  which  he  stated 
that  the  line  of  the  Sabine  approached  too  near  our 
western  mart,  and  suggested  the  Rio  Del  Norte  in 


POLK     A  DM  I  N  IS  TB  ATI  ON.  99 

lieu  of  it.*     Similar  instructions  were  reiterated  to 
Mr.  Poinsett,  March  15th,  182T.f 

The  policy  which  dictated  the  extension  of  our 
boundaries,  was  adopted  by  the  administrations  of 
Presidents  Jackson,*  Van  Buren  and  Tyler 

*  "  Some  difficulties  may  possibly  hereafter  arise  between  the  two 
countries,  from  the  line  thus  agreed  upon,  against  which  it  would  be  advi 
sable  now  to  guard,  if  practicable ;  and  as  the  Government  of  Mexico 
may  be  supposed  not  to  have  any  disinclination  to  the  fixation  of  a  new 
line,  which  would  prevent  those  difficulties,  the  President  wishes  you  to 
sound  it  on  that  subject,  and  to  avail  yourself  of  a  favorable  disposition,  if 
you  should  find  it,  to  effect  that  object.     The  line  of  the  Sabine  approaches 
our  great  western  mart  nearer  than  could  be  wished.     Perhaps  the  Mexi 
can  Government  may  not  be  unwilling  to  establish  that  of  the  Rio  Brazos 
de  Dios,  or  the  Rio  Colorado,  or  the  Snow  Mountains,  or  the  Rio  Del 
Norte,  in  lieu  of  it." 

f  "  That  of  the  Sabine  brings  Mexico  nearer  our  great  western  com 
mercial  capital  than  is  desirable  ;  and  although  we  now  are,  and  for  a  long 
time  may  remain  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  justice  and  moderation  of  our 
neighbors,  still  it  would  be- better  for  both  parties,  that  neither  should  feel 
that  he  is  in  any  condition  of  exposure  on  the  remote  contingency  of  an 
alteration  in  existing  friendly  sentiments." 

"  Tmpressed  with  these  views,  the  President  has  thought  the  present 
might  be  an  auspicious  period  for  urging  a  negotiation,  at  Mexico,  to  set 
tle  the  boundary  between  the  territories  of  the  two  republics.  The  suc 
cess  of  the  negotiation  will  probably  be  promoted  by  throwing  into  it  other 
motives  than  those  which  strictly  belong  to  the  subject  itself.  If  we 
could  obtain  such  a  boundary  as  we  desire,  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  might  be  disposed  to  pay  a  reasonable  pecuniary  consideration. 
The  boundary  which  we  prefer,  is  that  which,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Rio  Del  Norte,  on  the  sea,  shall  ascend  that  river  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Puerco,  thence  ascending  this  river  to  its  source,  and  from  its  source, 
by  a  line  due  north,  to  strike  the  Arkansas ;  thence,  following  the  course 
of  the  southern  bank  of  the  Arkansas  to  its  source,  in  latitude  forty-two 
degrees  north,  and  thence,  by  that  parallel  of  latitude,  to  the  South  Sea." 

"  There  should  also  be  a  provision  made  for  the  delivery  of  the  country 
to  the  United  States  simultaneously,  or  as  nearly  so  as  practicable,  with 
the  payment  of  the  consideration." 

*  "  Sir,  it  is  the  wish  of  the  President  that  you  should,  without  delay, 
open  a  negotiation  with  the  Mexican  Government,  for  the  purchase  of  so 
much  of  the  province  of  Texas  as  is  hereinafter  described,  or  for  such 


100  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Mr.  Webster,  in  settling  the  north  eastern  boun 
dary  question,  managed  to  acquire  about  one  mile  in 
width  along  the  northern  boundary  of  Venn  out  and 
New- York,  including  House's  Point,  thus  acceding  to 
the  doctrine  that  territory  may  be  acquired  without 
danger  to  our  institutions.  Indeed,  the  policy 
which  prompts  the  acquisition  of  contiguous  terri 
tory,  has  so  long  governed  the  most  illustrious  of 
our  public  men,  and  has  so  often  received  the  sanc 
tion  of  the  American  people,  that  it  may  now  be 
regarded  as  settled  for  ever. 

o 

It  was  unfortunate  that  at  a  time  when  so  im 
portant  a  question  as  the  annexation  of  Texas  was 
agitated,  that  Mr.  Tyler  occupied  the  presidential 
chair.  He  had,  for  reasons  which  it  is  not  necessary 
to  enumerate  here,  lost  his  influence  with  the  whig 
and  democratic  parties.  So  far  as  the  annexation  of 
Texas  was  concerned,  instead  of  receiving  addi 
tional  weight  from  his  sanction,  it  had  the  effect  of 
placing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  its  consummation. 

There  was  besides  other  embarrassments  of  a 
grave  character,  which  surrounded  the  subject. 
The  rapid  strides  which  the  United  States  had  been 
making  to  national  greatness,  was  viewed  with 
jealousy  by  Great  Britain.  The  acquisition  of  so 
large  a  portion  of  territory  as  was  included  within 
the  boundaries  of  Texas,  was  regarded  with  evident 
marks  of  dissatisfaction ;  and  all  the  powers  possessed 


part  thereof  as  they  can  be  induced  to  cede  to  us,  if  the  same  be  conforma 
ble  to  either  of  the  localities  with  which  you  are  hereinafter  furnished." — 
Dispatch  of  the  Secretary  of  Slate  to  our  Minister  in  Mexico,  August 
25/fc,  1829. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  101 

by  the  most  accomplished  corps  of  diplomatists  of 
modern  times  were  employed  to  arrest  the  movement. 
France,  too,  was  not  idle.  The  two  great  maritime 
powers  of  the  old  world  had  taken  the  field  against 
us.  Mr.  Packenham,  for  several  years  the  British 
minister  at  Mexico,  was  accredited  to  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Bankhead,  once  the  minister  of  Eng 
land  to  this  country,  was  sent  to  Mexico.  Captain 
Elliott,  the  British,  and  M.  Saligny,  the  French 
minister  in  Texas,  employed  all  their  powers  to  pre 
vent  the  union.  Vessels  of  war  were  put  in  requi 
sition,  and  protests  and  protocols  were  freely  em 
ployed,  but  still  without  effect.  France  and  Eng 
land  were  not  only  violently  opposed  to  the  annex 
ation  of  Texas  from  national  considerations,  but  the 
English  and  Americans  who  were  determined  to 
prevent  the  acquisition  of  additional  slavery  terri 
tory,  were  taking  active  and  energetic  measures  to 
frustrate  the  designs  of  the  annexationists.  The 
American  delegation  to  the  World's  Convention 
had  suggested 'to  the  abolitionists  of  England,  that 
the  time  to  act  had  arrived ;  an  interview  had  taken 
place  between  Lord  Aberdeen  and  a  deputation  of 
that  convention.  Combinations  were  formed  by 
associations  of  men,  who  are  often  more  successful 
in  accomplishing  their  objects  than  governments 
themselves.  But  the  public  heart  in  the  United 
States  and  Texas  throbbed  for  a  union  of  the  two, 
and  decided  steps  were  taken  to  accomplish  that 
result, 

A  proposition  was  made  on  the  1 7th  of  January, 
1844,  to  Mr.  Upshur,   the  American  Secretary  of 


102  HISTORY     OF     THE 

State,  by  the  Texan  Minister,,  which,  by  its  bold 
ness,  seemed  to  have  startled  the  Cabinet  of  Mr. 
Tyler.*  By  the  terms  of  this  communication,  the 
fear  seemed  to  be  entertained  by  the  Texans,  that 
if  annexation  should  be  accomplished,  the  Mexicans 
would  immediately  terminate  the  armistice,  and  at 
once  resume  hostilities ;  and  the  question  was  dis 
tinctly  propounded  to  Mr.  Upslmr,  whether  the 
President,  after  signing  the  treaty,  and  before  it  was 
ratified  by  the  other  branch  of  the  Government, 
would  order  the  forces  of  the  United  States  to  pro 
tect  Texas  against  foreign  aggressions.  Mr.  Upshur 

*  "  SIR  :  It  is  known  to  you  that  an  armistice  has  been  proclaimed 
between  Mexico  and  Texas  ;  that  that  armistice  has  been  obtained  through 
the  intervention  of  several  great  powers,  mutHally  friendly,  and  that  nego 
tiations  are  now  pending,  having  for  their  object  a  settlement  of  the  diffi 
culties  heretofore  existing  between  the  two  countries.  A  proposition 
having  been  likewise  submitted  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
through  you,  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  country,  therefore,  (with 
out  indicating  the  nature  of  the  reply  which  the  President  of  Texas  may 
direct  to  be  made  to  this  proposition.)  I  beg  leave  to  suggest  that  it  may 
be  apprehended,  should  a  treaty  of  annexation  be  concluded,  Mexico  may 
think  proper  to  at  once  terminate  the  armistice,  break  off  all  negotiation 
for  peace,  and  again  threaten  or  commence  hostilities  against  Texas  ;  and 
that  some  of  the  other  Governments  who  have  been  instrumental  in  ob 
taining  their  cession,  if  they  do  not  throw  their  influence  into  the  Mexi 
can  scale,  may  altogether  withdraw  their  good  offices  of  mediation,  thus 
losing  to  Texas  their  friendship,  and  exposing  her  to  the  unrestrained 
menaces  of  Mexico.  In  view,  then,  of  these  things,  I  desire  to  submit 
through  you,  to  his  excellency  the  President  of  the  United  States,  this  in 
quiry  :  Should  the  President  of  Texas  accede  to  the  proposition  of  annex 
ation,  would  the  President  of  the  United  States,  after  the  signing  of  the 
treaty,  and  before  it  shall  be  ratified  and  receive  the  final  action  of  the 
other  branches  of  both  Governments,  in  case  Texas  should  desire  it,  or 
with  her  consent,  order  such  number  of  the  military  and  naval  forces  of 
the  United  States  to  such  necessary  points  or  places  upon  the  territory  or 
borders  of  Texas  or  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  as  shall  be  sufficient  to  protect 
her  against  foreign  aggression  ?" 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  103 

never  answered  it.  Mr.  Nelson,  Ms  temporary  suc 
cessor  as  Secretary  of  State,  did  not  answer  it  to  the 
Texan  Minister  in  Washington,  but  addressed  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Murphy,  in  Texas,  under  date  of 
March  llth,  1844. 

The  terms  of  this  communication  did  not  satisfy 
the  Texan  Government,  and  Mr.  Henderson,  the 
newly  appointed  minister  at  Washington,  from  that 
country,  refused  to  enter  into  negotiations.  Fearful 
of  losing  the  prke  which  was  almost  within  their 
grasp,  the  administration  of  Mr.  Tyler,  on  the  llth 
day  of  April,  1844,  agreed  to  the  demands  of  the 
Texan  Government.*  This  was  followed  on  the 
12th  of  April,  1844,  by  a  treaty  between  the  two 
republics,  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United 
States,  which  was  rejected  by  the  Senate. 

During  each  step  of  the  negotiations  the  Mexi 
can  Government  had  issued  threatening  protests,  f 

*  "  GENTLEMEN  :  The  letter  addressed  by  Mr.  Van  Zandt  to  the  late 
Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Upshur,  to  which  you  have  called  my  attention, 
dated,  Washington,  17th  January,  1844,  has  been  laid  before  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  reply  to  it,  I  am  directed  by  the  President  to  say,  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Navy  has  been  instructed  to  order  a  strong  naval  force  to  con 
centrate  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  meet  any  emergency  ;  and  that  similar 
orders  have  been  issued  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  to  move  the  disposable 
military  forces  on  our  south-western  frontier,  for  the  same  purpose. 
Should  the  exigency  arise  to  which  you  refer  in  your  note  to  Mr. 
Upshur,  I  am  further  directed  by  the  President  to  say,  that  during  the 
pendency  of  the  treaty  of  annexation,  he  would  deem  it  his  duty  to  use  all 
the  means  placed  within  his  power  by  the  Constitution,  to  protect  Texas  from 
all  foreign  invasion.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c." — Letter  of  the  Ameri 
can  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Calhoun,  to  the  Mexican  Minister,  April  11, 
1844. 

f  "  The  Mexican  Government  will  consider  equivalent  to  a  declaration 
of  war  against  the  Mexican  Republic,  the  passage  of  an  act  for  the  incor- 


104  HISTORY     OF     THE 

declaring  that  war  would  be  the  inevitable  result, 
if  the  measure  should  be  consummated.  The  ques 
tion  which  for  a  time  had  been  delayed  by  the  Se 
nate,  was  referred  to  the  people  in  the  celebrated 
contest  of  1844,  which  resulted  in  the  elevation  of 
Mr.  Polk  to  the  presidency  of  the  United  States. 

The  impetus  which  had  been  given  at  the  pre 
sidential  election  to  the  question  of  annexation,  re 
sulted  in  the  passage  by  Congress,  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1845,  of  a  joint  resolution  for  annexing 
Texas  to  the  United  States*  upon  certain  preli- 

porating  of  Texas  into  the  territory  of  the  United  States ;  the  certainty  of 
the  fact  being  sufficient  for  the  proclamation  of  war,  leaving  to  the  civiliz 
ed  world  to  determine  in  regard  to  the  justice  of  the  Mexican  nation,  in  a 
struggle  which  it  has  beerf  so  far  from  provoking." — Mexican  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs  to  the  American  Minister,  August  23,  1843. 

"  {Such  a  measure  (the  annexation  of  Texas),  if  carried  into  effect,  can 
not  be  considered  by  Mexico  in  any  other  aspect  than  as  direct  ag 
gression 

"  And  he  (Almonte)  moreover  declares,  by  express  order  of  his 
Government,  that  on  sanction  being  given  by  the  Executive  of  the  Union 
to  the  incorporating  of  Texas  into  the  United  States,  he  will  consider  his 
mission  ended,  seeing  that,  as  the  Secretary  of  State  will  have  learned, 
the  Mexican  Government  is  resolved  to  declare  war  as  soon  as  it  receives 
information  of  that  fact." — Mexican  Minister,  at  Washington,  Xoiember 
3,  1843. 

"  That  Mexico  was  resolved  again  to  undertake  the  campaign  against 
Texas,  for  which  he  held  in  readiness  a  large  army." — Proclamation  of 
President  tiania  Anna,  June  12,  1844. 

*  The  first  resolution  provides,  that  Congress  doth  consent  that  the 
territory  properly  included  within,  and  rightfully  belonging  to  the  Repub 
lic  of  Texas,  may  be  erected  into  a  new  State,  to  be  called  the  State  of 
Texas,  with  a  republican  form  of  Government,  to  be  adopted  by  the  people 
of  said  republic,  by  deputies  in  convention  assembled,  with  the  consent  of 
the  existing  Government,  in  order  that  the  same  may  be  admitted  as  one 
of  the  States  of  the  Union.  That  the  foregoing  consent  of  Congress  is 
given  upon  the  condition,  that  the  said  State  be  formed,  subject  to  the  ad 
justment  by  this  Government  of  all  questions  of  boundary  that  may  arise 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  105 

minary  conditions,  to  which  her  assent  was  required. 
This  was  done  by  the  Congress,  and  the  Executive 
of  Texas,  and  by  the  people  in  a  convention  elected 
for  that  purpose.  The  threats  which  had  so  often 
been  made  by  the  Mexican  Government  were  put 
in  force,  and  all  diplomatic  relations  were  broken 
off.*  General  Almonte,  the  Mexican  Minister  at 
"Washington,  in  March,  1845,  demanded  his  pass 
ports  and  returned  to  Mexico. 

What  evils  will  result  from  this  large  acquisition 
of  Territory  ?  None.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  nation, 
as  far  as  possible,  to  throw  around  itself  the  ele 
ments  of  protection  against  the  assaults  of  foreign 
powers.  The  advantages  resulting  from  such  a 
course  are  two-fold.  It  wins  that  respect  and  for- 

with  other  Governments ;  and  the  constitution  thereof,  with  the  proper 
evidence  of  its  adoption  by  the  people  of  the  said  Republic  of  Texas,  shall 
be  transmitted  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  to  be  laid  before  Con 
gress  for  its  final  action,  on  or  before  the  1st  day  of  January,  1846. 

The  second  resolution  provides,  that  if  the  President  of  the  United 
States  shall,  in  his  judgment  and  discretion,  deem  it  most  advisable,  in 
stead  of  proceeding  to  submit  the  first  resolution  to  the  Republic  of  Texas 
as  an  overture  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  for  admission,  to  negotiate 
with  that  Republic,  then,  that  a  State  to  be  formed  out  of  the  present 
Republic  of  Texas,  with  suitable  extent  and  boundaries,  and  with  two 
Representatives  in  Congress  until  the  next  apportionment  of  representa 
tion,  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  by  virtue  of  this  act,  on  an  equal 
footing  with  the  existing  States,  as  soon  as  the  terms  and  conditions  of 
such  admission,  and  the  cession  of  the  remaining  Texan  territory  to  the 
United  States  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the  Governments  of  Texas  and  the 
United  States,  and  the  sum  of  $100,000  is  hereby  appropriated  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  missions  and  negotiations  to  agree  upon  the  terms  of  said 
admission  and  cession,  either  by  treaty  to  be  submitted  to  the  Senate,  or 
by  articles  to  be  submitted  to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  as  the  Presi 
dent  may  direct. 

*  Letter  of  General  Almonte  to  the  American  Secretary  of  State, 
March  6th,  1845. 


106  IIISTOKY      OF     THE 

bearance  from  foreign  Governments,  which  power, 
seldom  fails  to  produce ;  and  it  yields  facilities  for 
a  prompt  and  effectual  vindication  of  rights,  which 
the  unscrupulous  are  so  ready  to  infringe. 

If  the  interest  of  a  country  required  the  acqui 
sition  of  contiguous  territory,  the  proper  means 
should  most  unquestionably  be  used  by  its  Govern 
ment  to  acquire  that  territory.  If  our  nationality 
depended  upon  the  forcible  possession  of  any  por 
tion  of  this  earth,  it  would  be  as  justifiable  upon 
the  part  of  the  Government  to  employ  the  requi 
site  force  to  accomplish  that  end,  as  it  would  be  for 
a  drowning  man  to  thrust  his  fellow  from  a  plank, 
which  would  not  support  them  both.  They  are 
both  reconcilable  upon  the  principle  of  "  self-pre 
servation  being  the  first  law  of  nature." 

There  have  always  been  found  men,  however,  in 
this  country,  opposed  to  the  extension  of  our  ter 
ritorial  limits.  Whether  the  acquisition  is  made 
peaceably  and  by  negotiation,  or  is  the  result  of 
conquest,  their  views  remain  unchangeable.  Some 
base  their  opposition  upon  the  assumption,  that  our 
limits  will  become  so  enlarged  that  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union  will  be  the  result ;  while  others,  more 
selfish  and  illiberal  in  their  opinions,  dread  the  de 
parture  of  power  from  their  own  contracted  sphere. 
They  regard  as  the  greatest  calamity  which  may 
befall  them,  the  overshadowing  influence  which  the 

o 

immense  territory  we  have  acquired  will  possess 
over  those  small  States  wherein  they  are  omnipo 
tent.  The  objections  of  the  latter  are  unworthy 
of  a  moment's  consideration.  Their  motives  are 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  107 

well  understood  and  justly  appreciated.  It  is 
to  the  fears  of  the  honest  which  I  prefer  to  ad 
dress  myself.  And  in  the  outset  I  might  triumph 
antly  refer  to  the  history  of  this  country,  as  a  refuta 
tion  of  the  stale  charge,  that  an  extension  of  our 
boundaries  will  produce,  ultimately,  a  dissolution 
of  the  Union.  The  old  "Thirteen"  were  at  first 
inclined  to  retain  dominion  over  those  vast  tracts 
which  extended  far  to  the  westward.  But  they 
were  finally  controlled  by  a  spirit  of  liberality. 
Out  of  the  territory  which  originally  belonged  to 
them,  have  been  carved  several  mighty  States. 
Contiguous  territory  has  been  purchased  from  for 
eign  powers.  A  vast  and  valuable  section  of  coun 
try  has  been  taken  from  a  conquered  power,  inhab 
ited  by  thousands  of  another  race.  And  still  the 
cohesive  power  of  this  mighty  republic  holds  it  to 
gether.  The  constitution  and  laws  cover,  like  a  pro 
tecting  shield,  all  within  our  borders.  Even  upon 
the  newly  acquired  soil  of  California,  where  have 
congregated  the  adventurous  from  many  lands,  the 
supremacy  of  law  and  order  prevails,  and  the 
American,  true  to  the  allegiance  and  duty  which 
he  owes  to  these  States,  is  prepared,  at  all  hazards, 
to  add  another  to  the  splendid  galaxy  which  consti 
tutes  this  confederacy. 

While  the  public  heart  beats  thus  warmly  from 
the  centre  throughout  the  borders  of  our  land,  what 
well-grounded  fears  can  be  entertained  for  the  sta 
bility  of  the  Union  ?  It  is  not  the  extent  of  a  coun 
try  which  produces  weakness,  as  long  as  patriotism 
and  virtue  control  the  masses.  And  when  they  be- 


108  HISTORY      OF     THE 

come  thoroughly  corrupt,  it  matters  not  how  lim 
ited  may  be  their  sphere  of  action,  they  will  soon 
be  deprived  of  that  liberty  which  they  do  not 
deserve  to  retain.  "We  are  often  referred  by  those 
who  have  a  fondness  for  historical  facts,  whether 
they  are  particularly  applicable  or  not  to  the  sub 
ject  which  they  have  under  consideration,  to  the 
decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

The  fate  of  that  empire  can  have  no  parallel 
here.  Its  power  and  influence  were  confined  within 
"  The  Seven  Hills."  The  wealth  which  they  plun 
dered  from  the  conquered  was  carried  thither  to 
corrupt  her  citizens.  The  provinces  were  treated 
as  a  conquered  country ;  their  citizens  were  robbed 
and  maltreated.  And  when  the  Romans,  enervated 
by  their  ill-gotten  wealth,  came  in  contact  with  the 
fierce  and  hardy  men  of  the  north,  they  were  over 
thrown.  What  parallel  is  there  between  such  a 
career  and  our  own  brilliant  destiny?  Our  cities 
are  very  far  from  possessing  the  power  of  corrupt 
ing  the  country,  even  admitting  that  their  inhabit 
ants  are  not  as  patriotic  as  where  they  breathe  the 
pure  air  of  heaven.  Suppose  all  the  gold  of  Cali 
fornia  were  poured  into  our  large  cities,  what  effect 
would  that  have  upon  this  vast  confederacy  ?  Even 
if  it  was  confined  within  those  cities  the  country 
would  be  just  as  safe.  But  it  is,  on  the  contrary, 
circulated  and  diffused  throughout  the  land. 

Again,  Rome  was  shaken  by  internal  dissen 
sions.  A  successful  general  would  take  advantage 
of  a  temporary  popularity  to  encroach  upon  their 
rights.  A  brilliant  orator  would  excite  them  to 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  109 

their  own  undoing.  What  could  "be  accomplished 
by  the  most  successful  general,  or  the  most  accom 
plished  orator  in  this  enlightened  land  ?  The  very 
fact  of  our  boundaries  being  so  widely  extended  is 
a  shield  against  all  such  dangers.  One  portion  of 
the  confederacy  may  be  agitated,  and  aroused  to 
such  a  pitch  of  frenzy  as  almost  to  result  in  revo 
lution,  as  was  the  case  with  the  small  State  of  Rhode 
Island,  while  other  and  more  distant  parts  of  the 
Union  maintain  a  coolness  calculated  to  produce  the 
best  results. 

In  the  very  extension  of  our  boundaries  is  the 
surest  protection  against  convulsions  within,  and 
hostile  legions  from  without.  This  country,  for 
years  to  come,  will  be  the  great  point  of  attraction 
to  foreigners.  Each  year  witnesses  the  arrival  of 
thousands.  If,  as  some  suppose,  danger  may  be 
apprehended  from  this  vast  influx  of  foreigners, 
how  much  the  danger  is  lessened  by  mingling  them 
with  our  own  citizens,  and  diffusing  them  over  our 
widely  extended  domain. 

There  is  something  so  just  and  equitable  in  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  that  no 
one  can  have  cause  for  dissatisfaction.  The  for 
eigner  who  voluntarily  comes  to  our  shores,  and  the 
Mexican,  who,  without  his  consent,  is  "  annexed " 
to  this  country,  at  once  feel  the  influences  which 
surround  them  so  unusual,  and  the  privileges  con 
ferred  so  grateful  to  their  feelings,  that  they  are 
at  once  and  for  ever  bound  to  their  new  home  by 
the  strongest  ties  of  gratitude  and  love.  And  that 
man  who  was  born  an  American,  would  be  doubly 


110  HISTORY      OF     THE 

dyed  a  traitor,  who  could  raise  Ms  voice  in  other 
than  words  of  affection  for  his  native  land. 

Let  the  boundaries  of  the  Union,  then,  "be  ex 
tended  ;  let  contiguous  territory  be  incorporated 
with  our  own ;  let  all  the  keys  to  our  livers  and 
harbors  be  secured ;  let  the  model  republic  increase 
in  greatness  until  its  political,  moral,  and  physical 
power,  shall  be  felt  and  acknowledged  throughout 
the  civilized  world. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  Ill 


CHAPTER  VI. 

American  Consul  at  Mexico  directed  to  open  negotiations. — The  Mexicans 
agree  to  receive  a  commissioner. — Mr.  Slidell  appointed  Minister  Pleni 
potentiary. — The  Mexicans  refuse  to  receive  him  in  that  character. — 
Causes  of  rupture  which  had  long  existed. — The  Mexicans  raise  troops. 
— Herrera  forced  to  resign  in  favor  of  General  Paredes. — Orders  issued  to 
the  Mexican  commanders  upon  the  frontiers  to  attack  the  Americans. — 
Course  pursued  by  the  opposition  members  of  Congress. — Assault  upon 
the  foreign  policy  of  Mr.  Polk. 

THE  annexation  of  Texas  having  been  solemnly 
agreed  upon  by  treaty,  the  indignation  of  the  Mex 
ican  authorities  was  completely  aroused.  On  the 
12th  of  July,  1845,  orders  were  issued  from  the 
office  of  war  and  marine,  for  the  troops  to  be  in 
readiness  to  march  towards  any  point  which  re 
quired  protection,  against  what  was  regarded  as  un 
just  aggressions.*  There  could  be  no  pretence  for 
taking  this  step,  as  General  Taylor  had  not  at  that 
time  taken  up  his  position  at  Corpus  Christi.  Al 
though  Mexico  "had  abruptly  terminated  all  diplo 
matic  intercourse  between  the  two  countries,  and 
had  hurled  defiance  at  the  American  Executive, 
Mr.  Polk  was  unwilling  to  take  up  the  glove  thus 
rudely  cast  at  his  feet.  In  September,  1845,  the 
consul  of  the  United  States  at  the  city  of  Mexico, 

*  "  See  orders  of  Garcia  Conde,  Office  of  War  and  Marine,  Mexico, 
July  12th,  1845." 


112  HISTORY     OF     THE 

was  instructed  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  propose 
a  resumption  of  diplomatic  intercourse.  This  was 
done  by  Mr.  Black  on  the  13th  of  October,  1845, 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Pena  Y  Pena.*  This  note  was 
responded  to  on  the  15th  of  October,  1845,  by 
the  Mexican  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,f  who 
agreed  to  receive  a  commissioner  from  the  United 
States,  who  might  come  with  full  power  "  to  settle 
the  present  dispute  in  a  peaceful,  reasonable  and 
honorable  manner."  Upon  the  condition,  however, 
that  the  whole  naval  force  then  lying  in  sight  of 
the  port  of  Vera  Cruz  should  be  recalled.  Upon 
the  reception  of  that  note  at  Washington,  our  naval 
force  was  promptly  withdrawn.  Mr.  Slidell  was 
immediately  appointed  Minister  to  Mexico,  with  full 
power  to  adjust  all  the  questions  in  dispute.  On 
the  8th  of  December,  1845,  he  addressed  a  note  to 
Mr.  Pena  Y  Pena,  advising  him  of  his  arrival  and 
the  object  of  his  mission.  The  Mexican  authorities 
refused  to  receive  him.  The  government  of  General 
Herrera,  then  President  of  Mexico,  was  upon  the 
point  of  being  overturned  by  General  Paredes,  and 
the  basis  of  this  revolution  was  the  determination 
of  Herrera  to  open  negotiations.  J  As  a  last  des- 

*  See  note  of  Mr.  Black,  the  American  Consul,  to  Mr.  Peiia  Y  Pena, 
the  Mexican  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

f  Letter  of  Mr.  Pena  Y  Peiia  to  Mr.  Black,  Oct.  15th,  1845. 

J  "  We  now  turn  a  glance  to  Mexico,  where  will  be  found  established 
the  government  of  General  Paredes.  As  one  of  the  motives  by  which 
the  revolutionists  supported  their  pronunciamento,  was  that  the  adminis 
tration  of  Herrera  did  not  desire  to  carry  on  this  war,  the  new  government 
was  bound  to  do  so  at  any  cost." — Mexican  History  of  the  War  with 
Mexico,  p.  38. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  113 

perate  expedient  to  maintain  his  position,  Herrera 
determined  to  break  off  all  negotiations  with  the 
United  States,  and  the  pretext  for  that  course  was 
the  fact,  that  Mr.  Slidell  was  commissioned  with  full 
power  to  adjust  all  questions  in  dispute  between  the 
two  countries,  instead  of  being  appointed  a  special 
commissioner  to  settle  the  question  of  annexation 
alone,  leaving  all  the  outrages  upon  our  flag  and 
our  people  unadjusted.* 

This  will  be  the  proper  time  to  examine  the 
grounds  of  complaint  which  the  United  States  had 
against  Mexico,  for  many  years  previous  to  the  an 
nexation  of  Texas. 

The  Mexicans  had  scarcely  achieved  their  inde 
pendence  of  Spain,  when  the  United  States  wel 
comed  them  into  the  sisterhood  of  nations.  The 
only  return  was  a  system  of  insult  and  aggression. 
Our  seamen  under  the  flag  of  the  Union,  engaged 

*  "Thus  began  anew  the  negotiations  in  December,  1845,  and  the 
minister,  Mr.  John  Slidell,  presented  himself  in  Mexico.  But  immediately 
this  difficulty  arose,  that  his  Government  desired  him  to  be  received  as  a 
minister  plenipotentiary,  ordinary  or  general,  and  ours  would  only  admit 
him  as  a  commissioner  ad  hoc  for  the  question  of  Texas.  The  settled 
opinion  of  the  Government  Council  of  the  1 6th  of  December  of  that  year, 
made  known  with  clearness  the  difference  between  the  two  characters. 
By  admitting  Mr.  Slidell  as  a  common  envoy  it  resulted,  that,  at  the  time 
of  arranging  the  questions  of  Texas,  he  might  occupy  himself  with  other 
subjects  proper  for  a  plenipotentiary  who  exercised  his  functions  near  a 
government  with  which  there  were  only  peaceful  relations.  By  admitting 
Mr.  Slidell  as  he  wished,  it  resulted  also,  that,  without  Mexico  receiving 
the  satisfaction  due  her,  diplomatic  negotiations  would  become  re-estab 
lished  between  both  powers ;  that  the  business  of  annexation  would  be 
complicated  with  the  pecuniary  reclamations ;  that  Mexico  would  with 
draw  her  hand  from  making  war,  and  the  United  States  would  follow  up 
all  the  consequent  advantages  to  her  commerce  and  interests." — Ibid. 
p.  28. 

8 


114  HIS  TO  BY     OF     THE 

in  the  peaceful  pursuits  of  commerce,  were  thrown 
into  dungeons  and  their  property  confiscated.  Ke- 
volutions  succeeded  each  other  in  rapid  succession, 
but  still  there  was  no  cessation  in  the  spoliation  of 
our  commerce,  and  the  insults  to  our  flag.  The 
Government  of  the  United  States  again  and  again 
demanded  redress.  Promises  were  made  by  one 
military  chieftain,  only  to  be  violated  by  another. 
A  treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation,  was 
concluded  between  the  two  republics  on  the  5th  of 
April,  1841.  It  was  confidently  believed  that  a 
proper  regard  would  be  paid  by  the  Mexicans  to 
the  solemn  stipulation  contained  in  that  treaty. 
But  the  results  proved  that  too  much  confidence 
had  been  placed  in  the  good  ftiith  of  that  amalga 
mated  race.  Seven  years  had  not  elapsed  after  the 
treaty  of  1831,  before  the  injuries  our  citizens  were 
subjected  to  had  become  so  intolerable,  that  the  at 
tention  of  Congress  was  particularly  called  to  the 
subject  by  President  Jackson,  in  his  message  of 
February,  1837.'" 

Committees  of  both  houses  of  Congress  to  which 
this  message  was  referred,  endorsed  his  opinion  of 
the  character  of  the  outrages  of  which  Mexico  had 
been  guilty,  and  recommended  one  more  demand 
for  redress  before  a  declaration  of  war,  or  the  issu- 

*  "  The  length  of  time  since  some  of  the  injuries  have  been  com 
mitted,  the  repeated  and  unavailing  applications  for  redress,  the  wanton 
character  of  some  of  the  outrages  upon  the  property  and  persons  of  our 
citizens,  upon  the  officers  and  flag  of  the  United  8tat.es,  independent  of 
recent  insults  to  this  Government  and  people  by  the  late  extraordinary 
Mexican  minister,  would  justify  in  the  eyes  of  all  nations  immediate  war." 
— Message  of  General  Jackson,  February,  1837. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  115 

ance  of  letters  of  reprisal.  On  the  12th  July,  1837, 
a  demand  was  made  upon  Mexico,  through  a 
special  messenger  dispatched  to  that  country.  The 
reply  of  the  Government  was  made  on  the  29th  of 
July,  in  which  they  expressed  the  anxious  wish  that 
the  equitable  adjustment  of  existing  difficulties 
might  not  be  delayed.  These  pledges  were  solemnly 
made  only  to  be  broken.  The  attention  of  Congress 
was  again  called  to  the  matter  by  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
in  December,  1837.  Another  negotiation  was  en 
tered  upon,  with  the  usual  number  of  pledges  upon 
the  part  of  Mexico.  This  negotiation,  after  more 
than  a  year  had  elapsed,  produced  the  convention  of 
April,  1839.  The  Board  of  Commissioners  to  act 
upon  the  claims,  met  in  the  month  of  August,  1840, 
and  by  the  terms  of  the  convention  they  were  re 
quired  to  terminate  their  labors  within  eighteen 
months  thereafter.  The  time  expired  in  February, 

1842,  leaving  many  claims  unadjusted.     Those  al 
lowed  amounted  to  two  millions  twenty-six  thousand 
one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  dollars  and  sixty-eight 
cents.     Nearly  a  million  of  dollars  was  left  without 
being  decided  upon ;  besides  these  claims,  there  were 
others,  amounting  to  nearly  three  and  a  half  mil 
lions,  which  the  board  had  not  time  to  act  upon. 
The  sum,  however,  adjudicated,  was  a  positive  debt 
due,  about  which  there  could  be  no  equivocation. 
The  Mexican  government  asked  a  postponement  of 
the  payment  of  this  sum  until  a  future  day.     This 
request  was  acceded  to,  on  the  30th  of  January, 

1843,  upon  condition  that  the  principal  and  interest 
accruing  thereon,  should  be  paid  in  five  years,  in 


116  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

equal  instalments  every  three  months.  The  result 
of  this  forbearance  was  the  payment  alone  of  the 
interest  due  on  the  30th  of  .April,  1843,  and  three 
out  of  the  twenty  instalments.  A  third  convention 
was  concluded  at  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  20th 
of  November,  1843,  for  the  adjustment  of  the 
claims  due  our  citizens.  As  usual  the  terms  of  this 
convention  were  violated.  How  can  the  conduct 
of  Mexico  in  thus  wholly  disregarding  her  treaty 
stipulations  be  excused?  If  these  accumulated 
wrongs  had  been  committed  by  one  of  the  powers 
of  Europe,  war  would  have  been  the  inevitable  re 
sult.  It  renders  imperative  the  promulgation  of  the 
doctrine,  that  while  we  will  render  strict  justice  to 
all  nations,  we  will  exact  it  from  them  in  return. 

Having  thus  briefly  referred  to  the  repeated  in 
sults  committed  by  Mexico,  followed  by  a  total  dis 
regard  of  solemn  treaty  stipulations,  I  will  proceed 
to  show  how  forbearance  upon  our  part,  only  tended 
to  augment  their  insolence,  until  they  consummated 
their  national  folly  by  the  invasion  of  our  territory. 

Circulars  were  issued  by  the  Mexican  Secretary  of 
"War  to  the  Mexican  commanders,  to  raise  troops 
for  the  purpose  of  waging  war  against  the  United 
States.*  The  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  country 
was  characterized  as  an  act  of  perfidy.  These  cir 
culars  were  followed,  the  ensuing  month,  by  ad 
dresses  to  the  troops  under  their  command,  by  the 
Mexican  Generals.f  Nothing  could  be  more  ex- 

*  Circulars    of  Garcia  Conde,  Mexican  Secretary  of  War,  of  July 
12th,  and  July  16th,  1845. 
f  "  Comrades  :  The  Supreme  Executive  has  sent  to  me,  by  express, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  117 

plicit  than  these  declarations.  The  tone  of  their 
dispatches  and  addresses  were  exceedingly  warlike_, 
and  the  note  of  preparation  was  heard  throughout 
Mexico.  The  popular  feeling  was  aroused  to  such 
a  degree  of  enthusiasm,  that  a  violent  assault  was 
made  upon  the  pacific  policy  of  Herrera.  A  mani 
festo  was  promulgated  against  him  by  the  army  of 
reserve,*  the  ground  for  which  was,  the  agreement 

the  news  that  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of  their  ambitious  views, 
have  taken  possession  of  the  department  of  Texas ;  he  had  demanded  a 
declaration  of  war  from  Congress  against  that  unjust  nation. 

"  The  time  to  fight  is  come.  We  must  prepare  with  the  ardor  inspired 
by  duty  and  patriotism,  when  an  attack  is  made  upon  the  soil,  the  honor, 
and  the  pride  of  the  nation. 

"  Arms  are  the  only  arguments  to  use  against  banditti  and  men  with 
out  good  faith.  Let  us  hope  for  that  justice  which  is  invoked  by  all 
society,  and  the  decision  of  the  civilized  world. 

"  Large  bodies  of  troops  are  on  their  march ;  they  will  soon  be  here, 
to  share  our  dangers  and  repulse  the  enemy." — Address  of  General 
Arista  to  his  troops,  on  the  12th  of  August,  1845. 

"  Soldiers !  A  rapacious  and  grasping  race  have  thrown  themselves 
upon  our  territory,  and  dare  to  flatter  themselves  that  we  will  not  defend 
the  patrimony  which  our  forefathers  conquered  with  their  blood.  They 
deceive  themselves  :  we  will  fly  to  snatch  from  them  the  spoils,  the  pos 
session  of  which  they  are  impudently  enjoying ;  and  they  shall  learn  by 
dearly  bought  experience,  that  they  are  not  contending  with  the  undisci 
plined  tribes  of  Indians  whom  they  robbed  of  their  land,  their  heaven,  and 
their  country ;  and  that  the  Mexicans  will  ardently  combat  the  soldiers  of 
a  nation  which  has  sanctioned  by  its  laws  the  most  degrading  slavery." — 
Address  of  General  Paredes  to  Us  troops  on  the  27tfi  of  August,  1845. 

*  "  Had  repeatedly  thwarted  the  purpose  of  the  army  to  move  upon 
Texas  ;  and  at  the  same  time  allowed  the  army  to  be  vilified  for  its  inac 
tion  by  official  journals ;  that  it  had  admitted  a  commissioner,  [meaning 
Mr.  Slidell,]  with  whom  it  was  endeavoring  to  arrange  for  the  loss  of  the 
integrity  of  the  republic  ;  that  it  had  reduced  the  country  almost  to  a 
state  of  anarchy,  in  the  midst  of  which  it  existed,  without  revenue,  without 
power,  and  almost  without  will ;  that  these  evils  demanded  an  immediate 
remedy,  and  that  the  administration  confessed  its  total  incompetency  and 
powerlessness  ;  that  it  has  lost  all  respectability,  so  necessary  to  a  govern- 


118  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

to  receive  a  Commissioner  from  the  United  States. 
Another  revolution  succeeded.  Herrera  was  forced 
to  resign  on  the  thirtieth  of  December,  1845,  and 

O  /  ' 

was  superseded  by  General  Paredes.*  All  these 
exciting  events  preceded  the  march  of  General  Tay 
lor  to  the  Rio  Grande.  The  order  directing  him  to 
take  position  upon  that  river,  was  not  issued  until 
the  13 th  of  January,  1846,  and  was  not  received 
b}'  him  until  the  4th  of  February  following. 

That  Avar  was  regarded  by  the  Mexican  Gov 
ernment  as  their  only  recourse,  is  evident  from  the 
letter  of  the  Mexican  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs 
to  our  Minister,  bearing  date  March  12,  184G.f 
As  a  proof  of  the  determination  of  Parecles  to  make 
good  his  protestations,  he  issued  on  the  4th  of  April, 

ment,  and  had  allowed  a  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to  set  foot  in 
the  country,  and  reside  in  the  capital,  with  a  view  to  bargain  for  the  inde 
pendence  and  nationality  of  the  country,  for  which  have  been  made  so 
many  sacrifices." — Manifesto  issued  at  San  Luis  Potosi,  against  the  gov 
ernment  of  Herrera,  14th  December,  1845. 

*  "  The  year  1846  witnessed  at  its  commencement  new  rulers  figuring 
in  the  political  drama,  having  been  elevated  to  power  by  another  revolution. 
General  Paredes  pronounced  in  San  Luis  against  Herrera.  A  few  days 
were  sufficient  for  this  shameful  revolution  to  become  a  triumph  the 
most  complete.  Then  Mr.  Slidell  renewed  his  suit,  in  considering  that, 
although  the  old  had  been  terminated  by  a  refusal,  still,  as  the  business 
now  went  into  new  hands  to  be  transacted,  it  was  a  favorable  opportunity 
to  see  if  he  should  meet  in  them  a  better  disposition." — Mexican  History 
of  the  War  with  Mexico. 

f  ':  A  fact  such  as  this,  or,  to  speak  with  greater  exactness,  so  notable 
an  act  of  usurpation,  created  an  imperious  necessity  that  Mexico,  for  her 
own  honor,  should  repel  it  with  proper  firmness  and  dignity.  The  Su 
preme  Government  had  beforehand  declared  that  it  would  look  upon  such 
an  act  as  a  cams  belli;  and,  as  a  consequence  of  this  declaration,  negotia 
tion  was,  by  its  very  nature,  at  an  end,  and  war  was  the  only  recourse  of 
the  Mexican  Government." — Letter  of  the  Mexican  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs  to  the  American  Minister,  12th  March,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  119 

1846,  to  the  Mexican  commander  on,  the  Texan 
frontier,  an  order  to  "  attack"  our  forces  "  by  every 
means  which  war  permits."  And  on  the  18th  of 
the  same  month,  he  wrote  to  Ampudia  that  he  pre 
sumed  he  was  at  the  head  of  a  valiant  army,  al 
ready  fighting,  or  preparing  for  the  operations  of  a 
campaign.*  It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the 
charges  made  against  our  Government,  on  the  12th 
of  March,  1846,  was  on  account  of  our  "  usurpation 
of  their  territory."  And  for  that,  it  was  declared 
that  war  was  the  only  recourse  of  the  Mexican 
Government.  No  allusion  was  made  to  the  march 
of  General  Taylor  to  the  Eio  Grande.  And  at  the 
time  Ampudia  was  ordered  to  "  attack"  our  forces, 
it  could  not  have  been  known  in  Mexico  that  our 
army  was  in  motion,  General  Taylor  not  having 
started  for  the  Rio  Grande  until  the  llth  of  March, 
1846. 

In  obedience  to  these  orders  from  the  Govern 
ment  of  Mexico,  Arista  crossed  the  Rio  Grande 
with  a  strong  force,  and  commenced  an  attack  upon 
the  American  troops,  and  thus  a  state  of  war  exist 
ed  between  the  two  countries. 

The  indignation  which  some  of  our  own  citizens 
have  manifested  since  the  war  with  Mexico  was  de 
clared,  because  we  were  engaged  in  a  conflict  of 
arms  with  a  so-called  sister  republic,  displays  more 

*  "  At  the  present  date  I  suppose  you  at  the  head  of  that  valiant  army, 
either  fighting  already,  or  preparing  for  the  operations  of  a  campaign  ;" 
and  "  supposing  you  already  on  the  theatre  of  operations,  and  with  all 
the  forces  assembled,  it  is  indispensable  that  hostilities  be  commenced, 
yourself  taking  the  initiative  against  the  enemy." — Letter  of  General 
Paredes  to  General  Ampudia,  April  18th,  1846. 


120  HISTORY      OF     THE 

partisan  animosity,  than  discriminating  judgment. 
Mexico  does  not  deserve  the  appellation  of  a  republic. 
Eighteen  revolutions  have  taken  place  in  that  coun 
try  within  the  last  twenty-five  years.  Not  peaceable 
revolutions,  effected  at  the  ballot  box,  but  accom 
plished  by  the  sword ;  some  of  them  bloodless  it  is 
true,  yet  effected  by  treachery,  violence,  and  force. 
Principle  is  unknown  in  the  administration  of  pub 
lic  affairs,  and  if  we  except  Gomez  Farias,  and  a 
few  other  kindred  spirits,  the  destiny  of  Mexico  has 
been  controlled  by  men  who  do  not  deserve  the 
blessings  of  free  institutions,  and  are  unworthy  of 
being  associated  with  the  Anglo  Saxon  race.  The 
conflict  with  Mexico  has  been  made  the  pretext  for 
an  assault  upon  Mr.  Polk,  unparalleled  in  the  history 
of  political  warfare.  The  motives  of  the  adminis 
tration  and  its  supporters  were  assailed  upon  the 
floor  of  Congress,  upon  the  stump,  and  by  the  press, 
with  unprecedented  ferocity.  The  English  lan 
guage  was  exhausted  in  the  selection  of  abusive  and 
opprobrious  epithets  to  be  poured  upon  the  head  of 
Mr.  Polk.  Party  animosity  raged  with  uncontrol 
lable  fury,  and  the  political  and  personal  enemies  of 
the  President,  in  seeking  to  prostrate  him,  unfortu 
nately  arrayed  themselves  in  opposition  to  a  war 
forced  upon  us  by  an  arrogant  and  perfidious  enemy. 
It  will  not  be  left  to  posterity  to  settle  the  measure 
of  ignominy,  which  justly  attaches  to  conduct  so 
unpatriotic. 

The  adherence  to  partisan  leaders,  which  at  all 
times  is  too  ardent,  for  a  brief  period  sustained 
the  opposition  members  of  Congress  in  the  cause 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  121 

which  they  pursued.  But  when  reason  had  resum 
ed  its  sway,  and  the  conduct  of  the  administration 
had  been  calmly  examined,  it  was  sustained  by  a 
majority  of  the  American  people.  Even  at  the 
present  day,  Mexico  is  considered  the  aggressor; 
and  the  summary  and  terrible  punishment  which 
was  inflicted  upon  her,  is  now  regarded  as  an  act 
of  justice,  which  at  the  same  time  vindicated  our 
own  character,  and  chastised  the  presumption  and 
treachery  of  a  perfidious  people.* 

*  "  The  country,  which  one  year  ago  was  quiet  and  prosperous,  at 
peace  with  the  world,  and  smiling  under  the  profusion  of  Heaven's  boun 
tiful  munificence,  by  the  sole  and  authorized  act  of  the  President,  has  been 
plunged  into  an  unnecessary  and  expensive  war,  the  end  and  fearful  con 
sequences  of  which  no  man  can  foresee.  And  to  suppress  injury,  and 
silence  all  opposition  to  conduct  so  monstrous,  an  Executive  ukase  has 
been  sent  forth,  strongly  intimating,  if  not  clearly  threatening,  the  charge 
of  treason  against  all  who  may  dare  to  call  in  question  the  wisdom  or 
propriety  of  his  measures.  Not  only  was  Congress,  which  possesses  ex 
clusively  the  war-making  power,  never  consulted  upon  the  subject  until 
after  hostilities  were  commenced,  but  the  right  is  even  now  denied  that 
body  to  make  any  legislative  expression  of  the  national  will  as  to  the 
aims  and  objects  for  which  the  war  should  be  prosecuted.  The  new 
and  strange  doctrine  is  now  put  forth,  that  Congress  has  nothing  to  do 
with  the  conduct  of  war ;  that  the  President  is  entitled  to  its  uncontrol 
led  management ;  that  we  can  do  nothing  but  vote  men  and  money, 
to  whatever  amount  and  extent  his  folly  or  caprice  may  dictate. 
Neighboring  States  may  be  subjugated,  extensive  territories  annexed, 
provincial  governments  erected,  the  rights  of  conscience  violated,  and 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  may  be  administer 
ed  to  a  mixed  population,  embracing  all  variety  of  races,  languages,  and 
color,  and  the  representatives  of  the  people  are  to  say  nothing  against 
these  extraordinary  outrages  against  the  first  principles  of  their  Govern 
ment,  or  render  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  imputation  of  giving  '  aid 
and  comfort  to  the  enemy.'  This  is  nothing  less  than  the  assumption 
of  the  principle,  that  patriotism  consists  in  pliant  subserviency  to  Exe 
cutive  will ;  that  the  President  is  supreme,  and  the  *  King  can  do  no 
wrong.'  " — Speech  of  Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  February  12th,  1847. 

"  I  do  not,  at  this  time,  intend  to  discuss  the  causes  of  the  war,  or  to 


122  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

The  distinct  charges  made  upon  the  floor  of 
Congress  against  the  administration,  were,  that  by 
marching  the  army  beyond  the  Nueces,  they  trod 

recount  the  blunders  and  folly  of  the  President,  connected  with  its 
origin.  This  I  have  done  upon  a  former  occasion ;  and  all  the  facts,  I 
believe,  are  now  well  understood  by  the  country.  The  President  may  re 
peat,  as  often  as  he  pleases,  that  it  was  '  unavoidably  forced  upon  us.' 
But  such  a  repetition  can  never  change  the  fact.  It  is  a  war  of  his  own 
making,  and  in  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  country.  And  so  his 
tory,  I  doubt  not,  will  make  up  the  record,  if  truth  be  fairly  and  faithfully 
registered  in  her  chronicles." — Ib. 

"  While  the  United  States  seemed  to  be  animated  by  a  sincere  desire 
not  to  break  the  peace,  their  acts  of  hostility  manifested  very  evidently 
what  were  their  true  intentions.  Their  ships  infested  our  coasts  ;  their 
troops  continued  advancing  upon  our  territory,  situated  at  places  which 
under  no  aspect  could  be  disputed.  Thus  violence  and  insult  were  united : 
thus,  at  the  very  time  they  usurped  part  of  our  territory,  they  offered  to 
us  the  hand  of  treachery,  to  have  soon  the  audacity  to  say,  that  our  obsti 
nacy  and  arrogance  were  the  real  cause  of  the  war. 

"  As  soon  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  decided  to  consum 
mate  its  unjust  projects  'against  the  American  Republic,  it  determined  to 
unite  a  force  to  sustain  them.  A  considerable  division  under  the  orders 
of  General  Taylor,  then  a  Brigadier  General,  encamped  at  Corpus  Christi, 
June,  1845,  in  observation  of  our  operations,  and  ready  to  advance  to  the 
Rio  Bravo  Del  Norte,  when  ordered." — Mexican  History  of  the  War  in 
Mexico. 

"  With  these  views  and  these  feelings,  and  with  this  spirit,  I  go  into 
the  investigation  of  the  cause  of  this  war,  the  expenditure  of  so  much 
money,  the  raising  of  so  large  and  great  a  military  force,  and  the  breaking 
up  of  the  repose  of  that  general  peace  with  which  we  have  been  so  sig 
nally  blessed  for  the  last  quarter  of  a  century.  This  is  the  inquiry  upon 
which  I  am  about  to  enter ;  it  is  a  grave  and  important  inquiry,  and  one  to 
which  the  attention  of  the  people  of  this  country  should  be  directed  ;  and 
I  assert  in  my  place,  that  the  immediate  cause  of  all  these  things,  and  the 
present  unlocked  for  state  of  affairs,  is  properly  chargeable  upon  the  ad 
ministration  ;  for  the  advance  movement  of  our  troops,  or  '  army  of  oc 
cupation,'  as  it  is  called,  from  Corpus  Christi,  on  the  Nueces,  to  Matamoras, 
on  the  Rio  Grande,  into  a  territory,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  well  known  to 
be  in  dispute  between  Texas  and  Mexico ;  this,  I  say,  was  the  immediate 
occasion  of  hostilities  ;  and  if  our  army  had  been  permitted  to  remain  at 
Corpus  Christi,  where  it  had  been  since  August  last,  there  is  no  evi- 


POLK      ADMINISTKATION.  123 

upon  Mexican  soil,  and  thus  the  war  was  com 
menced  by  Mr.  Polk  by  an  unconstitutional  as 
sumption  of  power.  The  question  raised  was  one 
of  the  gravest  character.  The  war-making  power, 
as  was  justly  asserted,  is  vested  by  that  instrument 
in  Congress,  and  not  in  the  Executive.  It  therefore 
becomes  an  important  inquiry  in  these  pages  to 
ascertain  where  was  the  boundary  of  Texas  at  the 
time  she  was  admitted  into  the  Union.*  If  the 

dence  or  reason  to  believe  that  there  would  have  been  any  outbreak  be 
tween  our  people  and  the  Mexicans,  upon  the  frontier.  This  is  my  first 
proposition  in  considering  the  cause  of  this  war,  which  I  trust  I  shall  be 
able  to  make  perfectly  clear ;  and  then  I  trust  I  shall  be  able  to  make  it 
appear  equally  clear,  that  that  step  was  unnecessary  for  any  of  the  legiti 
mate  purposes  for  which  the  army  was  sent  to  Texas  ;  also,  that  it  was 
improper,  under  the  circumstances,  as  being  calculated  to  irritate  and  pro 
voke  hostilities  ;  and  farther,  that  it  was  a  step  which  the  President  was 
not  clothed  with  the  proper  power  legally  and  rightfully  to  take,  without 
authority  from  Congress." — Speech  of  Mr.  Stephens  of  Georgia. 

*  Much  valuable  information  is  contained  in  the  letter  of  Hon. 
Volney  E.  Howard  at  the  commencement  of  the  1st  Session  of  the  31st 
Congress.  Representing  the  country  which  borders  upon  the  Rio  Grande 
in  Congress,  he  has  been  enabled  to  group  together  many  facts  with  re 
gard  to  the  boundary  of  Texas.  I  give  below  an  extract  from  it. 

"  The  claim  of  Texas  to  the  whole  Rio  Grande,  from  its  mouth  to  its 
source,  and  to  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude,  will  never  be  contested 
by  any  intelligent  lawyer  who  takes  the  trouble  to  investigate  the  grounds 
upon  which  it  rests.  There  is  no  greater  fallacy  than  that  of  supposing 
that  the  United  States  succeeded  to  the  rights  of  Mexico  in  any  portion 
of  the  territory  east  of  the  Rio  Grande.  Between  the  Republic  of  Texas 
and  the  United  States,  the  question  of  boundary  was  settled  finally  and 
conclusively  by  the  Convention  of  1838,  which  received  the  sanction  of 
the  legislative  departments  of  both  Governments.  The  treaty  with  Spain 
of  1819.  fixed  the  northern  boundary  between  Spain  and  the  United  States 
at  the  42d  parallel  of  latitude.  The  treaty  of  1 828  revived  that  boundary 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  reciting  that  the  treaty  of  1819 
was  binding  upon  Mexico.  The  Convention  between  Texas  and  the 
United  States,  of  1838,  recited  that  the  treaty  with  Mexico  of  1828,  'is 
binding  upon  the  Republic  of  Texas,  the  same  having  been  entered  into 


124  II  IS  TOBY     OF     THE 

Rio  Grande  was  the  western  limit  of  that  State,  it 
is  an  undeniable  fact  that  the  President,  as  the  Coni- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  army,  had  a  right  to  order 

at  a  time  when  Texas  formed  a  part  of  the  said  United  Mexican  States. 
And  whereas,  it  is  deemed  proper  and  expedient,  in  order  to  prevent  future 
disputes  and  collisions  between  the  United  States  and  Texas  in  regard  to 
the  boundary  between  the  two  countries  as  designated  "by  the  treaty,  that  a 
portion  of  the  same  should  be  run  and  marked  without  unnecessary  de 
lay,'  &c.  This  Convention  was  ratified  and  carried  out  by  the  act  of  the 
United  States  Congress  of  January  11,  1839,  under  which  the  eastern 
boundary  of  Texas  was  actually  run  and  marked  by  the  two  Governments 
as  far  as  the  34th  degree  of  north  latitude.  The  very  act  under  which 
this  Convention  was  negotiated  upon  the  part  of  Texas,  was  her  boun 
dary  act  of  1846,  by  which  her  boundary  is  declared  to  be  the  Rio  Grande 
to  its  source  ;  and  thence  to  the  42d  degree  of  north  latitude  ;  and  thence 
east  and  south  according  to  the  boundary  formerly  existing  between  the 
United  States  and  Mexico.  This  Convention  was  an  express  recognition 
of  the  entire  boundary  of  Texas,  and  made  with  reference  to  the  act  of 
the  Texas  Congress  of  1836.  Whatever  might  have  been  its  effect  upon 
Mexico,  this  Convention  is  for  ever  conclusive  of  the  boundary  as  against 
the  United  States,  by  an  act  as  solemn  as  a  treaty  stipulation. 

"  The  Texas  act  of  boundary,  together  with  other  laws  not  inconsist 
ent  with  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  resolutions  of  annex 
ation,  or  the  constitution  of  the  State,  was  declared  in  force  by  the  con 
stitution  under  which  she  was  admitted  into  the  Union,  and  therefore 
ratified  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

"  Texas  was  admitted  into  the  Union  with  specified  boundaries,  subject 
only  to  the  right  of  the  United  States  to  settle  '  all  questions  of  boundary 
which  may  arise  with  other  Governments ' — meaning,  of  course,  Gov 
ernments  other  than  the  United  States.  This  was  a  naked  power,  coupled 
with  no  interest,  which  must  be  strictly  construed.  Under  it  the  Texas 
boundary,  with  any  foreign  Government,  might  have  been  settled.  But 
as  the  late  treaty  with  Mexico  removed  the  possibility  of  such  a  question 
with  any  other  Government,  the  power  is  at  an  end.  Neither  could  the 
United  States,  thus  acting  as  the  trustee  of  Texas  to  settle  the  boundary 
with  other  Governments,  acquire  of  any  Government  a  right  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  claim  of  Texas.  To  assert  such  a  proposition,  is  to  affirm 
that  the  trustee  may  acquire  the  subject-matter  of  the  trust,  in  opposition 
to  the  beneficiary  ;  or  that  the  judge  or  arbitrator  may  adjudge  the  subject 
of  controversy  to  himself,  in  opposition  to  the  parties  litigant.  It  is  evi 
dent  that  whatever  right  the  United  States  acquired  under  the  treaty  with 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  125 

it  to  the  banks  of  that  river.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
the  Nueces  was  the  boundary  of  Texas,  the  powers 
of  Congress  were  encroached  upon  when  General 

Mexico  to  the  country  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  was  acquired  as  the  trustee 
of  Texas,  and  enures  to  the  benefit  of  that  State. 

"  The  United  States,  having  neglected  to  settle  the  boundary  in  the 
treaty  with  Mexico,  have  now  no  constitutional  power  to  change  or  alter 
the  boundary  of  Texas,  any  more  than  that  of  any  other  sovereign  State. 
It  was  admitted  in  the  case  of  Maine,  that  this  Government,  without  the 
consent  of  Maine,  could  not  negotiate  for  less  than  the  claim  of  Maine. 
In  his  remarks  on  the  resolutions  of  annexation,  in  the  Senate,  February 
5th,  1845,  Col.  Benton  said :  '  In  fact,  when  once  admitted  as  a  State, 
she  (Texas)  never  can  be  reduced  without  her  consent.  The  Constitu 
tion  forbids  it.'  Having  given  her  consent  to  the  alteration  only  in  a 
particular  manner,  it  cannot  be  effected  in  any  different  method. 

"  The  joint  resolutions  of  annexation  evidently  intended  that  the  whole 
of  New  Mexico  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  should  be  embraced 
within  the  State  of  Texas,  because  they  give  three  guarantees  applicable 
to  this  very  country  :  1.  That  Texas  may  be  subdivided  into  five  States. 
2.  That  in  any  State  south  of  36°  30'  (the  Missouri  compromise  line), 
slavery  may  exist  at  the  option  of  the  people  of  the  same.  3.  That  in 
any  State  or  States  to  be  formed  north  of  that  line,  Slavery  is  prohibited. 
Now,  the  Missouri  compromise  line  divides  the  country  formerly  com 
prised  in  New  Mexico,  east  of  the  Rio  Grande,  nearly  centrally — Santa 
Fe  being  situated  in  about  latitude  35°  45'  north.  It  is  incomprehensible 
that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  should  have  thus  provided  for  the 
domestic  government  of  this  very  territory,  as  a  part  of  Texas,  if  it  was 
in  Mexico  and  not  in  Texas.  By  what  right  could  the  United  States,  in 
a  compact  with  Texas,  assume  to  regulate  the  government  of  a  depart 
ment  of  Mexico,  and  make  rules  for  its  admission  as  a  State  into  the 
American  Union  ?  The  resolutions  of  annexation,  in  terms,  define  the 
boundaries  of  Texas  to  the  extent  of  one  or  more  States  north  of  36°  30'. 
They  assert  expressly  that  to  this  extent  the'  country  rightfully  belongs 
to  Texas,  and  is  included  within  her  limits.  And  the  limit  of  one  State, 
thus  given,  will  include  the  whole  of  New  Mexico  east  of  the  Rio  Grande. 
There  is  a  fourth  guarantee  given  by  the  compact  of  annexation,  as  appli 
cable  to  this  territory  east  of  the  Rio  Grande.  If  a  new  State  is  not 
formed  wholly  to  the  north  of  36°  30',  slavery  exists  in  Texas  to  the 
42d  degree  of  north  latitude.  It  exists  at  present  under  the  constitution 
with  which  the  State  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  When  Texas  was 
admitted,  by  her  law  slavery  existed  to  her  utmost  extent,  and  no  restraint 


126  HIS  TO  It  Y      OF     THE 

Taylor  was  ordered  to  Corpus  Christ!,  and  the  wliig 
party,  who  pretend  to  be  the  conservators  of  the 
constitution,  were  not  themselves  entirely  guiltless 

was  placed  upon  it  by  the  resolutions  of  annexation,  but  the  prospective 
provision  to  operate  in  case  a  State  was  formed  north  of  36°  30  .  Nay, 
more ;  the  resolutions  give  another  guarantee,  not  only  to  Texas,  but  to 
her  creditors,  as  applicable  to  this  territory,  in  pledging  her  public  lands 
to  the  payment  of  her  public  debt. 

"  The  boundaries  of  Texas,  as  above-mentioned,  were  defined  in  the 
treaty  with  Santa  Anna,  which  was  a  valid  treaty,  because  he  represented 
a  Government  not  only  de  facto,  but  de  jure — the  federal  constitution 
having  been  overturned,  and  the  States  reduced  to  departments ;  all  of 
which,  together  with  his  authority,  were  ratified  by  the  Congress  of  Mex 
ico  in  1835.  Nor  was  the  treaty  affected  by  the  fact  that  Santa  Anna 
was  a  prisoner  of  war  at  the  time  of  its  execution,  because  it  was  exe 
cuted  by  his  generals  who  were  not  prisoners,  and  especially  by  Filisola, 
upon  whom,  by  law  and  special  appointment,  the  authority  of  the  com 
mand  and  the  faculties  of  chief  devolved.  The  treaty  was  valid  without 
the  signature  of  Santa  Anna ;  and  Mexico  having  acted  on  it,  and  re 
ceived  the  benefit  of  its  stipulations,  could  not,  under  the  law  of  nations, 
repudiate  it  afterwards — certainly  not  without  returning  the  property  and 
military  stores  which  were  secured  to  her  by  the  treaty. 

"  Mexico  herself  virtually  acknowledged  the  boundary  of  the  treaty  by 
her  truce  of  1844,  and  ordered  all  the  Mexican  settlements  a  league  be 
yond  the  Rio  Grande  to  be  broken  up,  and  the  inhabitants  to  fall  back  on 
the  Rio  Grande — treating  all  as  traitors  found  beyond  that  line,  at  least 
on  the  lower  Rio  Grande.  The  Mexican  Commissioners  who  negotiated 
the  present  treaty,  have  admitted  that  the  Rio  Grande  had  been  indicated 
as  the  boundary  for  twelve  years.  The  American  Commissioner.  Mr. 
Trist.  in  his  correspondence  with  the  Mexican  Government,  asserted  the 
boundaries  of  Texas  as  claimed  by  herself.  It  is  fair  to  presume  that 
Mexico  intended  to  provide  for  the  treaty  of  1836  with  Texas,  by  making 
Disturnell's  map  of  1847  a  part  of  the  treaty,  and  declaring  it  authentic; 
which  map  shows  the  whole  of  the  country  east  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  be 
in  Texas  and  New  Mexico,  as  defined  by  the  map,  entirely  situated  west 
of  that  river.  Thus  the  New  Mexico,  acquired  by  the  United  States,  is 
defined  as  situated  west  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  the  treaty.  Mexico  has 
transferred  nothing  east  of  that  river.  She  admitted  by  the  map  that  she 
owned  nothing  on  that  side  of  the  Rio  Grande  at  the  time  of  the  ratifi 
cation  of  the  treaty. 

"  I  trust  that  the  rights  of  Texas  in  Santa  Fe  will  be  speedily  ad- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  127 

in  thus  tamely  submitting  to  an  assumption  of  their 
constitutional  rights.  Long  before  the  Mexicans 
crossed  the  Rio  Grande  and  commenced  an  assault 
upon  our  forces,  Mr.  Polk  had  apprised  Congress, 
in  the  usual  form,  in  his  message  of  December,  1845, 
that  he  regarded  the  Rio  Grande  as  the  western 
boundary  of  Texas,*  and  yet  no  word  of  denial  was 
uttered  by  those  who  subsequently  assailed  his  con 
duct  with  so  much  bitterness,  until  after  a  collision 
had  occurred  between  the  armies  of  the  two  repub 
lics.  In  addition  to  this  assertion  of  Mr.  Polk, 
made  in  a  message  of  the  President  of  the  United 

o 

States  to  the  assembled  representatives  of  the 
American  people,  he  communicated  "  with  the  ac 
companying  documents,"  the  still  more  explicit  lan 
guage  of  the  Secretary  of  War.f  Our  Minister, 

mitted,  for  nothing  short  of  this  will  avoid  a  serious  collision  with  her 
authorities." 

*  "  The  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  which,  at  the'  formation  of 
the  Federal  Constitution,  was  bounded  by  the  St.  Mary's  on  the  Atlantic, 
has  passed  the  capes  of  Florida,  and  been  peacefully  extended  to  the 
Del  Norte."— Message  of  Mr.  Polk,  Dec.  1845. 

f  "  Pursuant  to  your  directions,  an  army  of  occupation  was  assem 
bled  in  that  State,  and  Brigadier  General  Taylor  assigned  to  the  command 
of  it.  He  was  instructed  to  repel  Mexican  aggressions,  and  to  protect 
the  country  from  Indian  invasions  ;  to  regard  the  Del  Norte  as  the  west 
ern  boundary ;  to  select  a  position  for  his  forces  with  reference  to  this 
frontier,  but  to  leave  unmolested  Mexican  settlements,  and  also  military 
posts,  should  there  be  any  such  posts  on  the  east  bank  of  that  river  which 
were  in  the  occupation  of  Mexican  forces  previously  to  the  period  when 
Texas  assented  to  the  terms  of  annexation."  Should  Mexico  deny  our 
right  to  possess  the  country  up  to  the  Del  Norte  to  the  extent  justly 
claimed  by  Texas  before  annexation,  and  the  free  common  use  of  the  wa 
ters  of  that  river,  it  is  presumed  that  authority  will  be  given  to  enforce 
it  in  both  respects.  In  the  event  of  resistance,  there  may  be  occasion  to 
employ  an  additional  force,  and  authority  should  be  given  for  raising  it  in 
that  contingency.  In  a  more  desirable  state  of  our  relations  with  Mexi- 


128  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Mr.  Donalson,  assured  all  parties  in  Texas  that  our 
Government  would  sustain  the  claim  of  that  coun 
try  to  the  Rio  Grande,  as  her  western  boundary.* 

After  all  these  declarations  were  communicated 
to  Congress,  under  the  highest  official  responsibility, 
why  did  if  ot  the  whig  party  raise  their  voices  against 
these  assumptions  upon  the  part  of  the  Executive  ? 
Weeks  and  months  elapsed,  but  still  no  serious  at 
tempt  was  made  to  arrest  what  they  Subsequently 
declared  to  be  the  usurpations  of  the  President, 
until  blood  had  been  spilt  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Rio  Grande.  And  then,  when  war  actually  existed, 
and  our  gallant  soldiers  were  sustaining  against 
overwhelming  numbers  the  honor  of  our  flag,  it 
was  left  to  Members  of  Congress  to  make  use  of 
an  after-thought,  in  order  to  assail  the  administra 
tion. 

The  basis  of  the  accusations  against  Mr.  Polk 
were,  that  he  had  ordered  the  army  to  march  upon 
disputed  territory.  This  was  true,  for  our  title  to 
the  whole  of  Texas,  not  only  to  the  Nueces,  but  to 
the  Sabine,  was  disputed  by  the  Mexican  authori 
ties.  They  made  no  distinction  between  the  east 
ern  and  western  part  of  Texas,  and  whenever  they 
spoke  of  re-conquering  that  country,  it  was  upon 
the  western  bank  of  the  Sabine  that  the  Mexican 


co,  her  unsettled  political  condition  will  suggest,  as  a  wise  precaution,  the 
guarding  of  that  frontier  by  a  considerable  body  of  troops." 

*  "  But  whilst  from  such  views  I  encouraged  no  aggressive  movement 
on  the  part  of  Texas,  to  take  forcible  possession  of  the  Rio  Grande,  I 
have,  nevertheless,  omitted  no  opportunity  of  satisfying  all  parties  here 
that  the  United  States  would,  in  good  faith,  maintain  the  claim,  and  that  I 
had  every  reason  to  believe  that  they  would  do  so  successfully." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  129 

banner  was  to  be  planted.  If,  then,  the  act  of  or 
dering  our  army  to  march  upon  disputed  territory 
was  unconstitutional,  the  crime  of  which  the  Presi 
dent  was  accused,  was  consummated  the  moment 
the  stars  and  stripes  were  unfurled  within  the  bor 
ders  of  Texas.  The  threatened  impeachment  of 
the  President  should  have  been  proclaimed  at  that 
time ;  and  those  who  have  proved  so  sensitive  at 
what  they  pronounced  an  usurpation  of  power  on 
the  part  of  the  President,  were  certainly  not  wholly 
guiltless  themselves.  But  admitting  that  Mexico 
had  a  claim  to  the  country  between  the  JNTueees  and 
Rio  Grande,  Mr.  Polk  was  not  without  a  precedent 
in  ordering  General  Taylor  to  take  possession  of  it.* 


*  "  Among  the  events  growing  out  of  the  state  of  the  Spanish  mo 
narchy,  our  attention  was  imperiously  attracted  to  the  change  developing 
itself  in  that  portion  of  West  Florida,  which,  though  of  right  appertaining  to 
the  United  States,  had  remained  in  the  possession  of  Spain,  awaiting  the 
result  of  negotiations  for  its  actual  delivery  to  them. 

"  The  Spanish  authority  was  subverted,  and  a  situation  produced  ex 
posing  the  country  to  ulterior  events  which  might  essentially  affect  the 
rights  and  welfare  of  the  Union.  In  such  a  conjuncture  I  did  not  delay 
the  interposition  required  for  the  occupancy  of  the  territory  west  of  the 
river  Perdido,  to  which  the  title  of  the  United  States  extends,  and  to 
which  the  laws  provided  for  the  territory  of  Orleans  are  applicable.  With 
this  view  the  proclamation,  of  which  a  copy  is  laid  before  you,  was  con 
fided  to  the  Governor  of  that  territory  to  be  carried  into  effect.  The  lega 
lity  and  necessity  of  the  course  pursued,  assure  me  of  the  favorable 
light  in  which  it  will  present  itself  to  the  Legislature,  and  of  the  prompti 
tude  with  which  they  will  supply  whatever  provisions  may  be  due  to  the 
essential  rights  and  equitable  interests  of  the  people  thus  brought  into  the 
bosom  of  the  American  family." 

"From  the  inclosed  proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  you  will  perceive  his  determination  to  take  possession  of  the  ter 
ritory  therein  specified,  in  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  United  States." 

"  Considering,  finally,  that  the  acts  of 'Congress,  though  contemplating 
a  present  possession  by  foreign  authority,  have  contemplated  also  an  even- 
9 


130  HISTOKY     OP     THE 

The  right  to  take  possession  of  disputed  terri 
tory  dates  at  a  still  earlier  period  of  our  country's 
history,  and  has  the  sanction  of  a  still  more  com 
manding  authority.*  Subsequently  to  the  treaty  of 

tnal  possession  of  the  said  territory  by  the  United  States,  and  are  accord 
ingly  so  framed  as  in  that  case  to  extend  their  operation  to  the  same,  now 
be  it  known  that  I,  James  Madison,  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  pursuance  of  these  weighty  and  urgent  considerations,  [not, 
as  usual,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  me,]  have  deemed  it  right 
and  requisite  that  possession  should  be  taken  of  the  said  territory  in  the 
name  and  in  behalf  of  the  United  States." — Message  of  President  Madi 
son,  Dec.  10,  1810.  [3  Foreign  Relations,  p.  337.] 

*  From  every  account,  the  enemy  amounted  to  two  thousand  combat 
ants  ;  the  troops  actually  engaged  against  them  were  short  of  nine  hun 
dred.  This  horde  of  savages,  with  their  allies,  abandoned  themselves  to 
flight,  and  dispersed  with  terror  and  dismay,  leaving  our  victorious  army 
in  full  and  quiet  possession  of  the  field  of  battle,  which  terminated  under 
the  influence  of  the  guns  of  the  British  garrison,  as  you  will  observe  by 
the  inclosed  correspondence  between  Major  Campbell,  the  commandant, 
and  myself  upon  the  occasion." — Official  Letter  of  General  Wayne  to  the 
Secretary  of  War,  August  28th,  1794. 

CORRESPONDENCE    BETWEEN  MAJOR-GENERAL  WAYNE, 
AND  MAJOR  WILLIAM  CAMPBELL. 

No.  I. 

"  MIAMIS  RIVER,  August  21,1794. 

"  SIR  :  An  army  of  the  United  States  of  America,  said  to  be  under 
your  command,  having  taken  posts  on  the  banks  of  the  Miamis  for  up 
wards  of  the  last  twenty-four  hours,  almost  within  reach  of  the  guns  of 
this  fort,  being  a  post  belonging  to  his  Majesty  the  King  of  Great  Bri 
tain,  occupied  by  his  Majesty's  troops,  and  which  I  have  the  honor  to  com 
mand,  it  becomes  my  duty  to  inform  myself,  as  speedily  as  possible,  in 
what  light  I  am  to  view  your  making  such  near  approaches  to  this  gar 
rison. 

"  I  have  no  hesitation  on  my  part  to  say,  that  I  know  of  no  war  exist 
ing  between  Great  Britain  and  America. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient  and 
very  humble  servant,  "  WILLIAM-  CAMPBELL, 

';  Major  24th  Reg.  commanding  a  British  post  on 

the  banks  of  the  Miamis. 
"To  Major-General  Wayne,  &c.  &c.  &c." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  131 

peace  of  1783,  between  this  country  and  Great  Bri 
tain,  contrary  to  its  provisions,  the  former  power 
retained  possession  of  several  forts  upon  the  fron 
tiers,  from  which  they  instigated  the  savages  to 
wage  hostilities  against  the  United  States.  Wash 
ington  was  annoyed  by  the  incursions  of  the  Indians. 
Harmer  and  St.  Clair  had  been  successively  defeated. 
In  1794,  our  forces  in  the  northwest  were  placed 
under  the  command  of  "mad  Anthony  Wayne," 
who,  on  the  28th  of  August,  1794,  defeated  the  al 
lied  Indians  and  the  British,  under  the  guns  of  a 
fort  in  possession  of  the  English ;  Wayne  then  ra 
vaged  the  possession  of  Colonel  McKee,  the  British 
Indian  agent,  and  which  was  in  disputed  territory, 
actually  in  the  occupancy  of  the  British  troops. 

No.  II. 

"  CAMP   ON   THE  BANK  OF  THE  MlAMIS,  August  21s/,  1794. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  received  your  letter  of  this  date,  requiring  from  me  the 
motives  which  have  moved  the  army  under  my  command  to  the  position 
they  at  present  occupy,  far  within  the  acknowledged  jurisdiction  of  the 
United  States  of  America. 

"  Without  questioning  the  authority,  or  the  propriety,  sir,  of  your  in 
terrogatory,  I  think  I  may,  without  breach  of  decorum,  observe  to  you, 
that  were  you  entitled  to  an  answer,  the  most  satisfactory  one  was 
announced  to  you  from  the  muzzles  of  my  small  arms,  yesterday  morning, 
in  an  action  against  the  horde  of  savages,  in  the  vicinity  of  your  posts, 
which  terminated  gloriously  to  the  American  arms ;  but,  had  it  continued 
until  the  Indians,  &c.,  were  drove  under  the  influence  of  the  post  and 
guns  you  mention,  they  would  not  have  much  impeded  the  progress  of 
the  victorious  army  under  my  command,  as  no  such  post  was  established 
at  the  commencement  of  the  present  war  between  the  Indians  and  the 
United  States. 

"  I  have  the  hoflor  to  be,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  most  obedient, 
and  very  humble  servant, 

"  (Signed)  ANTHONY  WAYNE, 

Major-General  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Federal  Army. 

"  To  Major  William  Campbell,  &c.  &c." 


132  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

This  conduct  upon  the  part  of  General  Wayne,  was 
sustained  by  General  Washington. 

I  reiterate  the  fact,  that  Mexico  made  no  dis 
tinction  between  the  country  lying  east  and  west 
of  the  Nueces.  They  claimed  the  whole  of  Texas, 
as  a  revolted  province,  when  they  were  mustering 
their  troops  upon  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
with  the  avowed  determination  of  reconquering  that 
country.  What,  under  the  circumstances,  was  the 
proper  course  for  the  administration  to  pursue  ? 
Were  plighted  faith  and  pledged  honor  to  be  dis 
regarded  ?  Were  the  Mexicans  to  be  allowed  to 
cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  re-enact  the  bloody 
scenes  which  characterized  their  progress  before 
the  fatal  defeat  at  San  Jacinto  ?  The  President 
had  the  right  to  lead  our  forces  in  person,  to  the 
uttermost  limit  of  the  Texan  territory.  The  ques 
tion  in  dispute  could  be  settled  by  one  of  two 
methods — by  negotiation  or  by  force.  The  for 
mer  we  had  tendered  to  Mexico  after  she  had 
abruptly  broken  off  all  diplomatic  intercourse.  Our 
proposition  was  scornfully  rejected,  and  she  elected 
to  decide  the  contest  by  the  ordeal  of  battle. 
When  this  was  known,  it  surely  cannot  be  insisted 
that  the  Mexicans  had  a  better  right  to  take  pos 
session  of  disputed  territory  than  the  soldiers  of  the 
United  States.  The  very  fact  of  possession  might 
have  affected  our  title.  Mexico  might  have  claimed 
that  possession  as  an  evidence  of  the  inability  of 
Texas  and  the  United  States  to  enforce  their  claim 
to  every  part  of  the  disputed  territory.* 

*  It  is  evident  from  the  correspondence  of  General  Taylor  with  the 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  133 

Mexican  General  Ampudia,  that  he  regarded  the  territory  between  the 
Nueces  and  Rio  Grande  as  American  soil.  "  While  this  communication 
was  in  my  hands,  it  was  discovered  that  the  village  of  Frontone  had  been 
set  on  fire  and  abandoned.  I  viewed  this  as  a  direct  act  of  war,  and  in 
formed  the  deputation  that  their  communication  would  be  answered  by  me 
when  opposite  Matamoras,  which  was  done  in  respectful  terms." — Letter 
of  General  Taylor  to  General  Ampudia,  dated  Matamoras,  Texas,  April 
22,  1846. 

Frontone  was  situated  west  of  the  Arroyo  Colorado.  The  burning 
of  this  village  could  not  have  been  regarded  by  General  Taylor  as  "  a  di 
rect  act  of  war"  unless  he  considered  it  American  territory. 

He  also  stated  to  the  Mexican  general  that  the  course  pursued  by  the 
army  under  his  command  had  been  governed  by  a  strict  regard  of  justice 
and  humanity.  "  I  need  hardly  advise  you  that,  charged,  as  I  am,  in  only 
a  military  capacity,  with  the  performance  of  specific  duties,  I  cannot  enter 
into  a  discussion  of  the  international  question  involved  in  the  advance  of 
the  American  army.  You  will,  however,  permit  me  to  say  that  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  has  constantly  sought  a  settlement  by  negotia 
tion  of  the  question  of  boundary ;  that  an  envoy  was  dispatched  to  Mexico 
for  that  purpose ;  and  that  up  to  the  most  recent  dates  said  envoy  had  not 
been  received  by  the  actual  Mexican  Government,  if  indeed  he  has  not 
received  his  passports  and  left  the  republic.  In  the  mean  time  I  have  been 
ordered  to  occupy  the  country  up  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande, 
until  the  boundary  shall  be  definitely  settled.  In  carrying  out  these  in 
structions  I  have  carefully  abstained  from  all  acts  of  hostility,  obeying,  in 
this  regard,  not  only  the  letter  of  my  instructions,  but  the  plain  dictates 
of  justice  and  humanity." — Ib.,  April  12, 1846. 

"  After  all  that  has  passed  since  the  American  army  first  approached 
the  Rio  Bravo,  I  am  certainly  surprised  that  you  should  complain  of  a 
measure,  which  is  no  other  than  a  natural  result  of  the  state  of  war  so 
much  insisted  upon  by  the  Mexican  authorities  as  actually  existing  at  this 
time.  You  will  excuse  me  for  recalling  a  few  circumstances  to  show  that 
this  state  of  war  has  not  been  sought  by  the  American  army,  but  has  been 
forced  upon  it,  and  that  the  exercise  of  the  rights  incident  to  such  a  state 
cannot  be  made  a  subject  of  complaint." — lb.,  April  22, 1846. 


- 


134  HISTORY     OF     THE 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Forward  movement  of  the  American  troops. — The  number  and  discipline  of 
the  American  army. — General  Taylor  reaches  Point  Isabel. — Fort  Brown 
erected. — The  Mexicans  cross  the  Rio  Grande. — General  Taylor  moves 
from  Fort  Brown  to  Point  Isabel. — Bombardment  of  Fort  Brown. — Battle 
of  Palo  Alto. — Resaca  de  la  Palma. — The  action  of  Congress. — Reorga 
nization  of  the  army. — The  object  for  which  the  war  was  prosecuted. — 
Difficulty  with  General  Scott. — Requisitions  made  upon  the  Governors  of 
several  States  for  volunteers. — Plan  of  campaign. — Action  of  General 
Gaines. — General  Taylor  marches  from  Camargo  in  the  direction  of  Mon 
terey. — Capture  of  Monterey. — Internal  affairs  of  Mexico. — Pass  granted 
to  Santa  Anna. — General  Wool  marches  upon  Monclova. — General  Kear 
ney  takes  Santa  Fe. — Colonel  Doniphan  advances  upon  Chihuahua. — Vic 
tory  of  Sacramento. — General  Kearney  starts  for  California. — Operations 
of  Colonel  Fremont  and  Commodores  Sloat  and  Stockton.  Orders  issued 
to  raise  contributions  from  the  Mexicans. — General  Taylor  advises  the 
adoption  of  a  defensive  line. — Preparations  made  to  attack  Vera  Cruz. 
— Civil  Governments  authorized  by  the  President. — Movements  of  Colonel 
Price. 

THE  forward  movement  of  the  American  troops 
from  Corpus  Christ!  to  the  Rio  Grande  was  ordered, 
as  suggested  by  General  Taylor  himself.*  The  rear 

*  "  For  these  reasons  our  position  thus  far  has,  I  think,  been  the  best 
possible  ;  but  now  that  the  entire  force  will  soon  be  concentrated,  it  may 
well  be  a  question  whether  the  views  of  Government  will  be  best  carried 
out  by  our  remaining  at  this  point.  It  is  with  great  deference  that  I  make 
any  suggestions  on  topics  which  may  become  matters  of  delicate  negotia 
tion  ;  but  if  our  Government,  in  settling  the  question  of  boundary  makes  the 
line  of  the  Rio  Grande  an  ultimatum,  I  cannot  doubt  that  the  settlement  will 
be  greatly  facilitated  and  hastened  by  our  taking  possession  at  once  of  one  or 
two  points  on  or  quite  near  that  river.  Our  strength  and  state  of  prepara 
tion  should  be  displayed  in  a  manner  not  to  be  mistaken. "-^Dispatch  of 
General  Taijlor  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  dated  at  Corpus  Christi,  on  Ihe 
4th  of  October,  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  135 

of  the  army  left  the  former  place  on  the  llth  of 
March,  1846.  It  may  be  proper  at  this  place 
briefly  to  examine  into  the  numbers,  state  of  disci 
pline,  and  arms  of  the  regular  force  of  the  United 
States.  Much  jealousy  has  been  manifested  by  our 
citizens  ever  since  the  declaration  of  independence, 
of  standing  armies.  A  preference  has  always  been 
exhibited  for  militia  or  volunteer  troops ;  and  al 
though  raw  soldiers  during  the  revolutionary  strug 
gle  did  not  often  prove  as  steady  under  fire  as  the  con 
tinental  line,  still  in  the  last  war  with  Great  Britain, 
and  the  more  recent  one  with  Mexico,  the  volun 
teers  fought  with  a  desperation  which  established  be 
yond  a  doubt,  that  perfect  reliance  may  be  placed 
upon  them  in  the  fury  of  battle.  It  is  true  that 
they  will  not  yield  the  same  passive,  uncomplaining 
obedience,  which  in  the  "  regular"  affords  his  com 
mander  so  much  delight ;  but  that  pride  and  emula 
tion  which  stimulates  the  volunteer,  will  prompt  him 
to  avoid  the  dangers  of  a  court-martial,  while  he  fights 
with  a  degree  of  enthusiasm  that  is  irresistible. 
The  graduates  of  the  military  academy  at  West 
Point,  during  the  conflict  with  Mexico,  elevated  the 
character  of  that  institution  to  an  extraordinary 
degree  of  renown.  Before  the  war  commenced,  a 
strong  prejudice  prevailed  throughout  the  country 
against  it,  and  the  opposition  had  become  so  decid 
ed,  that  it  was  in  danger  of  being  discontinued. 
It  is  now,  however,  established  upon  a  firmer  basis 
than  ever,  and  if  our  main  reliance  in  time  of  war 
is  to  be  upon  the  volunteers,  this  only  renders  the 
preservation  of  that  institution  still  more  iinpera- 


136  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

tive.  In  tlie  selection  of  their  officers,  the  volun 
teers  will  almost  invariably  elect  those  persons  who 
have  obtained  a  regular  military  education,  or  by 
their  experience  are  qualified  to  command.  While, 
then,  military  education  should  be  taught  at  West 
Point,  perfect  reliance  may  be  placed  in  the  volun 
teer  force  of  the  country  in  sustaining  the  honor  of 
our  fla^.  In  1845  the  whole  number  of  the  regular 

O  O 

army  of  the  United  States  amounted  to  T,8S3, 
many  of  whom  were  foreigners.  General  Taylor 
before  leaving  Corpus  Christi  had  under  his  com 
mand  about  3,500  men,  and  when  he  reached  the 
Rio  Grande  his  effective  force  was  less  than  3,000. 

When  the  American  troops  arrived  near  the 
Rio  Grande,  they  found  the  Mexicans  prepared  to 
assume  offensive  operations.  On  the  10th  of  April, 
1846,  Colonel  Cross  was  murdered,  and  on  the  18th 
of  the  same  month  Lieutenant  Porter  with  a  small 
body  of  men  were  taken  prisoners  after  a  desperate 
resistance,  and  were  inhumanly  butchered.  On  the 
24th  of  April  General  Arista  arrived  at  Mat  amor  as, 
and  informed  General  Taylor  that  he  considered 
hostilities  commenced,  and  that  he  should  prosecute 
them.*  On  the  24th  of  the  same  month  Captain 
Thornton,  with  a  party  of  dragoons  consisting  of  63 
men,  became  engaged  with  a  very  large  force  of  the 
Mexicans,  in  which  16  were  killed  and  wounded,  and 
the  rest  were  forced  to  surrender.f  On  the  26th  of 
April  General  Taylor  issued  a  call  upon  the  Gover- 

*  Dispatch  of    General  Taylor,  April  26th,  1846,  Executive   docu 
ments,  second  Session,  29th  Congress, 
f  Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION. 

nor  of  Texas  for  two  regiments  of  mounted  troops, 
and  two  of  infantry,  and  upon  the  Governor  of 
Louisana  for  four  regiments  of  infantry,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  prosecuting  the  war  with  energy,  and  carry 
ing  it  into  the  enemy's  country.*  On  the  28th  of 
April,  1846,  the  camp  of  Captain  Walker  was  sur 
prised,  and  five  men  w^ere  killed.  A  family  of 
fourteen  persons  unarmed  were  taken  prisoners,  two 
of  whom  were  females  ;  their  throats  were  cut,  and 
after  every  indignity  was  perpetrated  upon  their 
persons,  they  were  left  exposed  to  the  storms  of 
heaven,  and  prowling  beasts.  On  the  3d  of  May, 
although  the  enemy  had  made  demonstrations  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  river,  still,  owing  to  the  nature 
of  the  country,  and  the  deficiency  in  the  American 
army  of  light  troops,  General  Taylor  was  kept  ig 
norant  of  their  niovements.f  He  had  received  in 
formation  that  the  Mexicans  were  preparing  to 
cross  the  river  below  Fort  Brown,  with  the  object 
of  forming  a  junction  with  those  who  had  crossed 
the  river  above ;  and  entertaining  the  belief  that 
they  designed  making  a  descent  upon  his  depot  at 
Point  Isabel,  he  hastened  the  operations  on  the 
field-work,  and  was  enabled  to  prepare  it  for  a  suc 
cessful  defence  on  the  1st  of  May.J  Leaving  the 
7th  infantry  under  the  command  of  Major  Brown, 
with  Captain  Lowd's  and  Lieutenant  Bragg's  com 
panies  of  artillery  in  charge  of  the  work,  General 

*  "  Which  will  be  required  to  prosecute  the  war  with  energy,  and 
carry  it,  as  it  should  be,  into  the  enemy's  country." — Ibid. 

f  Dispatch  No.  32  of  General  Taylor,  dated  May  3d,  1846,  at  Point 
Isabel. 
Ibid. 


138  HISTORY    or    THE 

Taylor  started  with  the  main  force  under  his  com 
mand,  for  Point  Isabel,  where  they  arrived  the  next 
day,  without  discovering  any  signs  of  the  enemy. 
On  the  morning,  and  during  the  day  of  May  3d,  dis 
charges  of  cannon  were  heard  in  the  direction  of 
Fort  Brown  ;  and  General  Taylor  dispatched  a 
squadron  of  cavalry,  covering  a  small  party  to  com 
municate  with  Major  Brown.""  The  squadron  re 
turned  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  without  bringing 
news  from  the  Fort ;  but  on  the  5th  of  May  Cap 
tain  Walker  of  the  rangers  arrived  at  Point  Isabel, 
after  running  the  gauntlet  during  the  night  before. 
This  act  of  gallantry  upon  the  part  of  Captain  Wal 
ker  deserves  especial  attention,  as  it  exemplified 
the  cool  and  daring  courage  of  that  celebrated 
ranger.  When  it  was  deemed  important  to  com 
municate  with  General  Taylor,  Captain  Walker 
volunteered  to  be  the  bearer  of  dispatches  from 
Major  Brown.  Starting  at  night,  with  no  other 
guide  through  the  ranks  of  the  enemy  but  the  wind 
upon  his  cheek,  he  successfully  accomplished  the  en 
terprise.  From  a  dispatch  brought  by  him,  General 
Taylor  ascertained  that,  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  of 
May,  the  Mexican  batteries  opened  upon  Fort  Brown, 
and  the  American  guns  were  immediately  manned 
and  a  fire  was  kept  up  from  the  six  and  18 -pound 
ers,  which  resulted  in  dismounting  several  of  the 
Mexican  pieces.  They  continued,  however,  to  fire 
upon  the  fort  until  12  o'clock  at  night.  On  the 
7th  of  May,  General  Taylor  started  on  his  return 
from  Point  Isabel,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  the 

*  Dispatch  No.  32  of  General  Taylor,  dated  May  3d,  1846,  at  Point 
Isabel. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  139 

siege  of  Fort  Brown,  determined  to  fight  the  enemy 
in  whatever  force  he  might  attempt  to  obstruct  his 
progress.*  On  the  8th  of  May  he  encountered 
6,000  of  the  enemy  at  the  field  of  Palo  Alto,  and 
after  an  action  of  five  hours  repulsed  them.  The 
force  under  General  Taylor  did  not  exceed  2,300 
men.  What  renders  this  battle  somewhat  remark 
able  is  the  fact,  that  although  it  lasted  five  hours, 
the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  only  four  men  killed, 
and  three  officers  and  thirty-nine  men  wounded. f 

*  Dispatch  of  General  Taylor3  to  the  War  Department,  May  7th, 
1846. 

f  "  HEAD  QUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  OCCUPATION, 

Camp  near  Palo  Alto,  May  9,  1846. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that  I  was  met  near  this  place  yester 
day  on  my  march  from  Point  Isabel,  by  the  Mexican  forces  ;  and  after  an 
action  of  about  five  hours,  dislodged  them  from  their  position,  and  en 
camped  upon  the  field.  Our  artillery,  consisting  of  two  18-pounders,  and 
two  light  batteries,  was  the  arm  chiefly  engaged,  and  to  the  excellent 
manner  in  which  it  was  manoeuvred  and  served,  is  our  success  mainly 
due. 

"  The  strength  of  the  enemy  is  believed  to  have  been  about  6,000  men, 
with  7  pieces  of  artillery  and  800  cavalry  ;  his  loss  is  probably  at  least  100 
killed.  Our  strength  did  not  exceed,  all  told,  2,300,  while  our  loss  was  com 
paratively  trifling ;  4  men  killed,  3  officers  and  39  men  wounded ;  several 
of  the  latter  mortally.  I  regret  to  report  that  Major  Ringold,  3d  artillery, 
and  Captain  Page,  4th  infantry,  are  severely  wounded ;  Lieutenant  Luther, 
2d  artillery,  slightly  so. 

"  The  enemy  has  fallen  back,  and  it  is  believed  has  repassed  the  river. 
I  have  advanced  parties  now  thrown  forward  in  his  direction,  and  shall 
move  the  main  body  immediately. 

"  In  the  haste  of  this  first  report,  I  can  only  say,  that  the  officers  and 
men  behaved  in  the  most  admirable  manner  throughout  the  action. 

"  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  making  a  more  detailed  report,  when 
those  of  the  different  commanders  shall  be  received. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  Z.  TAYLOR, 

Brevet  Brig.  Gen.  U.  S.  A.,  commanding. 
"  The  ADJUTANT  GENERAL  of  the  Army, 
Washington,  D.  C." 


140  HISTORY      OF     THE 

It  is  almost  inconceivable,  that  so  large  a  body  of 
men  should  have  been  lighting'  in  the  open  field, 
for  that  length  of  time,  without  doin^*  more  execu- 

o  ~ 

tion.  The  loss  of  the  Mexicans  was  estimated  at 
more  than  200.  The  artillery  was  the  arm  prin 
cipally  engaged,  and  fully  sustained  the  high  repu 
tation  of  those  who  had  devoted  so  much  time  to 
its  perfection.  Major  Eiugold  of  the  flying  artillery 
was  mortally  wounded  :  but  his  death  Avas  terribly 
revenged  by  Duncan,  Eidgely  and  their  comrades, 
who  fought  with  an  enthusiasm  that  carried  havoc 
and  dismay  into  the  ranks  of  the  enemy. 

The  American  army  encamped  upon  the  field  of 
battle,  and  a  council  of  war  was  called  to  deter 
mine  whether  they  should  advance,  or  act  upon  the 
defensive.  A  majority  Avas  in  favor  of  the  latter 
course:  but  the  commanding  general,  sustained  by 
the  advice  of  Belknap,  Duncan,  and  others,  deter 
mined  to  force  his  way  to  Fort  Brown.  In  the 
mean  time.  Arista  Avas  reinforced  by  a  body  of 
2.0oO  troops,  thus  making  his  force  amount  to  about 
8,000.  At  '2  oV-lock  on  the  9th  of  May,  General 
Taylor  advanced  along  the  Matamoras  road,*  and 
when  he  approached  Resaca  de  la  Palma.  lie  found 
a  ravine  which  crossed  the  road,  lined  with  the  ar 
tillery  of  the  enemy.  Taylor  directed  a  battery  of 
field  artillery  to  assail  the  position,  and  the  fire  of 
artillery  and  small  arms  was  continued,  until  the 
batteries  of  the  Mexicans  were  carried  by  the  in 
fantry  and  dragoons,  and  they  were  pursued  to  the 

*  Dispatch  of  General  Taylor  to   the  War    Department.  May  9th, 
1846. 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  14:1 

river.  Seven  pieces  of  artillery,  a  large  quantity  of 
ammunition,  three  standards,  and  about  100  prison 
ers,  including  General  La  Vega,  were  captured. 
The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  39  killed  and  82 
wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Mexicans  in  the  two  bat 
tles  has  been  estimated  at  1,000  men.  Although 
great  bravery  was  exhibited  by  the  infantry  and 
dragoons,  still  the  gallantly  of  the  artillerymen  was 
conspicuous.  They  fought  with  a  reckless,  yet  sys 
tematic  daring,  which  claims  our  highest  admira 
tion  ;  wherever  the  dark  masses  of  the  enemy  were 
preparing  to  advance,  they  were  quickly  met  by  the 
flying  artillery,  and  the  storni  of  grape  and  canister 
never  failed  to  drive  them  back  in  disorder.  One 
instance  is  related  of  chivalrous  devotion,  which,,  in 
the  army  of  Bonaparte  would  have  won  a  high  po 
sition.  When  Captain  May,  who  had  been  occupy 
ing  the  position  of  the  u  black  sluggard,"  was  some 
what  peremptorily  ordered  by  Taylor  to  charge  a 
Mexican  battery,  he  was  arrested  in  full  career  by 
Ridgely,  who  called  out  "  stop,  Charley,  let  me  draw 
their  fire  :''  and  the  grape  and  canister  from  KidgelyV 
battery  were  quickly  responded  to  ;  and  although 
the  saddles  of  many  of  the  dragoons  were  emptied 
by  the  fire  of  the  Mexican  infantry,  yet  the  remain 
der  dashed  over  empty  guns. 

The  news  of  these  two  victories  quickly  spread 
throughout  the  United  States,  and  startled  the  inha 
bitants  of  each  city  and  hamlet  throughout  the 
land.  The  intelligence  produced  a  deep  »  s 
at  Washington,  where  the  American  C  _  ss  was 
then  in  session.  The  threats  which  had  often  been 


142  HISTORY     OF     THE 

made  by  tlie  Mexicans  to  wash  out  with  blood  the 
stain  upon  their  national  character,  by  what  they 
called  a  dismemberment  of  their  territory,  had  now 
been  attempted.  They  had  crossed  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  upon  two  fields  they  had  encountered  the  Ame 
rican  army.  The  war  had  commenced,  and  it  de 
volved  upon  Congress  to  devise  the  means  for  its 
energetic  prosecution.  The  regular  army  in  April, 
1846,  was  7,244,  and  the  force  on  the  Texas  fron 
tier  in  May,  present  and  absent,  was  3,554.* 

With  this  small  body  of  men,  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  that  we  could  encounter  successfully 
8,000,000  of  people  upon  their  own  soil,  and  by  the 
act  of  the  13th  of  May,  1846,  the  President  was 
authorized  to  call  into  the  field  50,000  volunteers, 
to  serve  for  one  year,  or  during  the  war ;  and  an 
appropriation  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
it  into  effect.  The  preamble  to  that  act  has  been 
made  the  subject  of  much  discussion  in  Congress 
and  elsewhere.  It  declared  that  "  whereas  by  the 
act  of  'the  Republic  of  Mexico  war  exists,"  &c. 
The  opposition  members  of  Congress  distinctly 
charged  that  the  war  was  brought  on  by  the  uncon 
stitutional  order  given  by  Mr.  Polk  for  the  concen 
tration  of  our  troops  upon  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  I 
have  already  shown  the  fallacy  of  that  assumption. 
It  was  nevertheless  entertained,  and  although  the 
whigs  were  disposed  to  vote  for  an  appropriation  of 
money  and  the  raising  of  men  for  the  purpose  of 
relieving  General  Taylor,  still  they  made  strenuous 

*  Report  of  the  Adjutant-General  to  the  War  Department,  April  5th, 
1848. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  143 

exertions  to  strike  the  preamble  from  the  bill.  This 
they  were  unable  to  do,  and  upon  its  passage,  they 
all  voted  for  it  with  the  exception  of  fourteen  mem 
bers  of  the  House,  and  two  or  three  Senators.*  It 
had  been  insisted  that  those  members  of  the  oppo 
sition  who  voted  for  the  bill,  were  estopped  from 
subsequently  denying  that  Mexico  commenced  the 
war.  The  position  which  they  occupied  was  an  ex 
ceedingly  delicate  one.  They  ha'd  to  adopt  one  of 
two  alternatives ;  either  to  vote  for  the  preamble, 
which  they  declared  was  untrue,  or  to  vote  against 
the  bill.  They  did  not  choose  to  place  themselves 
upon  the  record  as  voting  against  granting  supplies ; 
although  the  prosecution  of  a  war  unjustly  com 
menced  by  us,  can  hardly  be  reconcilable  with  the 
doctrines  of  the  Bible,  or  the  precepts  of  morality. 
The  course  pursued  by  those  who  voted  against  the 
bill,  was  consistent  with  the  declaration  that  the 
war  was  unjust,  and  they  have  had  far  less  difficulty 
in  reconciling  their  assertions  and  their  votes,  than 
those  who  declared  the  war  was  wrongfully  com 
menced,  yet  abused  Mr.  Polk  because  it  was  not 
more  vigorously  prosecuted. 

The  course  pursued  by  the  opposition  members 
of  Congress  with  regard  to  the  origin  and  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war,  was  very  inconsistent.  Scarcely 
did  the  collision  of  arms  take  place  upon  the  Rio 
Grande,  before  they  denounced  the  course  pursued 
by  the  Executive  as  unauthorized  and  unconstitu 
tional  ;  and  a  portion  of  them  opposed  its  prosecu 
tion,  and  voted  against  supplies  throughout  the  con- 

*  See  Congressional  Globe,  first  session  29th  Congress. 


144  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

test,  while  the  remainder  violently  assailed  the  ad 
ministration  because  the  war  was  not  prosecuted 
with  more  vigor.  Although  it  was  the  general  im 
pression  after  each  battle,  that  the  Mexicans  would 
conclude  a  peace,  still  those  members  gave  frequent 
expression  to  their  indignation  because  more  men 
were  not  called  into  the  field,  that  each  victory 
might  immediately  be  followed  by  a  forward  move 
ment.  Those  members,  who  had  denounced  the 
conduct  of  the  President  because  he  had  "  com 
menced  an  unconstitutional  war,"  and  who  had  with 
extreme  bitterness  assailed  him  because  that  war 
had  not  been  prosecuted  with  more  energy ;  at  a 
later  period  in  the  struggle,  voted  to  lay  upon  the 
table  a  resolution,  declaring  that  it  was  inexpedient 
for  our  army  to  retreat  from  the  positions  which 
they  had  w^on  in  Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  falling 
back  upon  a  defensive  line.*  This  resolution  was 
laid  on  the  table  upon  the  motion  of  Mr.  Stephens, 
of  Georgia,  by  a  vote  of  96  to  89.  All  who  voted  to 
lay  the  resolution  on  the  table  were  whigs,  and  all 
who  voted  against  it  were  democrats. 

After  the  war  with  Mexico  was  recognized  by 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  it  remained  to  be 

o  / 

seen  whether  the  ranks  of  the  army  could  be  filled 
by  volunteers.  A  feeling  of  indignation  was  aroused 
from  Maine  to  Texas,  that  Mexicans,  who  had  so 
frequently  violated  their  most  solemn  treaty  sti- 


*  Mr.  Chase  offered  the  following  resolution  :  "  Resolved,  that  it  is  in 
expedient  to  order  our  troops  to  retreat  from  the  positions  which  they  have 
gallantly  won  in  Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  falling  back  upon  a  defensive 
line." — Congressional  Globe,  1st  session,  SQihCongress,  p.  179. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  145 

pulations,  should  consummate  their  folly  by  the 
invasion  of  our  territory;  and  the  alacrity  with 
which  our  people  responded  to  the  call  upon  their 
patriotism,  proved  at  once  that  they  would  defend 
the  honor  of  our  country,  by  whatever  nation  as 
sailed  ;  and  the  ardor  with  which  they  rushed  to  the 
field,  proved  them  the  most  warlike  people  of  the 
age.  Wherever  was  unfurled  the  stripes  and  stars, 
and  whenever  was  heard  the  roll  of  the  drum,  there 
were  gathered  the  volunteers  of  every  age  and  con 
dition  ;  and  where  only  50,000  volunteers  were  au 
thorized,  500,000  gallant  spirits  responded  to  the 
call.  The  spectacle  witnessed,  was  literally  that  of 
a  nation  in  arms.  The  organization  of  the  volun 
teers  was  promptly  attended  to  by  the  President ; 
and  for  this  purpose  officers  were  appointed,  who 
subsequently  distinguished  themselves.  Two  Major- 
Generals  were  commissioned — Butler  and  Patter 
son;  and  eight  Brigadiers — Lane,  Smith,  Hamer, 
Quitman,  Pierce,  Cadwallader,  Pillow,  and  Shields. 
The  President  of  the  United  States  promptly 
availed  himself  of  the  authority  granted  by  Con 
gress  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  war  vigo 
rously  against  Mexico.  He  had  several  times  an 
nounced  to  Congress  that  the  war  was  not  waged 
with  a  view  to  conquest,  but  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  an  honorable  peace,  and  thereby  to  se 
cure  ample  indemnity.*  This  language  may  be  re- 

*  "  The  war  has  not  been  waged  with  a  view  to  conquest ;  but  having 
been  commenced  by  Mexico,  it  has  been  carried  into  the  enemy's  country, 
and  will  be  vigorously  prosecuted  there,  with  a  view  to  obtain  an  honor 
able  peace,  and  thereby  secure  ample  indemnity  for  the  expenses  of  the 
10 


146  HISTORY     OF     THE 

garded  as  rather  equivocal.  It  is  difficult  to  con 
ceive  how  indemnity  could  b^  obtained  from  Mexico 
in  any  other  way,  than  by  that  which  a  subsequent 
message  of  Mr.  Polk  expressed  to  be  a  dismember 
ment  of  the  Mexican  territory.* 

That  the  attention  of  the  administration  was  at 
an  early  day  directed  to  the  acquisition  of  Cali 
fornia,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Confidential  instruc 
tions  were  issued  from  the  Navy  Department  to 
Commodore  Sloat  as  early  as  June  24th,  1845,  in 
which  it  was  intimated  that  hostilities  would  ensue. 
Sloat  was  directed  particularly  to  avoid  any  act  of 
aggression,  but  in  case  Mexico  should  declare  war 
against  us,  he  was  directed  to  employ  the  force 
under  his  command  to  the  best  advantage.f  This 

war,  as  well  as  to  our  much  injured  citizens,  who  hold  large  pecuniary 
demands  against  Mexico." — Message  of  President  POLK,  December,  1846. 

*  "  The  extensive  and  valuable  territories  ceded  by  Mexico  to  the 
United  States  constitute  indemnity  for  the  past,  and  the  brilliant  achieve 
ments  and  signal  successes  of  our  arms  will  be  a  guarantee  of  security  for 
the  future,  by  convincing  all  nations  that  our  rights  must  be  respected." 
— Message  of  Mr.  POLK  to  Congress,  July  6th,  1848. 

f  "  Should  Mexico,  however,  be  resolutely  bent  on  hostilities,  you  will 
be  mindful  to  protect  the  persons  and  interests  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  near  your  station,  and  should  you  ascertain  beyond  a  doubt  that  the 
Mexican  Government  has  declared  war  against  us,  you  will  at  once  em 
ploy  the  force  under  your  command  to  the  best  advantage.  The  Mexican 
ports  on  the  Pacific  are  said  to  be  open  and  defenceless.  If  you  ascer 
tain  with  certainty  that  Mexico  lias  declared  war  against  the  United 
States,  you  will  at  once  possess  yourself  of  the  port  of  San  Francisco, 
and  blockade  or  occupy  such  other  ports  as  your  force  may  permit. 

"  The  great  distance  of  your  squadron,  and  the  difficulty  of  commu 
nicating  with  you,  are  the  causes  for  issuing  this  order.  The  President 
hopes  most  earnestly  that  the  peace  of  the  two  countries  may  not  be  dis 
turbed.  The  object  of  these  instructions  is  to  possess  you  of  the  views 
of  the  Government,  in  the  event  of  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of 
Mexico  against  the  United  States — an  event  which  you  arc  enjoined  to  do 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

order  was  followed  by  the  expedition  under  General 
Kearney.  I  do  not  make  these  observations  for  the 
purpose  of  condemning  the  object  which  the  Cabi 
net  desired  to  accomplish ;  on  the  contrary,  to  ac 
quire  "  indemnity  for  the  past  and  security  for  the 
future  "  is  perfectly  justifiable,  and  especially  where 
a  war  is  forced  by  a  perfidious  people  upon  us. 
And  under  all  circumstances,  the  avowal  should 
have  been  boldly  made  that  we  prosecuted  a  war 
of  conquest,  if  necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  accom 
plishing  that  result.  If  that  had  been  done,  an 
obstinate  enemy  would  soon  have  been  brought  to 
terms,  when  they  ascertained  that  the  longer  the 
contest  was  protracted  the  greater  indemnity  would 
be  demanded. 

The  energy  which  the  President  always  dis 
played,  did  not  fail  him  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war,  and  what  was  regarded  as  the  dilatory  move 
ments  of  General  Scott,  produced  a  personal  inter 
view  between  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army.  The  result  of  this 
conference  seems  to  have  given  offence  to  General 
Scott,  and  produced  from  him  a  letter  which  ex 
cited  much  ridicule,  and  caused  mingled  feelings  of 
sorrow,  surprise,  and  indignation.  To  receive  the 
command  of  the  army  in  person,  as  was  subse 
quently  exemplified,  could  but  add  new  laurels  to 
those  he  had  already  won.  The  secret  of  his  prov 
ing  so  sensitive  has  been  ascribed  to  his  aspiration 
for  political  honors.  If  that  was  the  correct  solu- 

every  thing  consistent  with  the  national  honor,  on  your  part,  to  avoid." — 
Letter  o/Mr.  BANCROFT,  to  Commodore  Sloat,  June  243h,  1845. 


148  HISTORY     OF     THE 

tion  of  the  difficulty,  it  is  strange  that  a  person  so 
conscious  of  the  influence  which  military  achieve 
ment  exercises  over  the  American  people  as  Gene 
ral  Scott  must  be,  should  hesitate  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  army,  for  the  purpose  of  adding 
fresh  brilliancy  to  that  reputation  which  in  early 
life  immortalized  his  name.  There  was  no  necessity 
"to  protect  himself  from  a  fire  in  his  rear  from. 
Washington.'7*  The  administration  could  have  no 
motive  whatever  in  embarrassing  the  movements 
of  the  Comniander-in-Chief.  He  ought  to  have 
been  satisfied  that  his  own  success  would  add  to 
the  reputation  of  the  administration,  and  that  the 
defeat  of  the  army  would  prove  as  disastrous  to 
the  Cabinet  as  to  himself.  As  it  was,  the  course 
which  he  thought  proper  to  pursue  in  a  moment  of 
error,  resulted  in  the  withdrawal  of  the  leadership 
of  the  army  which  had  been  tendered.  It  required 
the  effect  produced  by  his  brilliant  campaign  in 
Mexico,  to  eradicate  the  unfavorable  impression  pro 
duced  upon  the  minds  of  the  American  people  by 
his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Under  the  act  of  May  13th,  1846,  requisitions 
were  immediately  made  upon  the  Governors  of  the 
States  of  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Illinois,  Indiana, 
Ohio,  and  Texas,  for  a  volunteer  force  amounting 
to  twenty-six  regiments,  which,  with  a  battalion 
from  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  State  of 
Maryland,  numbered  in  all  about  23,000  effective 
men,  to  serve  for  the  period  of  twelve  months,  or 

*  Letter  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  May  21st,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  149 

• 

to  the  end  of  the  war.  A  large  portion  of  this 
force  was  placed  under  the  command  of  General 
Taylor,  who  had  made  the  Rio  Grande  the  base  of 
his  operation.*  The  plan  of  operations  designed 
by  the  administration,  was  to  attack  Mexico  in 
several  directions.  Taylor  was  to  advance  in  the 
direction  of  Monterey ;  General  Wool  was  to  march 
from  Antonio  De  Bexar,  in  the  direction  of  Chi 
huahua  ;  and  General  Kearney  was  to  assemble  the 
volunteers  from  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  a  few 
hundred  regular  troops  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  and 
make  a  descent  upon  Santa  Fe,  and  from  thence 
with  a  portion  of  his  command  was  to  advance 
rapidly  upon  California.  Any  one,  by  glancing  at 
a  map,  will  at  once  discover  the  comprehensiveness 
of  this  plan.  The  advance  of  General  Taylor  and 
General  Wool  into  that  portion  of  the  Mexican 
territory,  would  be  calculated  to  convince  the  Mexi 
cans  of  the  importance  of  re-opening  negotiations, 
whilst  the  expedition  under  General  Kearney  would 
obtain  possession  of  that  portion  of  Mexico  which  it 
was  desirable  to  retain. 

Before  General  Taylor  took  his  departure  from 
Camargo,  considerable  embarrassment  was  experi 
enced  for  the  want  of  transportation  and  supplies 
for  so  large  a  force.  These  difficulties  were  made 
the  subject  of  complaint  by  General  Taylor,  f  This 


*  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  December  5th,  1846. 

f  "  HEADQUARTERS,  ARMY  OF  OCCUPATION,  ) 
CAMARGO,  September  1st,  1846.      £ 

"  SIR  :  Before  marching  for  the  interior,  I  beg  leave  to  place  on  re 
cord  some  remarks  touching  an  important  branch  of  the  public  service,  the 
proper  administration  of  which  is  indispensable  to  the  efficiency  of  a  cam- 


150  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

dispatch  was  referred  by  tlie  War  Department  to 
the  Quartermaster  General,  Thomas  S.  Jesup.*  The 
complaints  of  General  Taylor  were  triumphantly 

paign.  I  refer  to  the  quartermaster's  department.  There  is  at  this  mo 
ment,  when  the  army  is  about  to  take  up  a  long  line  of  march,  a  great  de 
ficiency  of  proper  means  of  transport,  and  of  many  important  supplies. 

"  On  the  26th  of  April,  when  first  apprising  you  of  the  increased  force 
called  out  by  me,  I  wrote  that  I  trusted  the  War  Department  would  '  give 
the  necessary  orders  to  the  staff  department  for  the  supply  of  this  large 
additional  force ;'  and  when  first  advised  of  the  heavy  force  of  twelve 
months'  volunteers  ordered  hither,  I  could  not  doubt  that  such  masses  of 
troops  would  be  accompanied,  or  preferably  preceded,  by  ample  means  of 
transportation,  and  all  other  supplies  necessary  to  render  them  efficient. 
But  such  has  not  been  the  case.  Suitable  steamboats  for  the  Rio  Grande 
were  not  procured  without  repeated  efforts  directed  from  this  quarter,  and 
many  weeks  elapsed  before  a  lodgment  could  be  made  at  this  place,  the 
river  being  perfectly  navigable.  After  infinite  delays  and  embarrassments, 
I  have  succeeded  in  bringing  forward  a  portion  of  the  army  to  this  point, 
and  now  the  steamers  procured  at  Pittsburg  are  just  arriving.  I  hazard 
nothing  in  saying  that  if  proper  foresight  and  energy  had  been  displayed 
in  sending  out  suitable  steamers  to  navigate  the  Rio  Grande,  our  army 
would  long  since  have  been  in  possession  of  Monterey. 

"  Again,  as  to  land  transport.  At  this  moment  our  wagon  train  is 
considerably  less  than  when  we  left  Corpus  Christi — our  force  being  in 
creased  fivefold.  Had  we  depended  upon  means  from  without,  the  army 
would  not  have  been  able  to  move  from  this  place.  But  fortunately  the 
means  of  land  transport  existed  to  some  extent  in  the  country  in  the  shape 
of  pack-mules,  and  we  have  formed  a  train  which  will  enable  a  small  army 
to  advance  perhaps  to  Monterey.  I  wish  it  distinctly  understood,  that  our 
ability  to  move  is  due  wholly  to  means  created  here,  and  which  could  not 
have  been  reckoned  upon  with  safety  in  Washington. 

"  I  have  adverted  to  the  grand  points  of  water  and  land  transportation. 
Of  the  want  of  minor  supplies  the  army  has  suffered  more  than  enough. 
The  crying  deficiency  of  camp  equipage  has  been  partially  relieved  by  the 
issue  of  cotton  tents  of  indifferent  quality.  Our  cavalry  .has  been  para 
lyzed  by  the  want  of  horse-shoes,  horse-shoe  nails,  and  even  common  black 
smith's  tools,  while  many  smaller  deficiencies  are  daily  brought  to  my 
notice. 

"  I  respectfully  request  that  the  above  statement,  which  I  make  in  jus- 

*  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Jesup,  Sept.  21, 1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  151 

answered  by  the  Quartermaster  General.*  Being, 
at  the  time  he  answered  the  charges  of  General 
Taylor,  near  the  scene  of  operations,  and  at  the 

tice  to  myself  and  the  service,  may  be  laid  before  the  General-in-chief  and 
Secretary  of  War. 

"  I  am,  sir,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"Z.  TAYLOR, 

Major  General  U.  S.  A.  commanding. 
"  The  ADJUTANT  GENERAL  of  the  Army, 
Washington.  D.  C." 

*  "  NEW-ORLEANS,  December  5th,  1846. 

"  SIR  :  When  I  received  your  letter  of  the  21st  of  September,  on  the 
subject  of  Major  General  Taylor's  complaints,  I  was  apprehensive  that 
neglect  or  .omissions  had  occurred  on  the  part  of  some  one  or  more  of 
the  subordinate  officers  of  the  department,  by  which  his  operations  had 
been  seriously  embarrassed ;  but  I  have  looked  into  the  whole  matter,  and 
I  am  bound  in  justice  to  say  that  no  class  of  officers,  not  even  General 
Taylor  and  the  most  distinguished  men  around  him,  have  better  or  more 
faithfully  performed  their  duty  ;  and  if  any  thing  has  been  wanting  which 
they  could  have  supplied,  it  has  been  because  the  proper  orders  were  not 
given,  or  timely  requisitions  made. 

"  In  conducting  a  war,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Government  to  designate 
the  object  to  be  accomplished :  it  is  then  the  duty  of  the  General  who 
conducts  the  operations,  to  call  for  the  means  required  to  accomplish  that 
object.  If  he  fail  to  do  so,  he  is  himself  responsible  for  all  the  consequences 
of  his  omission.  General  Taylor  complains  of  want  of  water  and  land 
transportation,  camp  equipage,  and  shoes  for  his  cavalry  horses.  As  to 
water  transportation,  I  find  that  he  called  for  a  single  light-draught  steamer 
early  in  May.  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hunt  could  not  at  once  obtain  a  suita 
ble  boat,  but  he  executed  the  order  as  soon  as  it  was  possible.  Late  in 
May,  or  early  in  June,  General  Taylor  considering  four  boats  necessary, 
appointed  his  own  agents  to  obtain  them.  I  was  at  the  time  engaged  in 
taking  measures,  under  the  orders  of  General  Scott,  to  obtain  suitable 
boats  for  the  navigation  of  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  having  no  reliable  infor 
mation  in  relation  to  the  navigation  of  that  river,  and  believing  General 
Taylor's  agents  possessed  of  the  requisite  knowledge,  I  preferred  that 
they  should  execute  his  orders ;  and  I  limited  my  action  in  the  matter  to 
doubling  the  number  called  for  by  General  Taylor ;  and  authorizing  a 
further  increase  if  considered  necessary  by  his  brother  and  one  of  his 
agents.  The  number  required  by  the  General  was,  I  believe,  nearly 
quadrupled  ultimately  by  the  officers  of  the  department.  As  to  the  com- 


152  HISTORY      OF     THE 

place  through  which  most  of  tlie  supplies  passed, 
General  Jesup  could  speak  understandmgly  upon 
the  subject.  He  declared  lie  was  bound  in  justice 

plaint  of  the  General  that  the  steamers  from  Pittsburg  were  then  (Sep 
tember  1st),  just  arriving,  it  is  proper  to  state  that  these  were  the  very 
boats  procured  by  one  of  his  own  agents.  When  at  Pittsburg  I  inquired 
into  the  delay  of  those  boats,  and  it  is  but  justice  to  Captain  Sanders,  Ge 
neral  Taylor's  agent,  to  say  that  no  effort  was  spared  to  get  them  into  ser 
vice  as  early  as  possible. 

"  As  to  the  complaint  in  regard  to  the  want  of  land  transportation,  it  is 
proper  to  remark  that  there  was  no  information  at  Washington,  so  far  as  I 
was  informed,  to  enable  me  or  the  War  Department  to  determine  whether 
wagons  could  be  used  in  Mexico.  General  Taylor,  though  he  had  both 
mounted  troops  and  topographical  engineers,  had  not  supplied  the  want  of 
that  information.  Besides,  he  had  not,  as  far  as  I  know  and  believe,  inti 
mated  to  any  department  his  intentions  or  wishes  in  regard  to  the  means 
of  transportation  to  be  used.  It  was  known  that  he  had  a  wagon  train, 
amply  sufficient  for  double  the  force  he  commanded  before  the  arrival  of 
the  volunteers.  Added  to  that,  he  had  General  Arista's  means  of  trans 
portation  ;  and  he  was  in  a  country  abounding  in  mules — the  means  of 
transportation  best  adapted  to  the  country,  and  the  only  means  used  by 
the  enemy.  A  general  is  expected  to  avail  himself  of  the  resources  of 
the  country  in  which  he  operates.  If  General  Taylor  failed  to  do  so,  and 
was  without  the  necessary  transportation,  he  alone  is  responsible.  Those 
means  were  limited  only  by  his  own  will.  He  had  officers  of  the  Quar 
termaster's  Department  able  to  have  executed  his  orders,  and  willing  to 
carry  out  his  views  :  his  authority  alone  was  wanting. 

"  As  to  the  camp  equipage,  you  are  aware  that  the  appropriation  which 
I  asked  for  last  year  was  stricken  out,  and  that  not  a  cent  was  appropria 
ted,  which  could  be  legally  applied  to  that  object,  before  the  9th  and  13th 
of  May.  When  the  appropriations  were  made,  the  officers  of  the  depart 
ment  were  compelled  to  obtain  materials  wheresoever  they  could  get  them, 
and  such  as  they  could  get.  Cotton  cloth  was  necessarily  substituted  for 
linen  in  the  fabrication  of  tents.  I  have  no  doubt  a  great  deal  of  the  ma 
terial  was  of  the  quality  represented  by  General  Taylor  ;  but  that  was,  un 
der  the  circumstances,  unavoidable.  The  officers  obtained  the  best  they 
could  get,  and  deserve  credit  for  their  exertions,  in  place  of  the  censure 
they  have  received. 

"  I  am  somewhat  at  a  loss  to  imagine  why  the  deficiency  of  shoes  for 
the  dragoon  horses  was  made  a  subject  of  complaint  against  the  Quarter 
master's  Department.  A  blacksmith  is  allowed  by  law  to  every  troop  of 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  153 

to  say  that  no  class  of  officers,  not  even  General 
Taylor,  and  the  most  distinguished  men  around  him, 
had  better  or  more  faithfully  performed  their  duty 
than  the  officers  of  his  department ;  and  that  if 
any  thing  had  been  wanting  which  they  could  have 
supplied,  it  was  because  the  proper  orders  were  not 
given,  or  timely  requisitions  made.  Any  one  who 
will  read  the  letter  of  General  Jesup,  will  come  to 


dragoons.  It  is  the  duty  of  every  commander  of  a  troop  to  have  his  shoe 
ing  tools  complete,  and  to  have  at  all  times  the  necessary  shoe  and  nail  iron ; 
and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  regimental  commander  to  see  that  timely  requisi 
tions  be  made.  Now,  if  those  officers  failed  to  have  what  was  necessary  to 
the  efficiency  of  their  commands,  let  General  Taylor  hold  them  accountable. 
The  Quartermaster's  department  is  not  responsible  for  their  neglects. 

"  As  I  came  through  the  western  country  to  this  city,  I  was  informed 
that  a  report  was  circulating  that  General  Taylor  would  have  taken  for 
ward  to  Monterey  a  much  larger  force  of  volunteers,  but  for  the  neglect 
of  the  Quartermaster's  department  to  furnish  the  means  of  transportation. 
In  reply  to  that  report,  I  respectfully  ask  your  attention  to  the  letter  of 
General  Taylor  of  the  2d  of  July  to  the  Adjutant  General.  There  he 
tells  you.  through  that  officer,  that  he  proposes  to  operate  from  Camargo  to 
Monterey  :  he  tells  you  that  he  will  operate  with  a  column  of  about  6,000 
men  :  that  he  must  rely  on  the  country  for  meat,  and  depot  at  Camargo  for 
bread ;  and  adds,  as  the  reason  for  not  taking  a  greater  force,  that  a  column 
exceeding  six  thousand  men  cannot  be  supplied  on  that  route  wTith  bread 
alone. 

"  I  feel,  sir,  that  every  officer  of  the  department  has  performed  his  duty 
faithfully,  if  not  ably,  and  that  the  charges  of  General  Taylor  are  both 
unjust  and  unmerited.  As  regards  myself,  I  feel  that  I  have  performed  my 
whole  duty,  both  to  the  country  and  to  the  army ;  and  if  the  slightest  doubt 
remain  on  that  subject,  I  owe  it  to  myself  to  demand  an  immediate  and  tho 
rough  investigation  of  my  conduct,  and  that  of  the  department,  from  the 
commencement  of  operations  on  the  Texan  frontier,  as  well  previous  to  as 
during  the  war. 

"  I  am,  sir,  most  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  TH.  S.  JESUP, 

Major  General,  Quartermaster  General. 
"  The  HON.  WM.  L.  MARCY, 

Secretary  of  War,  Washington  City." 


154  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  conclusion,  that  the  embarrassments  of  which 
General  Taylor  complained,  were  the  result  of  a 
failure  on  his  part  to  make  the  necessary  demands, 
or  were  to  be  attributed  to  the  conduct  of  the 
agents  he  had  selected  himself. 

o 

Another  source  of  annoyance  to  the  administra 
tion  was  the  unauthorized  conduct  of  General 
Gaines,  at  that  time  in  command  of  the  Southwes 
tern  division.  He  sent  forward  volunteers  to  Texas, 
in  number  considerably,  exceeding  the  call  made  by 
General  Taylor,  for  that  description  of  force.*  The 
call  of  General  Gaines  was  recognized  to  the  extent 
of  the  number  of  volunteers  sent  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
up  to  May  28th,  1846.  The  motives  of  that  officer 
no  one  was  prepared  to  call  in  question ;  but  from 
his  advanced  age,  he  was  not  in  a  condition  to  de 
cide  with  as  much  judgment  as  he  once  possessed, 
as  to  the  real  necessities  of  the  case.  His  action 
caused  the  War  Department  much  embarrassment.f 
He  called  out  and  mustered  into  service,  troops  not 
comprised  in  the  demand  of  General  Taylor,  on 
Louisiana  and  Texas.  Volunteers  from  Alabama 
and  Missouri,  who  had  left  those  States  before  the 
call  of  General  Gaines  could  be  countermanded  by 
the  President,  were  received  into  service.  These 
volunteers  were  not  raised  under  the  provisions  of 
the  act  of  May,  1846 ;  they  were,  therefore,  to  be 
regarded  in  service  by  virtue  of  the  act  of  1795, 
consequently,  for  the  term  of  three  months.  There 
was  no  authority  to  receive  the  volunteers  into  ser- 

*  Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General  Taylor,  May  28th,  1846. 

f  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  June  26th,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  155 

vice  for  six  months.  By  the  law  of  1795,  they  were 
to  serve  for  three  months,  and  by  the  law  of  May, 
1846,  for  twelve  months,  or  during  the  war.  To  re 
fuse  to  receive  them  after  the  sacrifices  they  had 
made,  was  the  cause  of  much  regret,  but  there  was  no 
other  alternative ;  they  were  not  legally  in  the  pub 
lic  service,  under  any  existing  law,  and  the  Presi 
dent  had  no  power  to  receive  them,  unless  they 
thought  proper  to  offer  their  services  under  the  act 
of  May,  1846. 

It  was  deemed  advisable,  in  the  mean  time,  to 
transfer  General  Gaines  from  the  Southern  to  the 
Northern  department,  and  he  was  ordered  to  make 
his  head-quarters  at  New- York,  instead  of  New 
Orleans. 

After  the  arrival  of  the  requisite  number  of 
volunteers  from  the  United  States,  General  Taylor 
prepared  to  advance  upon  Monterey,  by  the  way  of 
Camargo.  He  left  Matamoras  during  the  latter 
part  of  August,  with  a  column  consisting  of  about 
6,000  regular  and  volunteer  troops,  and  arrived 
before  Monterey  on  the  19th  of  September,  1846.* 
Our  troops  were  now  in  view  of  a  large  city,  whose 
natural  defences  and  massive  fortifications  rendered 
it  almost  impregnable.  More  than  forty  pieces  of 
artillery  defended  its  frowning  walls,  and  the  battle 
ments  were  protected  by  7,000  troops  of  the  line, 
and  more  than  two  thousand  irregulars.  It  was 
here  that  the  chivalrous  Worth  obtained  the  op 
portunity  for  which  he  panted,  to  make  amends  for 
his  absence  from  the  battle-fields  of  Palo  Alto  and 

*  Dispatch  of  General  Taylor,  dated  Monterey,  September  22,  1846. 


156  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Resaca  de  la  Palma.  Believing  himself  injured  by 
the  decision  which  permitted  General  Twiggs  to 
rank  him,  he  left  Texas,  and  appearing  at  Wash 
ington,  tendered  his  resignation  to  the  President. 
In  opposition  to  the  opinion  which  prevailed  at  the 
seat  of  Government,  Mr.  Polk  refused  to  accept  it, 
and  his  military  skill  and  daring  courage  were  given 
to  his  country  in  the  struggle  which  ensued.  When 
he  heard  of  the  collision  between  the  rival  forces 
on  the  banks  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  which  he  did 
not  anticipate,  he  withdrew  the  tender  which  he 
had  made  of  his  commission,  and  repaired  immedi 
ately  to  the  seat  of  war.  Although  his  gallantry 
was  conspicuous  among  all  those  leaders  who  sur 
rounded  General  Scott,  I  take  this  opportunity  of 
referring  briefly  to  that  commander.  General 
Worth  entered  the  army  at  an  early  period  of  his 
life ;  his  headlong  impetuosity  at  the  sanguinary 
battles  of  Lundy's  Lane  and  Chippewa,  obtained 
for  him  a  high  reputation,  which  was  greatly  in 
creased  by  his  services  in  Florida.  The  best  dis 
ciplinarian  in  the  army,  he  was  yet  the  idol  of  the 
soldiery.  Gifted  with  an  imposing  presence,  an 
eye  which  has  been  compared  to  the  eagle's,  an 
affability  of  manner,  a  courage  perfectly  regardless 
of  death  in  the  hour  of  battle,  a  fixedness  of  pur 
pose,  and  a  coolness  of  judgment  which  the  thunders 
of  artillery  could  not  disturb ;  he  combined  every 
requisite  which  should  characterize  a  man  and  a 
soldier.  Burning  with  impatience  to  silence,  by 
some  splendid  achievement,  the  whispers  which  his 
absence  from  the  conflicts  of  the  8th  and  9th  of 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  157 

May  produced,  lie  joined  the  army  of  invasion. 
The  conduct  of  General  Taylor  in  giving  him 
a  separate  command,  at  Monterey,  displayed  the 
frankness  of  the  disinterested  soldier.  It  was  fear 
ed  by  those  who  did  not  understand  the  character 
of  General  Worth,  that  in  the  effort  to  gain  a  bril 
liant  victory  he  would  be  regardless  of  the  lives 
of  his  men,  but  the  result  proved  him  a  better  man, 
and  a  more  skilful  general. 

From  the  configuration  of  the  country  through 
which  the  road  passed,  leading  to  Saltillo,  it  was  de 
termined  to  attack  the  town  in  that  direction.  For 
this  purpose,  the  second  division  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  General  Worth,  and  at  2  o'clock, 
P.  M.,  on  the  20th  September,  1846,  he.  started  to 
execute  the  duty  assigned  him.  The  enemy,  in  the 
mean  time,  had  thrown  reinforcements  into  the 
Bishop's  palace,  and  upon  the  heights  which  com 
manded  it.*  To  divert  the  attention  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  Generals  Butler  and  Twiggs  displayed  their 
divisions  before  the  town.  On  the  morning  of  the 
21st,  the  division  under  General  Worth  was  put 
in  motion,  and  soon  encountered  a  strong  force  of 
cavalry  and  infantry,  and  after  a  sharp  conflict  the 
Mexicans  were  defeated.  The  examinations  made 
proved  the  impracticability  of  making  any  effective 
advances  upon  the  city,  without  first  obtaining  pos 
session  of  the  exterior  forts  and  batteries.  About 
300  men  composed  a  storming  party  for  the  purpose 
of  effecting  that  object ;  one  fort  after  another  was 
taken  under  a  tremendous  fire,  until  they  were  ena- 

*  Dispatch  of  General  Taylor,  October  9th,  1846. 


158  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

bled  to  bring  their  guns  to  bear  upon  the  Bishop's 
palace.*  To  carry  the  building  was  the  next  object 
to  be  accomplished.  It  is  situated  about  midway 
the  southern  slope  of  the  hill  Independencia.  This 
was  accomplished  on  the  22d,  by  one  of  the  most 
brilliant  feats  recorded  in  the  annals  of  warfare. 
The  position  they  had  thus  gained  enabled  them 
to  send  their  iron  hail  into  the  Grand  Plaza.  The 
town  was  now  perfectly  under  the  control  of  Worth's 
artillery.  In  the  mean  time,  a  demonstration  was 
made  by  the  forces  under  the  immediate  command 
of  General  Taylor,  upon  the  other  end  of  the  town. 
Here  the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  very  severe, 
and  it  was  only  by  "  burrowing "  through  the 
houses  that  they  could  make  much  progress  into 
the  heart  of  the  city.  The  display  of  daring  upon 
the  part  of  both  regulars  and  volunteers  was  highly 
satisfactory,  and  added  still  more  to  the  reputation 
of  the  forme]',  and  covered  with  renown  the  deeds 
of  the  latter. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  24th  of  September, 
General  Taylor  received  a  communication  from 
Ampudia,  proposing  to  evacuate  the  town,  upon 
condition  that  he  should  be  suffered  to  take  with 
him  the  personel  and  materiel  of  war.f  This  pro 
position  was  refused  by  General  Taylor,^  and  the 
unconditional  surrender  of  the  town  and  the  garri- 

*  Report  of  General  Worth,  September  28th,  1846. 

f  Letter  of  General  Ampudia,  September  23d.  to  General  Taylor. 

|  "  A  complete  surrender  of  the  town  and  garrison,  the  latter  as  pris 
oners  of  war,  is  now  demanded.  The  garrison  will  he  allowed,  at  your 
option,  after  laying  down  its  arms,  to  retire  to  the  interior,  on  condition 
of  not  serving  again  during  the  war,  until  regularly  exchanged." — Letter 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  159 

son  as  prisoners  of  war  was  demanded.  Upon  the 
same  day  that  General  Taylor  made  this  response 
to  the  Mexican  General-in-Chief,  much  more  favor 
able  terms  were  extended  to  him.*  The  city,  forti 
fications,  cannon,  munitions  of  war,  and  all  other 
public  property,  with  some  exceptions,  were  sur 
rendered,  but  the  Mexican  forces  were  allowed  to 
retain  their  accoutrements,  one  battery  of  six  pieces, 
with  twenty-one  rounds  of  ammunition.  They  were 
to  retire  within  seven  days  from  that  date,  beyond 
the  line  formed  by  the  pass  of  the  Rinconada,  the 
city  of  Linares  and  San  Fernando  De  Pressas,  and 
the  forces  of  the  United  States  were  not  to  advance 
beyond  the  line  specified  before  the  expiration  of 
eight  weeks,  or  until  the  order  or  instructions  of 
the  respective  Governments  could  be  received.  The 
Mexican  flag  when  struck  at  the  citadel  was  to  be 
saluted  by  its  own  battery.  The  terms  of  this 
capitulation  created  much  dissatisfaction  in  the 
United  States.  It  was  a  subject  of  much  regret 
that  General  Taylor  did  not  exact  from  the  enemy 
more  rigorous  terms.  The  Secretary  of  War,  in 
response  to  the  communication  from  General  Taylor, 
was  directed  by  the  President  to  inform  him  that 
he  regretted  it  was  not  deemed  advisable  to  insist 
upon  the  terms  which  he  had  first  proposed,  al 
though  it  was  suggested  that  the  circumstances 
doubtless  justified  the  change.*  The  reasons  given 


*  See  terms  of  the  capitulation  of  Monterey,  Executive  Documents, 
2d  Session  29th  Congress,  volume  4,  Doc.  No.  119. 

f  "  In  relation  to  the  terms  of  capitulation  of  Monterey,  the  President 
instructs  me  to  say  that  he  regrets  it  was  not  advisable  to  insist  upon  the 


160  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

by  General  Taylor*  for  acceding  to  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  were  first,  the  impossibility  of  prevent 
ing  the  escape  of  the  Mexicans  through  the  various 
passes  leading  from  the  city,  and  the  destruction  of 
their  artillery  and  magazines ;  and  secondly,  the  im 
possibility  of  moving  forward  in  force  until  the 
time  selected  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities  had  ex- 
pired.f  The  Secretary  of  War  informed  General 

terms  which  you  had  first  proposed.  The  circumstances  which  dictated 
doubtless  justified  the  change.  The  President,  uninformed  of  these  cir 
cumstances,  does  not  know  in  what  degree  the  recent  change  in  the  Gov 
ernment  of  Mexico  may  have  contributed  to  this  result.  Certain  it  is, 
however,  that  the  present  rulers  of  that  republic  have  not  yet  given  any 
evidence  that  they  are  '  favorable  to  the  interests  of  peace.'  Of  this  you 
will  have  already  been  informed  by  my  dispatch  of  the  22d  ultimo." — 
Letter  of  tlie  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  October  13th,  1846. 

*  "  The  force  with  which  I  advanced  on  Monterey  was  limited  by 
causes  beyond  my  control,  to  about  6,000  men.  With  this  force,  as  every 
military  man  must  admit  who  has  seen  the  ground,  it  was  entirely  impos 
sible  to  invest  Monterey  so  closely  as  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  garri 
son.  Although  the  main  communication  with  the  interior  was  in  our 
possession,  yet  one  route  was  open  to  the  Mexicans  throughout  the  ope 
rations,  and  could  not  be  closed,  as  were  also  other  minor  tracks  and 
passes  through  the  mountains.  Had  we,  therefore,  insisted  on  more 
rigorous  terms  than  those  granted,  the  result  would  have  been  the  escape 
of  the  body  of  the  Mexican  force,  with  the  destruction  of  its  artillery  and 
magazines ;  our  only  advantage  being  the  capture  of  a  few  prisoners  of 
war,  at  the  expense  of  valuable  lives  and  much  damage  to  the  city.  The 
consideration  of  humanity  was  present  to  my  mind  during  the  conference 
which  led  to  the  convention,  and  outweighed  in  my  judgment  the  doubtful 
advantages  to  be  gained  by  a  resumption  of  the  attack  upon  the  town. 
This  conclusion  has  been  fully  confirmed  by  an  inspection  of  the  enemy's 
position  and  means  since  the  surrender.  It  was  discovered  that  his 
principal  magazine,  containing  an  immense  amount  of  powder,  was  in 
the  cathedral,  completely  exposed  to  our  shells  from  two  directions.  The 
explosion  of  this  mass  of  powder,  which  must  have  ultimately  resulted 
from  a  continuance  of  the  bombardment,  would  have  been  infinitely  dis 
astrous,  involving  the  destruction  not  only  of  Mexican  troops,  but  of 
non-combatants,  and  even  our  own  people,  had  we  pressed  the  attack." 

f  "  In  regard  to  the  temporary  cessation  of  hostilities,  the  fact  that 


POLK     ADMINISTKATIOK.  161 

Taylor  that  lie  would  perceive  by  the  tenor  of  the 
dispatches  from  the  War  Department,  that  the  Gov 
ernment  did  not  contemplate  the  occurrence  of  any 
contingency  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war  in  whidh 
it  would  be  expedient  to  suspend  hostilities  before 
the  offer  of  acceptable  terms  of  peace;  and  also 
gave  him  instructions  to  terminate  the  armistice 
immediately.*  It  cannot  be  regarded  in  any  other 
light  than  as  a  most  unfortunate  result,  that  after  a 
loss  of  12  officers  and  108  men  killed,  31  officers 
and  337  men  wounded  in  capturing  the  city,  that 
8,000  Mexicans  should  be  suffered  to  retire  with 
arms  in  their  hands  without  even  a  parole  of  honor 
that  they  would  not  fight  again  during  the  war. 
That  Ampudia  would  have  acceded  to  any  terms 
when  his  head-quarters  were  brought  under  the  fire 


we  are  not  at  this  moment  (within  eleven  days  of  the  termination  of  the 
period  fixed  by  the  convention)  prepared  to  move  forward  in  force,  is  a 
sufficient  explanation  of  the  military  reasons  which  dictated  this  suspen 
sion  of  arms.  It  paralyzed  the  enemy  during  a  period  when,  from  the 
want  of  necessary  means,  we  could  not  possibly  move.  I  desire  distinctly 
to  state,  and  to  call  the  attention  of  the  authorities  to  the  fact,  that  with 
all  diligence  in  breaking  mules  and  setting  up  wagons,  the  first  wagons  in 
addition  to  our  original  train  from  Corpus  Christi  (and  but  125  in  number) 
reached  my  head-quarters  on  the  same  day  with  the  Secretary's  commu 
nication  of  October  13th,  viz.,  the  2d  inst.  At  the  date  of  the  surrender 
of  Monterey  our  force  had  not  more  than  ten  days'  rations ;  and  even  now, 
with  all  our  endeavors,  we  have  not  more  than  twenty-five.  The  task  of 
fighting  and  beating  the  enemy  is  among  the  least  difficult  that  we  en 
counter  ;  the  great  question  of  supplies  necessarily  controls  all  the  ope 
rations  in  a  country  like  this.  At  the  date  of  the  convention  I  could  not, 
of  course,  have  foreseen  that  the  department  would  direct  an  important 
detachment  from  my  command  without  consulting  me,  or  without  waiting 
the  result  of  the  main  operation  under  my  orders." — Letter  of  General 
Taylor  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  November  Slh,  1846. 

*  Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General  Taylor,  October  13th,  1846. 
11 


162  HISTORY      OF     THE 

of  Worth's  artillery,  there  is  every  reason  to  be 
lieve.  As  it  was,  the  victory  cannot  be  considered 
as  complete,  when  the  right  to  salute  their  flag  was 
extended  to  the  enemy,  and  permission  given  him 
to  resume  hostilities  again. 

The  destinies  of  Mexico  were  at  this  time  con 
trolled  by  Santa  Anna.  In  August,  1846,  the 
power  of  Paredes  was  overthrown,  and  shortly  after 
Santa  Anna  returned  from  Havana  to  Mexico.  The 
permission  given  by  Mr.  Polk  to  Santa  Anna  to  re 
turn  to  Mexico,*  has  been  made  the  subject  of 
much  animadversion.  It  has  been  insisted  that  he 
offered  no  obstructions  to  the  return  of  the  ablest 
of  the  Mexican  chieftains.  During  the  war,  public 
opinion  rather  condemned  this  act  upon  the  part  of 
Mr.  Polk,  but  the  time  has  now  arrived  when  it  can 
be  examined  with  more  calmness,  and  all  the  cir 
cumstances  which  evidently  controlled  him  in  grant 
ing  that  permission,  can  be  impartially  considered. 
It  will  be  recollected  that  the  basis  of  the  revolu 
tion  which  placed  Paredes  in  power,  was  the  fact, 
that  Ilerrera  had  accepted  overtures  for  the  settle 
ment  of  the  difficulties  between  the  two  countries.f 

*  ["  PRIVATE    AND    CONFIDENTIAL.] 

"UNITED  STATES  NAVY  DEPARTMENT,  May  13,  1846. 
"  COMMODORE  :  If  Santa  Anna  endeavors  to  enter  the  Mexican  ports, 
rou  will  allow  him  to  pass  freely. 

"  Respectfully,  yours,  GEORGE  BANCROFT. 

"  Commodore  DAVID  CONNER,  commanding  Home  Squadron." 

f  "  We  now  turn  a  glance  to  Mexico,  where  will  be  found  established 
the  government  of  General  Paredes.  As  one  of  the  motives  by  which  the 
revolutionists  supported  their  prommciamento,  was.  that  the  administration 
of  Herrera  did  not  desire  to  carry  on  this  war ;  the  new  Government  was 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  163 

Paredes  was  not  only  the  most  clamorous  of  all  the 
Mexican  chieftains  for  a  war  with  the  United  States, 
but  he  was  known  to  be  a  monarchist  in  principle. 
If  necessary  to  enable  them  to  contend  successfully 
against  the  United  States,  he  was  in  favor  of  call 
ing  to  the  aid  of  Mexico  a  foreign  power,  by  the 
tender  of  a  throne.  Although  it  might  be  a  trivial 
affair  to  chastise  the  insolence  of  the  Mexicans,  yet 
it  would  be  more  difficult,  if  they  were  able  to 
obtain  the  aid  of  France  and  Spain.  This  was  a 
consummation  by  no  means  improbable.  The  ba 
lance  of  power  doctrine  had  been  proclaimed  by 
Guizot — a  doctrine  against  which  our  Government 
is  committed.  For  the  purpose,  then,  of  preventing 
an^Jliance  between  Mexico  and  any  of  the  Euro 
pean  powers,  either  to  obtain  troops  to  fight  her 
battles,  or  to  make  that  country  a  dependency  of 
France  or  Spain,  it  was  perfectly  justifiable  in  Mr. 
Polk  to  produce  internal  dissensions  in  Mexico. 
Independent  of  this  view  of  the  subject,  we  had  a 
perfect  right  to  produce  as  much  anarchy  and  con 
fusion  in  that  motley  assemblage  called  republicans, 
as  possible.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  crimes 

bound  to  do  so  at  any  cost." — Mexican  History  of  the  War  in  Mexico, 
p.  38. 

"  The  command  of  the  division  of  reserve,  destined  to  operate  on  the 
frontier  of  Texas,  was  intrusted  to  General  Paredes,  who,  although  he 
had,  from  causes  of  personal  dissatisfaction,  contributed  to  the  overthrow 
of  Santa  Anna,  has  always  been  known  as  the  advocate  of  centralism,  or 
rather  of  a  military  despotism,  ordered  to  advance  several  months  since,  to 
the  line  of  the  Rio  del  Norte,  he  has,  on  various  frivolous  pretexts,  con 
stantly  disobeyed  or  evaded  his  instructions,  and  the  government,  although 
it  cannot  have  been  ignorant  of  his  hostile  intentions,  has  not  dared  to  dis 
place  him"— Letter  of  Mr.  Slidell  to  Mr.  Buchanan,  December  27th, 
1845.  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  p.  34. 


164  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

committed  by  Santa  Anna,  he  was  certainly  opposed 
to  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  in  Mexico. 
That  danger,  then,  was  not  to  be  apprehended,  if 
he  once  more  obtained  the  reins  of  government. 
Besides,  the  hope  was  entertained  that  he  would 
employ  his  influence  in  restoring  pacific  relations 
between  the  two  countries.* 

Those  persons  who  have  so  fiercely  assailed  the 
conduct  of  Mr.  Polk,  in  permitting  Santa  Anna  to 
return,  may  not  be  apprised  of  the  fact,  that  the  pre 
sent  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  country  placed  reliance 
in  the  declarations  of  Santa  Anna,  that  he  was 
favorable  to  peace.f  He  supposed,  that  the  change 
of  Government  in  Mexico  (in  his  letter  defending 
himself  for  granting  an  armistice),  since  his  las"L  in 
structions,  fully  warranted  him  in  listening  to  the 
propositions  of  Ampudia.  That  change  of  Govern 
ment  was  the  substitution  of  Santa  Anna  for  Gene- 

*  Again  :  "  In  the  course  of  civil  war,  the  Government  of  General  Pa- 
redes  was  overthrown.  We  could  not  but  look  upon  this  as  a  fortunate 
event,  believing  that  any  other  administration,  representing  Mexico,  would 
be  less  deluded,  more  patriotic,  and  more  prudent — looking  to  the  com 
mon  good,  weighing  probabilities,  strength,  resources,  and,  above  all,  the 
general  opinion  as  to  the  inevitable  results  of  a  national  war.  We  were 
deceived — as  perhaps  you,  Mexicans,  were  also  deceived,  in  judging  of  the 
real  intentions  of  General  Santa  Anna,  whom  you  recalled,  and  whom 
our  Government  permitted  to  return." — Proclamation  of  General  Scott  to 
the  Mexicans,  May  11,  1847,  at  Jalapa. 

f  "  In  the  conference  with  General  Ampudia,  I  was  distinctly  told  by 
him  that  he  had  invited  it  to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  blood,  and  be 
cause  General  Santa  Anna  had  declared  himself  favorable  to  peace.  I 
knew  that  our  Government  had  made  propositions  to  that  of  Mexico  to  ne 
gotiate,  and  I  deemed  that  the  change  of  Government  in  that  country  since 
my  last  instructions,  fully  warranted  me  in  entertaining  considerations  of 
policy." — Dispatches  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  Novem 
ber  8th,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  165 

ral  Paredes,  as  the  President  of  Mexico.  The  in 
structions  to  which  he  refers,  did  not  contemplate 
that  any  contingency  would  happen  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  the  war,  in  which  it  would  be  expedient  to 
suspend  hostilities  before  the  offer  of  acceptable 
terms  of  peace.*  Under  these  instructions,  then, 
when  General  Taylor  agreed  to  a  suspension  of  hos 
tilities,  he  must  have  believed,  not  only  that  Santa 
Anna  would  offer  acceptable  terms  of  peace,  but 
that  he  had  already  done  so.  Placing  the  permis 
sion  given  Santa  Anna  to  return  to  Mexico,  alone 
.upon  the  ground  of  his  supposed  exertions  to  pro 
duce  peace,  the  two  American  Executives  were 
both  deceived,  and  the  judgments  of  neither  proved 
infallible. 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1846,  the  President  of 
the  United  States  caused  propositions  to  be  made 
to  the  Mexican  Government,  for  the  termination  of 
existing  difficulties  in  a  treaty  of  peace.f  This  pro 
position  was  responded  to  by  the  Mexican  autho 
rities,  August  31st  following.  The  only  answer 
made  to  this  conciliatory  offer  was  the  proposition 
to  lay  it  before  the  Mexican  Congress,  to  be  as 
sembled  on  the  6th  of  December  thereafter.  J  Too 
little  reliance  was  placed  in  the  favorable  action  of 
that  body,  to  authorize  a  suspension  of  hostilities 
for  so  long  a  period.  They  had  proved  too  regard 
less  of  plighted  faith,  to  render  it  at  all  probable, 

*  Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General  Taylor,  October  13,  1846. 

f  Letter  of  Mr.  Buchanan,  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  of  the 
Mexican  Republic,  July  27,  1846. 

I  Letter  of  Manuel  Crescencio  Rejon.  Mexican  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  August  31,  1846. 


166  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

that  where  no  pledges  were  made,  the  Mexican 
Congress  would  agree  to  terms  unless  they  were 
forced  by  stern  necessity ;  and  the  proposition  of 
the  Mexican  Government  was  rejected,  and  they 
were  informed  that  the  appeal  to  arms  would  be 
continued. 

The  column  under  Brigadier  General  Wool, 
consisting  of  about  1,400  men,  destined  for  the  con 
quest  of  Chihuahua,  was  put  in  motion  from  San 
Antonia  de  Bexar,  on  the  29th  of  September,  1846. 
Crossing  the  Rio  Grande,  he  traversed  Coahuila 
and  arrived  at  Monclova,  on  the  31st  of  October, 
and  was  well  received  by  the  inhabitants.*  The 
force  of  General  Wool  having  been  diverted  from 
its  original  destination,  it  never  reached  Chihuahua, 
and  he  subsequently  joined  his  command  to  the 
army  of  General  Taylor. 

On  the  30th  of  June,  Brigadier  General  Kearny, 
with  1,600  regulars  and  volunteers,  marched  from 
Fort  Leavenworth,  in  the  direction  of  Santa  Fe, 
where  he  arrived  after  a  march  of  873  miles,  on  the 
18th  of  August,  and  took  possession  of  New  Mexico 
by  a  bloodless  achievement.  The  Mexican  forces 
under  the  command  of  Governor  Armijo,  amount 
ing  to  4,000,  ingloriously  fled ;  and  the  Governor 
himself,  with  a  small  party  of  dragoons,  departed  in 
haste  for  Chihuahua.  General  Kearny  was  autho 
rized  to  muster  into  service  a  battalion  from  among 
the  emigrants,  who  were  on  their  way  to  Oregon 
and  California  ;  in  addition  to  this  force,  1,000  volun 
teers  were  started  from  Missouri  to  reinforce  him. 

*  The  reoort  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  December,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  167 

In  August,  1846,  General  Kearny  communicated 
to  the  War  Department  the  fact,  that  he  had  under 
his  command  a  greater  number  of  troops  than  was 
necessary  to  retain  possession  of  Santa  Fe,  and  for 
the  conquest  of  California ;  and  that  he  proposed 
sending  a  portion  of  them  to  reinforce  General  Wool, 
whom  he  supposed  was  advancing  upon  Chihuahua.* 
On  the  23d  of  September,  1846,  Colonel  Doni 
phan,  with  the  first  regiment  of  Missouri  volunteers 
started  upon  that  celebrated  march,  which  has  not 
inaptly  been  compared  to  that  of  Xenophon.  The 
men  who  composed  that  regiment,  were  young, 
hardy,  and  possessed  of  a  desperate  and  reckless 
courage,  and  were  well  fitted  for  a  service  which 
was  surrounded  by  so  many  perils.  It  was  not 
known  when  Doniphan  left  Santa  Fe,  that  the 
column  under  the  command  of  General  Wool  had 
been  diverted  from  its  movement  upon  Chihuahua, 
and  he  therefore  penetrated  with  his  small  band  of 
heroes  into  a  country  that  thronged  with  foes,  and 
which  had  never  been  trod  by  the  footsteps  of  an 
American  soldier. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  the  advance  guard 
of  his  regiment  was  met  by  the  Mexicans  in  force, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Brazito,  where  a  battle  ensued, 
resulting  in  the  total  overthrow  of  the  enemy,  with 
a  loss  on  their  part  of  nearly  200  killed  and  wound 
ed,  and  on  that  of  the  Americans  of  only  7  wounded. 
Less  than  500  Americans  in  this  engagement  de 
feated  1,200  Mexicans.  Continuing  his  march, 
Doniphan,  entered  El  Passo  without  again  en- 

*  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  December,  1846. 


168  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

countering  a  foe.  It  was  here  ascertained,  that  the 
movement  had  to  be  made  without  the  aid  of  Gene 
ral  Wool ;  and  the  command  was  detained  until 
February,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  reinforce 
ments  of  artillery  from  Santa  Fe,  when  the  force 
continued  to  advance  towards  Chihuahua. 

On  the  28th  of  February,  1847,  they  discovered 
a  large  force  of  Mexicans,  intrenched  behind  their 
batteries  at  the  pass  of  Sacramento.  It  was  at  once 
determined  to  storm  the  Mexican  intrenchments ; 
they  were  furiously  assaulted,  and  defended  with 
equal  desperation.  The  ardor  of  the  Americans 
proved  irresistible;  the  fortifications  were  scaled, 
the  enemy  was  driven  from  his  artillery  with  dread 
ful  slaughter,  and  the  victory  was  signal  and  com 
plete.  Our  troops  entered  the  capital  of  Chihua 
hua  in  triumph,  and  shortly  after  proceeded  to  join 
General  Taylor  at  Monterey.  If  we  except  the 
bloody  victory  of  Molino  del  Key,  there  was  no 
more  brilliant  achievement  during  the  whole  war, 

O  7 

than  the  triumph  at  the  battle  of  Sacramento.  The 
Mexican  forces  amounted  to  more  than  4,000,  and 
their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about  600 ; 
while  the  entire  force  of  the  Americans  was  less 
than  900,  and  their  killed  and  wounded  did  not  ex 
ceed  9  men.  Thus  the  march  of  Colonel  Doniphan 
and  his  men  for  more  than  1,000  miles  through  a 
hostile  country,  was  rendered  still  more  glorious  by 
his  triumphs  in  two  battles  against  greatly  supe 
rior  numbers. 

In  September,  1846,  General  Kearny  with  a 
regular  force  of  about  300  dragoons,  in  pursuance 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  169 

of  the  instructions  from  the  War  Department, 
started  for  California.  Passing  down  the  Rio 
Grande  more  than  200  miles,  he  prepared  to  cross 
over  to  the  river  Gila,  but  after  advancing  about 
180  miles,  he  was  met  by  an  express  from  California 
dispatched  by  Colonel  Fremont.  Deeming  it  un 
necessary  to  take  an  additional  force  into  that  coun 
try,  he  ordered  most  of  his  troops  to  return  to 
Santa  Fe,  and  continued  himself  with  about  100 
men. 

In  May,  1845,  Captain  Fremont  left  Washing 
ton,  under  orders  from  the  War  Department,  to 
continue  his  explorations  beyond  the  Rocky  Moun 
tains — a  service  purely  of  a  scientific  character. 
There  were  no  soldiers  under  his  command,  and  the 
sixty-two  men  who  made  up  his  party  were  taken 
as  a  protection  against  the  Indians.  His  route  lay 
through  a  portion  of  California  that  was  settled, 
and  he  was  fully  apprised  of  the  danger  of  a  rup 
ture  between  Mexico  and  the  United  States,  and 
was  resolved  to  give  no  umbrage  to  the  authorities 
in  California.  Leaving  his  company  100  miles  from 
Monterey,  he  proceeded  to  that  place  alone,  for  the 
purpose  of  explaining  to  Castro  the  object  of  his 
mission,  and  to  obtain  permission  to  enter  the  val 
ley  of  the  San  Joaquin,  to  obtain  forage  for  his 
horses  and  provisions  for  the  men.  His  request 
was  granted ;  but  scarcely  had  he  arrived  at  the 
place  which  he  had  selected,  before  he  received  in 
formation  that  General  Castro  was  preparing  to 
overwhelm  him  with  a  superior  force.  For  the 
purpose  of  defending  himself  from  this  unwarran- 


170  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

table  attack,  lie  intrenched  Ms  men  upon  a  moun 
tain  thirty  miles  distant  from  Monterey.  There  he 
remained  from  the  7th  to  the  10th  of  March,  1846, 
without  being  attacked  by  the  Mexicans ;  and  he  at 
length  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  some  of  his  men, 
discharged  them,  and  pursued  his  march  for  Oregon. 
After  being  attacked  by  hostile  Indians,  who  were 
instigated  by  General  Castro,  he  was  informed  that 
Castro  himself  was  advancing  against  him  at  the 
head  of  more  than  400  men,  and  that  the  Ameri 
can  settlers  in  the  valley  of  the  Sacramento,  as  well 
as  his  own  party,  were  to  be  involved  in  the  scheme 
of  destruction.  Driven  in  self-defence  to  repel  the 
foe — who  like  a  wolf  hung  upon  his  footsteps ;  on  the 
6th  of  June,  1846,  he  determined  to  overthrow  the 
Mexican  authority  in  California.  By  rapidity  of 
movement  he  surprised  several  parties,  and  obtained 
possession  of  nine  brass  cannon  and  several  hundred 
stand  of  arms.  Castro  was  driven  from  one  posi 
tion  to  another,  until  he  reached  Cuidad  de  Los  An 
geles.  Colonel  Frelnont  having  formed  a  junction 
with  Commodore  Stockton,  their  united  forces,  on 
the  12th  of  August,  1846,  entered  the  city  of  the 
Angels,  the  Governor  General  Pico,  and  the  rest  of 
the  Mexican  authorities,  having  fled.  Commodore 
Stockton  took  possession  of  the  whole  country,  and 
appointed  Colonel  Fremont  Governor.  In  the  short 
space  of  sixty  days  the  conquest  of  a  country  was 
achieved,  which  has  more  recently  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  civilized  world. 

The  operations  thus  far  had  failed  to  produce 
the  desired  result  of  forcing  Mexico  to  conclude  a 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

peace.  Far  greater  obstinacy  was  manifested  by 
the  Mexicans  than  was  anticipated  by  those  persons 
who  did  not  understand  the  characteristics  of  the 
Spanish  race.  The  victories  upon  the  Rio  Grande 
and  the  capture  of  Monterey  did  not  produce  a 
termination  of  the  war,  and  the  necessity  of  carry 
ing  out  the  comprehensive  plan  laid  down  by  the 
"War  Department  became  now  perfectly  apparent. 
For  the  purpose  of  conciliating  the  Mexican  inhabit 
ants,  the  burdens  of  the  contest  which  are  ordina 
rily  borne  by  the  citizens  of  an  invaded  country, 
had  been  withheld.  The  private  property  which 
was  appropriated  for  the  use  of  the  army  was  paid 
for  at  a  fair  price.  This  was  far  from  having  the 
effect  of  rendering  them  clamorous  for  peace ;  on 
the  contrary,  protected  as  they  were  from  exactions 
by  their  own  authorities,  and  furnished  with  a  pro 
fitable  market  for  their  produce,  it  was  highly  favor 
able  to  their  interests  that  the  war  should  be  con 
tinued.  An  army  of  invasion  possesses  the  un 
doubted  right  of  not  only  drawing  its  supplies  from 
the  enemy  without  paying  for  them,  but  to  exact 
contributions  for  its  support.  This  is  often  a  very 
effective  way  of  bringing  public  opinion  to  bear 
upon  the  subject.  The  departure  from  this  rule 
was  made  as  a  matter  of  policy,  to  avoid  arousing 
the  Mexican  nation  en  masse  against  us.  Instruc 
tions  were  issued  from  the  War  Department  to 
General  Taylor,  to  require  contributions  to  be  made 
of  supplies  for  the  army  without  paying  for  them, 
if  he  was  satisfied  that  his  army  could  be  subsisted 


172  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

in  that  way.*  A  letter  was  addressed  by  the  "War 
Department  to  General  Taylor,  September  22d, 
1846,  informing  him  that  it  was  contemplated  to 
make  a  movement  in  the  direction  of  Tampico,  but 
he  was  advised  that  it  was  not  designed  to  with 
draw  any  of  the  force  then  with  him,  nor  to  divert 
any  of  the  reinforcements  which  might  be  neces 
sary  to  enable  him  to  advance  beyond  Monterey. 
He  was  told  that  communications  would  be  made 
immediately  from  the  War  Department  to  Gene 
ral  Patterson,  because  the  time  it  would  take  to 
receive  information  from  him  and  to  send  the  reply 
from  the  War  Department,  might.be  the  very  mo 
ment  for  striking  an  effective  blow.  This  com 
munication  called  forth  a  protest,  prompt  and  ex 
plicit,  from  General  Taylor.f  He  insisted  that 
while  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  army  in  Mexico, 
he  would  be  held  responsible  for  its  operations,  and 
therefore  claimed  the  right  of  organizing  all  de 
tachments  from  it,  and  of  controlling  the  time  and 
manner  of  their  service.  In  the  dispatch  of  Gen 
eral  Taylor  of  October  15th,  1846,  he  reported  at 
considerable  length  his  views  with  regard  to  an 
onward  movement  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis 
Potosi.  It  was  his  opinion  that  to  insure  success 
in  the  advance  upon  that  city  it  would  require  an 
army  20,000  strong,  10,000  of  which  should  be 
regular  troops,  and  that  besides  this  force,  5,000 


*  Letter  of  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  September  22d, 
1846. 

f  Dispatch  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  October  15th, 
1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATIOIST.  173 

men  would  be  required  to  keep  possession  of  the 
country  already  under  our  control.*  In  the  same 
communication  he  expressed  himself,  in  view  of  the 
difficulties  and  expense  of  a  movement  into  the 
heart  of  Mexico,  favorable  to  the  occupation  of  a 
defensive  line.f  That  line  was  the  Sierra  Madre, 

*  "  In  view  of  the  above  facts,  I  hazard  nothing  in  saying  that  a 
column  to  move  on  San  Luis  from  Saltillo,  should,  to  insure  success,  be 
at  least  20,000  strong,  of  which  10,000  should  be  regular  troops.  After 
much  reflection,  I  consider  the  above  as  the  smallest  number  of  effective 
troops  that  could  be  employed  on  this  service  without  incurring  the  hazard 
of  disaster  and  perhaps  defeat.  There  would  be  required,  besides,  to 
keep  open  our  long  line,  protect  the  depots,  and  secure  the  country 
already  gained,  a  force  of  5,000  men ;  this,  without  including  the  force 
necessary  to  send  to  Tampico,  to  take  or  hold  that  place. 

"  And  now  I  come  to  the  point  presented  in  the  Secretary's  letter.  A 
simultaneous  movement  on  San  Luis  and  Tampico  is  there  suggested ; 
but  it  will  readily  be  seen  that  with  only  one-half  the  force  which  I  con 
sider  necessary  to  march  on  one  point,  it  is  quite  impossible  to  march  on 
both ;  and  that  nothing  short  of  an  effective  force  of  25,000  to  30,000 
men  would,  on  military  principles,  justify  the  double  movement.  And  it 
is  to  be  remarked  that  the  possession  of  Tampico  is  indispensable  in  case 
we  advance  to  San  Luis,  for  the  line  hence  to  the  latter  place  is  entirely 
too  long  to  be  maintained  permanently,  and  must  be  abandoned  for  the 
shorter  one  from  Tampico  the  moment  San  Luis  is  taken. 

"  I  have  spoken  only  of  the  number  of  troops  deemed  necessary  for  the 
prosecution  of  the  campaign  beyond  Saltillo.  It  will  be  understood  that 
largely  increased  means  and  material  of  every  kind  will  be  equally  ne 
cessary  to  render  the  army  efficient ;  such  as  cavalry  and  artillery  horses, 
means  of  transport,  ordnance  stores,  &c." 

f  "  It  may  be  expected  that  I  should  give  my  views  as  to  the  policy 
of  occupying  a  defensive  line,  to  which  I  have  above  alluded.  I  am  free 
to  confess  that,  in  view  of  the  difficulties  and  expense  attending  a  move 
ment  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  particularly  in  view  of  the  un 
settled  and  revolutionary  character  of  the  Mexican  Government,  the  occu 
pation  of  such  a  line  seems  to  me  the  best  course  that  can  be  adopted. 
The  line  taken  might  either  be  that  on  which  we  propose  to  insist  as  the 
boundary  between  the  republics — say  the  Rio  Grande,  or  the  line  to  which 
we  have  advanced,  viz.,  the  Sierra  Madre,  including  Chihuahua  and  Santa 
Fe.  The  former  line  could  be  held  with  a  much  smaller  force  than  the  lat- 


174  IIISTOEY     OF     THE 

including  Chihuahua  and  Santa  Fe,  or  the  Eio 
Grande.  The  opinion,  then,  of  General  Taylor  was 
distinctly  expressed,  that  an  advance  beyond  the 
Sierra  Madre  was  impolitic. 

To  enable  General  Taylor  to  dispense  with  the 
corps  under  General  Worth,  it  was  intimated  to 
him  that  it  would  be  better  to  order  General  Wool 
to  join  him,  if  it  was  not  contemplated  to  hold 
possession  of  Coahuila  or  Chihuahua.*  That  com 
mander  himself  admitted,  that  nothing  would  be 
gained  by  an  advance  upon  Chihuahua  by  General 
Wool's  column,  at  all  commensurate  with  the  exces 
sive  length  of  his  line  of  operations.f  There  were 

ter ;  but  even  the  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre  could  be  held  with  a  force  greatly 
less  than  would  be  required  for  an  active  campaign.  Monterey  controls 
the  great  outlet  from  the  interior.  A  strong  garrison  at  this  point,  with 
an  advance  at  Saltillo  and  small  corps  at  Monclova,  Linares,  Victoria  and 
Tampico,  would  effectually  cover  the  line." — Letter  of  General  Taylor  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  October  15th,  1846. 

*  "  It  is  not  doubted  that  General  Wool  will  be  able  to  capture  Chihua 
hua  ;  but  if  the  population  should  be  disposed,  as  it  is  apprehended  they 
will  be,  to  obstruct  his  movements  and  withhold  supplies,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  has  a  sufficient  force  to  sustain  himself  long  in  that  position. 
Should  the  contemplated  military  and  naval  operations  on  the  Gulf  coast  be 
put  in  execution,  troops  to  reinforce  him,  in  case  his  condition  required 
it,  cannot  well  be  spared.  Under  a  full  view  of  all  the  circumstances,  it  is 
suggested  whether  it  would  not  be  best  to  have  his  force  united  with  yours 
at  Monterey,  or  on  the  Rio  Grande." — Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General 
Taylor,  October  22 d,  1846. 

f  "  Brigadier  General  Wool,  with  a  portion  of  his  force,  arrived  at 
Monclova  on  the  29th  of  October,  and  is  now  joined  by  the  rear  division. 
He  reports  no  practicable  route  to  Chihuahua  except  the  one  by  Parras, 
which  will  bring  within  a  few  leagues  of  Saltillo.  He  inquires,  what  is 
to  be  gained  by  going  to  Chihuahua  ?  And  1  am  free  to  answer,  nothing 
at  all  commensurate  with  the  excessive  length  of  his  line  of  operations. 
Chihuahua,  moreover,  is  virtually  conquered,  and  can  be  occupied  at  any 
moment  while  we  hold  Saltillo  and  Santa  Fe." — Letter  of  General  Taylor 
to  Mr.  Marcy,  November  9th,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION. 

no  reasons  then,  why  General  Wool  should  not  be 
ordered  to  join  his  column  with  that  of  General 
Taylor. 

The  design  of  making  a  descent  upon  Victoria 
and  Tampico  had  not  been  abandoned.  The  column 
destined  for  this  expedition  reached  Victoria  on  the 
23d  of  January,  1847,  but  before  its  arrival  a  naval 
force,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Perry, 
had  taken  possession  of  Tampico.  The  descent  of 
the  fleet  upon  this  place  was  made  for  the  purpose 
of  masking  the  movement  upon  Vera  Cruz.  In  the 
mean  time,  General  Wool  was  stationed  at  Parras 
with  2,400  men,  and  General  Worth  with  his  com 
mand  of  1,200  men  was  advanced  to  Saltillo,  while 
the  headquarters  of  General  Butler  were  at  Monte 
rey.*  General  Taylor  himself  left  Monterey  on  the 
15th  of  December,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a 
junction  with  General  Patterson  at  Victoria.  His 
course  was,  however,  arrested  before  reaching  that 
place,  by  a  dispatch  from  General  Worth,  conveying 
the  information  that  Santa  Anna  was  about  to  avail 
himself  of  the  diversion  in  the  direction  of  Victo 
ria,  for  the  purpose  of  making  a  descent  upon  the 
advanced  posts  of  the  army.  Taylor  returned  with 
the  regular  troops  under  his  command  to  Monterey. 
General  Worth  was  promptly  reinforced  by  the  di 
vision  under  the  command  of  General  Wool,  and 
by  the  disposable  force  at  Monterey  under  General 
Butler.  General  Taylor  himself  was  advancing  to 
Saltillo,  when  he  was  informed  that  the  advanced 

*  Report  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  December  8th, 
1846. 


176  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

posts  of  the  Mexicans  had  been  withdrawn.  He 
then  continued  in  the  direction  of  Victoria,  where 
he  arrived  on  the  4th  of  January,  1847,  and  awaited 
further  communications  from  General  Scott.  The 
troops  of  the  United  States  now  held  possession  of 
the  country  this  side  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  extend 
ing  from  Tampico  to  Saltillo  and  Santa  Fe ;  still 
Mexico  refused  to  accede  to  terms.  It  was  there 
fore  resolved  to  make  a  descent  upon  Vera  Cruz, 
and  to  strike  at  the  heart  of  the  Mexican  territory. 
While  the  line  of  the  Sierra  Madre  was  to  be  re 
tained,  and  the  advance  of  our  troops  in  the  direc 
tion  of  San  Luis  was  to  be  left  for  future  determi 
nation,  a  large  force  under  the  immediate  command 
of  General  Scott  was  preparing  to  attack  the  castle 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  As  early  as  September, 
1846,  the  attention  of  the  Government  was  directed 
to  that  quarter,  and  on  the  23d  of  November  there 
after,  General  Scott  received  instructions  from  the 
War  Department  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  invading  forces.  This  was  done  without  the 
least  injustice  to  General  Taylor,  who  had  advanced 
into  the  enemy's  country  as  far  as  he  thought  advi 
sable,  and  was  very  properly  left  to  defend  what 
had  been  so  gallantly  acquired ;  while  the  command 
of  the  other  column  was  very  appropriately  assigned 
to  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 

That  the  very  kindest  feelings  were  entertained 
by  General  Scott  towards  General  Taylor,  there 
can  be  no  doubt.*  And  that  there  was  a  discre- 

*  "  I  shall  much  regret  not  having  an  early  opportunity  of  felicitating 
you  in  person  upon  your  many  brilliant  achievements  ;  but  we  may  meet 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

tionary  power  left  to  General  Taylor  as  to  tlie  num 
ber  of  troops  he  would  suffer  to  be  withdrawn  from 
his  line  of  operations,  is  perfectly  undeniable.* 

somewhere  in  the  interior  of  Mexico.  I  am  not  coming,  my  dear  General, 
to  supersede  you  in  the  immediate  command  on  the  line  of  operations 
rendered  illustrious  by  you  and  your  gallant  army.  My  proposed  theatre 
is  different.  But,  my  dear  General,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  take  from  you 
most  of  the  gallant  officers  and  men  (regulars  and  volunteers),  whom  you 
have  so  long  and  so  nobly  commanded.  I  am  afraid  that  I  shall,  by  impe 
rious  necessity — the  approach  of  the  yellow  fever  on  the  Gulf  coast — re 
duce  you,  for  a  time,  to  stand  on  the  defensive.  This  will  be  infinitely 
painful  to  you,  and  for  that  reason  distressing  to  me.  But  I  rely  upon 
your  patriotism  to  submit  to  the  temporary  sacrifice  with  cheerfulness.  No 
man  can  better  afford  to  do  so.  Recent  victories  place  you  on  that  high 
eminence,  and  I  even  flatter  myself  that  any  benefit  that  may  result  to 
me  personally  from  the  unequal  division  of  troops  alluded  to,  will  lessen 
the  pain  of  your  consequent  inactivity." — Letter  of  General  Scott  to  Gene 
ral  Taylor,  dated  at  New-York,  November  25/ft,  1846. 

*  "  In  looking  at  the  present  disposition  of  the  troops,  it  appears  to  be 
scarcely  possible  to  get  the  requisite  number  of  regulars  without  drawing 
some  of  those  now  with  you  at  Monterey,  or  on  the  way  to  that  place. 
Should  you  decide  against  holding  military  possession  of  any  place  in  Coa- 
huila  or  Chihuahua,  and  order  the  troops  under  General  Wool  to  join  you, 
it  is  presumed  that  the  requisite  force  for  the  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz 
could  be  detached  without  interfering  with  your  plans  of  operation.  Whilst 
the  Government  is  anxious  that  nothing  should  occur  to  prevent  the  expe 
dition  to  Vera  Cruz,  regarding  it  of  great  importance,  yet  if  by  withdraw 
ing  from  your  immediate  command  the  force  necessary  for  this  purpose  the 
army  with  you  may  be  placed  in  danger,  this  expedition  must  for  the  pre 
sent  be  either  deferred  or  abandoned — a  result  deeply  to  be  regretted.  On 
the  spot,  you  will  know  the  strength  of  the  force  advancing  against  you, 
and  the  number  of  troops  necessary  to  resist  it ;  you  will  by  no  means 
weaken  yourself  so  as  to  expose  the  army  under  your  command  to  the 
probable  hazard  of  disaster.  It  is  desirable  to  avoid  delay ;  you  will,  there 
fore,  unless  it  materially  interferes  with  your  own  plan  of  operations,  or 
weakens  you  too  much  in  your  present  position,  make  the  necessary  ar 
rangements  for  having  four  thousand  men  (of  whom  fifteen  hundred  or 
two  thousand  should  be  regular  troops),  ready  to  embark  for  Vera  Cruz, 
or  such  other  destination  as  may  be  given  them,  at  the  earliest  practicable 
period.  The  place  of  embarkation  will  probably  be  the  Brazos  Santiago, 
or  in  that  vicinity." — Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor, 
12 


ITS  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

During  the  first  session  of  the  29th  Congress,  the 
President  recommended  to  Congress  to  make  an  ap 
propriation  of  money  to  be  placed  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  Executive,  to  be  used,  if  necessary,  in 
concluding  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Mexico.  There 
was  a  precedent  for  this  application.  On  the  26th 
of  February,  1803,  two  millions  of  dollars  was 
placed  at  the  disposal  of  President  Jefferson,  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  him  to  acquire  Louisiana  from 
France,  and  the  same  amount  was  appropriated  in 
1806,  to  enable  him  to  acquire  the  Florid  as  from 
Spain.  The  appropriation  desired  by  Mr.  Polk 
was  not  made  until  the  second  session  of  the  29th 
Congress,  when  the  object  of  the  law  was  distinctly 
specified.'* 

Scarcely  had  Congress  convened,  in  December, 
1846,  before  the  conduct  of  General  Kearny,  in  es 
tablishing  a  civil  government  in  New  Mexico,  was 
made  the  subject  of  animated  discussion.  It  was 
vehemently  asserted  that  Mr.  Polk  had  been  guilty 
of  a  lawless  assumption  of  power  not  delegated  by 
the  Constitution ;  and  the  gallant  officers  he  had 
sent  to  conquer  New  Mexico  and  California,  were 
denounced  as  his  "  satraps  and  tetrarchs."f  On  the 

October  22c?,  1846.  Executive  Documents,  2d  session  29th  Congress. 
Volume  4.  Doc.  No.  119,  p.  86. 

*  "  To  enable  the  President  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace,  limits  and 
boundaries,  with  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  to  be  used  by  him  in  the  event 
that  said  treaty,  when  signed  by  the  authorized  agents  of  the  two  Govern 
ments,  and  duly  ratified  by  Mexico,  shall  call  for  the  expenditure  of  the 
same,  or  any  part  thereof." — Act  of  1847. 

f  ':  He  (Mr.  D.)  had  not  proposed  to  inquire  of  the  President  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  conducted,  or  proposed  to  conduct  the  operations 
of  the  war;  because  he  was  too  well  acquainted  with  his  own  position  and 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  179 

15th  of  December  a  resolution  passed  the  House  of 
Representatives,  requesting  the  President  to  com 
municate  to  that  body,  all  orders  and  instructions 
which  he  had  given  to  the  commanders  of  the  army 
and  navy  concerning  the  establishment  of  civil  gov 
ernment  in  any  portion  of  the  territory  of  Mexico.* 
It  was  expected  by  the  opposition  members  of  Con 
gress,  that  he  had  transcended  his  constitutional 

duty  as  a  member  of  Congress,  and  that  of  the  President.  But  when  he 
saw  foreign  countries  occupied  by  our  army  and  navy ;  when  he  heard 
officers  of  our  Government  proclaiming  themselves  governors  of  provinces, 
appointing  subordinate  officers,  fixing  their  salaries  and  the  duration  of 
their  offices — establishing,  in  a  word,  the  whole  machine  of  civil  govern 
ment,  he  demanded  of  the  President  his  authority  for  permitting  and  sanc 
tioning  such  a  course  of  proceedings.  What !  was  our  American  Presi 
dent  an  emperor,  sending  forth  his  Agrippa  and  his  Marcellus,  his  pro 
consuls,  to  establish  and  to  govern  the  provinces  they  might  conquer  by 
force  of  arms  ?  Was  the  President  of  the  United  States,  an  officer  deriv 
ing  his  breath  and  being  from  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to 
authorize  his  satraps  and  his  tetrarchs  to  set  up  governments  at  their  plea 
sure,  and  prescribe  to  them  laws  and  regulations  at  their  discretion  ?  If 
he  could,  Mr.  D.  wanted  to  know  under  what  grant  of  the  Constitution  he 
exercised  such  a  power  ?  The  President,  he  admitted,  was  made  by  the 
Constitution  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United 
States,  and  he  could  do,  in  time  of  war,  whatever  pertained  to  that  author 
ity.  He  could  do  nothing,  however,  in  relation  to  the  conduct  of  either 
army  or  navy,  but  what  grew  out  of,  and  was  immediately  connected  with, 
that  authority.  But  for  the  express  grant  of  the  Constitution,  he  could 
do  nothing  in  conducting  the  war  at  all.  The  whole  duty  would,  in  that 
case,  devolve  upon  Congress,  and  such  agents  as  Congress  might  be 
pleased  to  appoint.  The  President  could  discharge  no  function  in  rela 
tion  to  the  war,  but  such  as  resided  in  him  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy  of  the  country.  As  President,  he  could  legitimately  take 
no  part  in  a  war  of  conquest — none  whatever — none,  none.  Then  Mr.  D. 
wanted  to  know  from  the  President,  and  from  his  partisans,  by  what  im 
perial  or  regal  authority  his  majesty  undertook  to  act  in  the  premises  re 
ferred  to  in  the  resolution  of  inquiry." — Speech  of  Garret  Daiis,  Kentucky, 
H.  of  R.  V.  S.,  December  9,  1846. 

*  Congressional  Globe,  2d  session  29th  Congress. 


180  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

powers,  in  giving  orders  to  the  commanders  of  the 
army,  and  upon  the  strength  of  that  assumption, 
before  the  resolution  of  inquiry  was  passed,  he  was 
freely  characterized  by  all  those  appellations  which 
do  not  indicate  an  honest  man.  But  in  this  in 
stance,  as  well  as  in  many  others,  they  entirely  mis 
conceived  the  character  of  the  Executive,  and  it  was 
a  long  time  before  they  could  be  convinced  that  he 
was  a  perfect  master  of  the  powers  which  apper 
tained  to  his  office,  and  that  he  would  fearlessly  dis 
charge  them,  regardless  of  the  consequences.  On 
the  22d  of  December,  1846,  Mr.  Polk  transmitted  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  all  the  orders  or  in 
structions  which  had  been  issued  to  our  officers  with 
regard  to  the  establishment  of  civil  governments.  In 
that  communication  he  stated  that  the  regulations 
authorized  were  temporary,  and  dependent  on  the 
rights  acquired  by  conquest,  and  were  but  the  ame 
liorations  of  martial  law. 

Among  the  documents  which  the  President 
transmitted  with  that  message  to  the  House,  was 
the  form  of  government  established  and  organized 
by  General  Kearny,  at  Santa  Fe,  which  was  not 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  President  until  after 
his  annual  message  of  the  8th  of  December,  1846.* 
The  government  organized  and  established  by  Ge 
neral  Kearny  never  did  receive  the  sanction  of  the 
Executive.  That  organic  law  is  a  very  curious 
compilation.  It  occupies  forty-six  pages  in  the  Exe 
cutive  documents,  and  is  assuredly  a  rare  produc- 

*  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  the  President,  December  21, 
1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  181 

tion ;  and  no  one  can  peruse  it,  who  is  aware  that 
laws  of  that  kind  can  only  be  passed  by  Congress, 
without  being  amused  at  the  naivete  with  which 
this  modern  Solon  compiled  a  constitution  and  laws 
for  New  Mexico ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that 
the  whole  affair  was  not  a  broad  joke.* 

*  ORGANIC  LAW  OF  THE  TERRITORY  OF  NEW  MEXICO. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  of  American  ordains  and  estab 
lishes  the  following  Organic  Law,  for  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  which 
has  become  a  territory  of  the  said  Government. 

ARTICLE  I. 

SEC.  1.  The  country  heretofore  known  as  New  Mexico,  shall  be 
known  hereafter,  and  designated  as  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  in  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  the  temporary  government  of  the  said 
territory  shall  be  organized  and  administered  in  the  manner  herein  pre 
scribed. 

ARTICLE  II. 

EXECUTIVE    POWER. 

SEC.  1.  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  Governor,  who 
shall  reside  in  the  said  territory,  and  hold  his  office  for  two  years,  unless 
sooner  removed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  III. 

LEGISLATIVE    POWER. 

SEC.  1.  The  Legislative  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  General  Assembly, 
which  shall  consist  of  the  Legislative  Council  and  a  House  of  Representa 
tives. 

SEC.  8.  All  free  male  citizens  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  who 
then  are,  and  for  three  months  next  preceding  the  election,  shall  have 
been  residents  of  the  county  or  district  in  which  they  shall  offer  to  vote, 
shall  be  entitled  to  vote  for  a  delegate  to  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  and  for  members  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  for  all  other 
officers  elected  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

JUDICIAL    POWER. 

SEC.  1 .  The  Judicial  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  Superior  Court ; 
and  inferior  tribunals  to  be  established  by  law. 


182  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

The  course  pursued  by  the  President  and  his 
subordinates  in  New  Mexico,  and  California,  pre 
sents  some  points  of  the  gravest  consideration.  The 
powers  and  duties  of  belligerents  should  be  well 
denned.  While  it  is  admitted  that  a  conquered 
people  should  not  be  subjected  to  the  despotic  will 
of  the  conqueror,  regardless  of  the  moral  obligations 
of  humanity;  still  it  is  undeniable,  that  they  are 
shorn  of  those  rights  which  they  possessed  before 
they  came  under  his  power.  Mi1.  Polk  laid  down 
the  doctrine  correctly,  when  he  stated,  that  by  the 
law  of  nations,  a  conquered  territory  is  subject  to 
be  governed  by  the  conqueror  while  he  holds  mili 
tary  possession.  The  government  which  previous 
ly  existed,  being  superseded,  it  is  not  only  the  right 
but  the  duty  of  the  conqueror  to  maintain  civil 
order,  which  will  at  the  same  time  preserve  his  con 
quest.*  If  it  was  necessary,  to  preserve  possession 
of  the  conquered  territory,  that  the  harsh  and  strin 
gent  rules  of  martial  law  should  be  enforced,  then 
that  course  would  be  justifiable.  This  may  be  done 

Done  in  the  Government  House,  in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  in  the  territory 
of  New  Mexico,  by  Brigadier  General  Stephen  VV.  Kearny,  hy  virtue 
of  the  power  and  authority  conferred  upon  him  by  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  this  twenty-second  day  of  September,  1846, 

S.  W.  KEARNY, 
Brigadier  General  U.  S.  A 

I  have  only  copied  a  small  portion  of  the  Organic  Law.  The  power 
of  the  Executive,  the  Legislature,  and  the  Judiciary,  were  defined  at  great 
length,  and  their  salaries  specified.  The  time  of  electing  the  delegate  to 
Congress  was  also  specified.  Then  followed  an  elaborate  bill  of  rights. 
The  production  can  be  found  in  vol.  3  of  Executive  Documents,  2d  ses 
sion  26th  Congress.  Doc.  19,  Page  27. —  The  Author. 

*  Message  of  President  Polk,  December  8th,  1846. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  183 

for  the  benefit  of  the  conqueror.  But  if  this  course 
is  not  necessary,  rules  should  be  established  to  pre 
vent  civil  discord  and  violence.  This  policy  is  de 
manded  by  the  immutable  principles  of  justice  to 
the  conquered  people.  The  question  presents  itself 
in  two  points  of  view  :  the  first  is  external,  a  ques 
tion  under  the  rules  of  international  law,  between 
us  and  Mexico.  The  other  is  a  domestic  question, 
under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  State,  between 
the  co-ordinate  branches  of  the  Government.  The 
former  I  have  briefly  considered.  The  latter  in 
volves  far  more  weighty  considerations;  the  con 
stitutional  division  and  exercise  of  powers  granted 
by  the  Constitution.  The  question,  as  to  how  far 
the  President  could  exercise  over  conquered  pro 
vinces  certain  powers,  had  never  been  decided,  and 
upon  the  establishment  of  a  principle  which  should 
properly  define  his  powers  much  depended.  After 
mature  reflection,  I  am  convinced  that  the  President, 
as  such,  possesses  no  power  under  the  Constitution 
to  exercise  control  over  conquered  territory  during 
the  existence  of  war.  If  that  power  be  admitted, 
it  can  be  exercised  by  him  without  being  under  the 
control  of  Congress.  If  so  disposed,  he  could  estab 
lish  Governments,  select  officers,  levy  armies,  and 
surround  himself  in  the  conquered  territories  with 
all  the  pomp  and  pageant  of  a  Sultan.  But 
all  the  necessary  powers  are  conferred  upon  him, 
under  that  clause  of  the  Constitution  which  pro 
claims  that  he  is  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States ;  in  which  capacity 
his  conduct  is  under  the  immediate  supervision  of 


184  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  legislative  power.  In  this  view  of  the  sub 
ject,  it  will  be  seen  that  all  the  powers  which  it  is 
necessary  for  the  President  to  possess,  are  provided 
by  the  Constitution,  while  the  dangers  which  might 
result  from  the  occupancy  of  the  Presidential  chair, 
by  a  man  too  ambitious  and  unscrupulous,  are  guard 
ed  against.  The  power,  then,  to  establish  all  go 
vernments  necessary  to  preserve  our  conquests  in 
New  Mexico,  is  obviously  derived  from  the  position 
of  Mr.  Polk  as  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 
Passing  to  the  consideration  of  the  attack  made 

o 

in  Congress  upon  Mr.  Polk,  because  he  had  estab 
lished  through  his  subordinate  a  civil  government 
in  that  portion  of  the  country,  which  he  had  him 
self,  in  effect,  claimed  to  be  a  part  of  Texas ;  I  can 
only  say  that  Santa  Fe  belonged  either  to  Texas  or 
Mexico.  If  to  the  former,  it  was  nevertheless  in 
the  possession  and  under  the  control  of  the  Mexi 
cans,  at  the  time  the  force  under  General  Kearny 
seized  it  for  and  in  behalf  of  the  United  States, 
and  held  it  under  the  necessities  of  the  case,  by 
military  possession.  If,  on  the  contrary,  it  belonged 
to  Mexico,  it  was  rightfully  held  as  a  conquered 
province ;  and  in  either  point  of  view  Mr.  Polk  was 
guilty  of  no  act  of  usurpation. 

About  the  loth  of  December,  1846,  Colonel 
Price,  who  had  been  left  in  command  of  New  Mex 
ico,  received  information  of  an  attempt  to  excite  an 
insurrection  among  the  people  of  that  section  of 
the  country.  On  the  19th  of  January,  1847,  Go 
vernor  Bent,  together  with  five  other  persons,  were 
murdered  at  Taos.  This  was  quickly  followed  by 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  185 

other  butcheries  in  that  vicinity.  Colonel  Price 
was  informed  of  these  events  on  the  20th  of  Janu 
ary,  and  also  that  the  Mexicans  were  advancing 
upon  Santa  Fe.  He  at  once  resolved  to  meet  them. 
His  force  amounted  to  only  three  hundred  and  fifty- 
three  rank  and  file.  The  enemy  were  concentrated 
near  the  town  of  Canada,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Rio 
del  Norte,  and  were  intrenched  upon  the  heights 
commanding  the  road  to  that  town,  and  had  forti 
fied  three  strong  houses  at  the  base  of  the  hill. 
The  American  artillery  was  immediately  opened 
upon  these  positions,  and  in  a  short  time  the  Mexi 
cans  were  flying  in  every  direction.  The  number 
of  the  enemy  was  estimated  at  1500,  and  his  loss 
was  thirty-six  killed.  The  loss  of  the  Americans 
was  two  killed  and  six  wounded. 

Some  six  hundred  Mexicans  were  discovered 
upon  the  hills  near  the  pass  of  Embrido,  who  were 
repulsed  by  two  hundred  Americans.  The  enemy 
retreated,  and  fortified  himself,  to  the  number  of 
six  hundred,  in  the  Pueblo  de  Taos,  a  place  of  re 
markable  strength,  whither  he  was  followed  by  the 
Americans,  now  numbering  about  490  men.  It 
was  surrounded  by  adobe  walls  and  strong  pickets,* 
and  inclosed  several  buildings  of  sufficient  capacity  to 
hold  several  hundred  men.  On  the  3d  the  artillery 
opened  upon  the  place,  but  without  much  effect.  The 
batteries  re-opened  upon  the  town  on  the  morning  of 
the  fourth.  The  guns  were  not  of  sufficiently  large 
calibre  to  penetrate  the  walls  of  the  church,  and  it 

*  See  report  of  General  Price  to  the  Adjutant  General,  February  15th, 
1847. 


186  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

was  determined  to  storm  that  building;  and  i*ot- 
withstanding  the  most  desperate  resistance  it  was 
taken,  not,  however,  until  a  six-pounder  was  brought 
to  bear  within  ten  yards  of  its  walls.  On  the  5th 
the  enemy  proposed  terms,  which  were  accepted. 
His  loss  was  one  hundred  and  fifty  killed,  widle 
that  of  the  Americans  was  seven  killed  and  forty- 
five  wounded.  The  severe  chastisement  inflicted 
upon  them  for  their  dastardly  murder  of  Ameri 
cans  produced  a  salutary  result,  which  was  not  the 
less  effective  from  the  fact  that  it  was  performed  by 
greatly  inferior  numbers. 

The  war  thus  far  had  been  triumphantly  success 
ful,  and  whatever  disparity  of  numbers  were  en 
gaged,  victory  always  perched  upon  the  American 
banner.  It  should  not  be  supposed  that  the  enemy 
were  easily  defeated.  Their  constancy  under  the 
most  appalling  fire,  when  the  iron  hail  from  our 
flying  artillery  crashed  through  their  ranks,  would 
have  done  honor  to  the  most  resolute  veterans.  At 
Palo  Alto,  where  that  instrument  of  death  swept 
away  their  columns,  they  displayed  the  most  un 
daunted  courage  ;  and  at  Resaca  they  made  a  gallant 
stand  in  the  face  of  the  American  infantry  and  ar 
tillery,  when  bayonets  gleamed,  and  grape  and  can 
ister  decimated  their  ranks. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  187 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

General  Scott  directed  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war. — General  Taylor  ad 
vised  to  act  upon  the  defensive. — Complaints  of  General  Taylor. — Move 
ments  of  Santa  Anna. — He  advances  upon  Agua  Nueva. — Battle  of  Bue- 
na  Vista. — General  Scott  takes  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan 
D'Ulloa. — Capture  of  Alvarado. — Victory  of  Cerro  Gordo. — Jalapa  and 
Perote  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. — Appointment  of  Mr.  Trist 
as  Commissioner  to  Mexico. — Puebla  is  surrendered  to  General  Worth. 
— Arrival  -of  reinforcements  from  the  United  States. — The  American 
army  enter  the  Valley  of  Mexico. 

SOON  after  the  war  commenced,  General  Scott  laid 
down  his  plan  of  operations  for  its  prosecution ;  and 
although  at  the  time  it  was  considered  rather  too 
elaborate  and  complicated,  yet  it  may  well  be  a 
question  whether  he  did  not  write  more  understand- 
ingly  than  any  one  whose  views  were  presented. 
To  repulse  an  enemy  from  our  territory,  and  to 
carry  the  war  from  our  own  borders  into  the 
heart  of  his  territory,  required  not  only  great  mili 
tary  skill,  but  necessarily  demanded  the  expen 
diture  of  a  large  amount  of  money.  To  organize 
and  discipline  the  men,  to  furnish  transportation,  to 
provide  supplies,  to  obtain  the  requisite  amount  of 
arms  and  ammunition,  required  no  ordinary  fore 
sight  and  sagacity.  In  addition,  thereto,  an  attempt 
was  to  be  made  upon  a  hostile  coast,  with  what  was 
regarded  as  an  impregnable  fortress  frowning  upon 
them.  To  surmount  all  these  obstacles,  the  splendid 


188  HISTORY     OF     THE 

military  talents,  and  great  experience  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  of  the  army  was  called  forth.  On 
the  23d  of  November,  1846,  General  Scott  received 
orders  from  the  Department  to  repair  to  the  seat  of 
war,  and  organize  an  expedition  to  operate  on  the 
Gulf  coast.*  The  operations  of  General  Scott  were 
not  controlled  by  positive  instructions,  but  he  was 
left  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment  in  forming 
and  executing  his  plan  of  the  campaign.  In  the  mean 
time,  General  Taylor  was  directed  by  the  War  De 
partment  to  act  upon  the  defensive,-}-  and  was  in 
formed  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  penetrate  be 
yond  Monterey,  while  the  expedition  against  the 
sea-coast  was  advancing.  Especial  care  was  taken 
by  the  War  Department  to  impress  upon  the  minds 
of  Scott  and  Taylor  the  danger  of  an  attack  by 
Santa  Anna  in  the  direction  of  Monterey,  while  the 
former  General  was  advancing  towards  Vera  Cruz.  J 
Taylor  himself  admits,  that  he  was  advised  by  the 
Commander-in-chief  to  evacuate  Saltillo,  but  that  he 
was  fearful  of  the  moral  effect  upon  the  volunteers. § 
On  the  15th  of  January,  1847,  Taylor  wrote  his 
somewhat  celebrated  letter  of  complaint  to  Scott, | 
in  which  he  alludes  to  the  number  of  regulars  that 
were  withdrawn  from  his  line  of  operations,  leaving 
him  with  less  than  1,000  of  that  description  of 

*  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  November  23d, 
1846. 

f  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  January  4th, 
1847. 

\  Letter  from  Marcy  to  Scott,  January  4th,  1847. 

\  February  7,  1847. 

||  Letter  of  Taylor  to  Scott,  January  15th,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  189 

troops,  and  a  volunteer  force,  partly  of  new  levies, 
to  hold  a  defensive  line.  Taylor  himself  had  spoken 
of  the  impracticability  of  penetrating  to  the  heart 
of  Mexico  via  San  Luis,  and  had  recommended  a 
defensive  line  of  operations.  The  Cabinet,  however, 
differed  with  him  upon  that  point ;  and  as  they  had 
determined  to  attack  Mexico  in  another  direction, 
it  was  important  to  ascertain  how  many  troops 
could  be  spared  from  Taylor's  command  to  reinforce 
General  Scott.  Notwithstanding  the  complaints  of 
General  Taylor,  that  about  4,000  men  were  taken 
from  his  division  to  reinforce  the  expedition  to  Vera 
Cruz,  he  subsequently  stated  to  the  War  Depart 
ment,  that  the  force  still  remaining  under  his  com 
mand  would  enable  him  to  hold  the  positions  then 
occupied.* 

He  was  apprised  that  he  was  to  act  upon  the 
defensive,  and  was  especially  directed  to  retain  a 
sufficient  number  of  troops,  so  that  the  safety  of  his 
army  would  not  be  endangered.f  That  he  did  re 
tain  under  his  command  a  sufficient  number  for  that 
purpose  we  have  seen  from  his  letter  of  January 
27th. 

I  wish  to  be  explicit  upon  this  branch  of  the 

*  "  The  force  with  which  I  am  left  in  this  quarter,  though  greatly  de 
ficient  in  regular  troops,  will,  doubtless,  enable  me  to  hold  the  positions 
now  occupied." — Letter  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  Jan 
uary  27*fc,  1847. 

f  "  On  the  spot,  you  will  know  the  strength  of  the  force  advancing 
against  you,  and  the  number  of  troops  necessary  to  resist  it ;  you  will  by 
no  means  weaken  yourself  so  as  to  expose  the  army  under  your  command 
to  the  probable  hazard  of  disaster."— Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General 
Taylor,  October  22d,  1846. 


190  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

subject,  because  the  infamous  and  false  assertion 
was  uttered  upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  that  Mr. 
Polk  sought  to  weaken  General  Taylor  for  the  pur 
pose  of  having  his  army  cut  off  by  Santa  Anna.* 
It  will  be  seen,  that  the  extent  to  which  General 
Taylor  would  weaken  himself  was  left  entirely  to 
his  own  discretion.  As  w^as  truly  stated  by  the 
Secretary  of  War,  he  was  upon  the  ground,  and 
was  far  more  capable  of  judging  what  number  of 
troops  it  would  require  to  defend  himself  against 
any  column  the  Mexicans  might  bring  against  him. 
He  had  already  given  it  as  his  opinion  that  an  ad 
vance  upon  San  Luis  Potosi  was  impolitic,  and 
surely  it  will  not  be  insisted  that  any  greater  num 
ber  of  troops  should  have  been  left  under  his  com 
mand  than  was  necessary  to  keep  up  the  defensive 
line  he  had  himself  advocated.  It  cannot  be  said 
with  truth  that  he  granted  his  permission  for  the 
departure  of  the  troops  under  General  Worth,  as  a 
reinforcement  to  General  Scott,  because  he  was 
willing  magnanimously  to  add  to  the  laurels  of  a 
brother  soldier  at  the  risk  of  being  himself  sacri 
ficed.  General  Taylor  suffered  those  troops  to  join 
General  Scott  because  he  had  no  apprehensions  that 
Santa  Anna  would  advance,  if  at  all,  in  sufficient 
force  to  jeopard  the  safety  of  his  army,  and  because 
he  must  have  considered  a  large  addition  to  Scott's 
force  necessary.f  His  dispatches  to  the  War  De- 

*  See  debates,  Congressional  Globe,  30th  Congress. 

f  ;'  Should  the  Government  determine  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  at  Mex 
ico,  it  is  my  opinion  that  the  force  should  land  near  Vera  Cruz  or  Alva- 
rado,  and,  after  establishing  a  secure  depot,  march  thence  on  the  capital. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  191 

partment  on  the  Yth  and  14th  of  February,  184T, 
are  a  triumphant  refutation  of  the  infamous  charge 
made  against  the  Executive.  In  those  reports  he 
states  that  there  were  rumors  of  Santa  Anna's  ad 
vance  in  force  from  San  Luis,  but  that  he  placed  no 
reliance  in  the  rumor.*  If  General  Taylor,  who 
was  upon  the  scene  of  operations,  placed  no  reli 
ance  in  the  rumor  that  he  was  to  be  attacked  by 
Santa  Anna,  should  Mr.  Polk  be  blamed  for  not 
knowing  that  fact,  when  he  was  more  than  3,000 
miles  from  General  Taylor's  head-quarters  ?  It 
should  be  remembered,  that  the  opinion  of  General 
Taylor  was  expressed  only  seven  days  before  the 
battle  of  Buena  Vista.  The  falsity  of  the  charge 
is  still  further  proved  by  the  dispatch  of  General 
Taylor  after  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  was  fought, 
in  which  he  says  that  he  became  assured  on  the 
20th  of  February  that  the  enemy  had  assembled  in 
a  very  heavy  force  at  Encarnacion,  thirty  miles  in 
front  of  Agua  Nueva,  with  the  evident  design  of 

The  amount  of  troops  required  for  this  service  would  not  fall  short,  in 
my  judgment,  of  25,000  men,  of  which  at  least  10,000  to  be  regular 
troops." — Letter  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  October  15th, 
1846, 1th  Volume  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  29th  Congress. 

*  "  I  have  no  intelligence  from  the  interior  more  recent  or  more  au 
thentic  than  that  heretofore  communicated.  There  is  understood  to  be  no 
considerable  force  in  our  front,  nor  is  it  likely  that  any  serious  demonstra 
tion  will  be  made  in  this  direction.  The  frequent  alarms  since  the  middle 
of  December  seem  to  have  been  without  substantial  foundation." — Dis 
patch  of  General  Taylor  to  the  War  Department,  February  1th,  1847. 

"  Rumors  reach  our  camp,  from  time  to  time,  of  the  projected  advance 
of  a  Mexican  force  upon  this  position,  but  I  think  such  a  movement  im 
probable.  The  command  is  held  at  all  times  in  readiness  for  the  enemy." 
— Dispatch  of  General  Taylor  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  February  1-lth, 
1847. 


192  HISTORY     OF     THE 

attacking  his  position.*  Here,  then,  it  seerns  that 
General  Taylor  was  not  assured  of  the  advance  of 
Santa  Anna  until  two  days  before  the  battle  of 
Buena  Vista  commenced ;  and  that  too,  when  he 
had  in  his  camp  Ben  McCullock,  the  best  living 
spy  in  the  world.  Under  all  these  circumstances, 
posterity  will  place  a  just  appreciation  upon  the 
denunciations  of  partisans,  who  could  so  far  degrade 
themselves  as  to  pour  unmerited  abuse  upon  the 
head  of  the  President.  Mr.  Polk  should  not  be 
held  responsible  for  the  disparity  of  numbers  array 
ed  upon  the  field  of  Buena  Vista,  unless  he  was 
gifted  with  the  attributes  of  Deity.  If  it  was  neces 
sary  to  give  reasons  to  disprove  the  charge  made 
against  the  administration,  there  are  two  which 
would  prove  it  conclusively.  The  first  is  the  im 
probability  of  Mr.  Polk  being  so  utterly  devoid 
of  those  feelings  which  characterize  a  man,  as  wil 
lingly  to  place  more  than  5,000  men  in  a  condition 
where  they  would  be  not  only  defeated,  but  in  all 
probability  exterminated.  He  had  been  accused 
of  wrongfully  commencing  the  war,  and  he  must 
have  possessed  a  depravity  of  heart  perfectly  incon 
ceivable  if  he  could  wantonly  peril  the  existence 
of  those  gallant  men,  who  had  left  their  kindred 
and  their  firesides  to  defend  the  honor  of  the  coun 
try,  amid  the  horrors  of  battle.  The  heart  which 

*  "  SIR  : — I  have  the  honor  to  report,  that  having  become  assured  on 
the  20th  inst,  the  enemy  had  assembled  in  a  very  heavy  force  at  Encar- 
nacion,  thirty  miles  in  front  of  Agua  Nueva,  with  the  evident  design  of 
attacking  my  position,  I  broke  up  my  camp  at  the  latter  place  on  the  21st, 
and  took  up  a  strong  line  in  front  of  Buena  Vista,  seven  miles  south  of 
Saltillo."— Dispatch  of  General  Taylor,  February  24$,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  193 

could  conceive  him  guilty  of  such,  unparalleled 
atrocity,  must  be  itself  devoid  of  honor.  The  se 
cond  is  the  fact  that  the  fame  of  the  administra 
tion,  as  well  as  that  of  the  army,  depended  upon 
an  unbroken  series  of  triumphs.  The  defeat  of 
General  Taylor  would  not  only  have  resulted  in 
the  destruction  of  his  army,  but  would  have  left  to 
the  mercy  of  the  foe  every  soldier  west  of  the  Bio 
Grande.  This  would  not  only  have  been  the  case, 
but  the  operations  which  were  in  progress  against 
the  city  of  Mexico  would  have  been  arrested,  and 
the  whole  plan  of  the  campaign  would  have  been 
frustrated. 

There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  between  Scott 
and  the  War  Department,  as  to  the  course  which 
Taylor  should  pursue.  The  administration  feared 
an  advance  by  Santa  Anna,  and  therefore  cautioned 
Taylor  to  act  upon  the  defensive  ;*  while  Scott  ap 
prehended,  as  his  demonstration  upon  Vera  Cruz 
had  been  communicated  to  the  Mexican  General-in- 
Chief,  that  Santa  Anna  would  concentrate  his  forces 
on  the  road  leading  from  Mexico  to  the  coast.  He 
thought,  therefore,  that  Taylor  should  manoeuvre 
offensively  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis.f 

*  "  While  engaged  in  an  expedition  on  the  sea-coast,  it  is  not  proposed 
to  penetrate  the  country  beyond  Monterey,  with  a  view  to  its  permanent 
occupation,  though  it  is  desirable  to  maintain  a  threatening  attitude  at  that 
point.  Monterey  must  be  held  with  a  sufficient  force." — Letter  of  the  Se 
cretary  of  War  to  General  Taylor,  January  4^,  1847. 

f  "  It  is,  consequently,  more  than  possible  that,  before  this  time,  the 
greater  part  of  the  Mexican  army  lately  assembled  at  San  Luis  de  Potosi 
has  reached  Vera  Cruz,  or  it£  vicinity.  Major  General  Taylor's  mind 
has  no  doubt,  ere  this,  arrived  at  the  same  conclusion  ;  and  I  shall  write 
to  suggest  to  him,  at  his  own  discretion,  the  advantage  of  manoeuvring 
13 


194  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

I  have  been  thus  explicit  in  alluding  to  this  sub 
ject,  because  it  has  been  made  the  basis  of  unjusti 
fiable  accusations  against  the  administration.  I 
feel  no  disposition  to  do  injustice  to  General  Taylor. 
The  sensitiveness  with  which  military  men  regard 
the  integrity  of  their  command  is  properly  appre 
ciated,  and  the  anxiety  with  which  they  guard  their 
military  reputation  is  worthy  of  all  commendation. 
No  one  can  have  a  higher  estimation  of  the  gal 
lantry  and  patriotism  of  that  General  than  myself ; 
and  the  heroism,  displayed  by  himself  and  his  men, 
in  the  terrible  encounter  with  Santa  Anna,  proves 
conclusively  that  the  pledge  he  made  in  his  letter 
of  complaint  to  General  Scott,*  was  fully  redeemed. 

While  the  army  of  invasion  under  the  Com- 
mander-in-Chief,  consisting  of  about  12,000  men, 
less  than  half  the  number  which  General  Taylor 
deemed  necessary  to  attack  Mexico  in  that  direc 
tion^  was  assembled  at  the  island  of  Lobos,  events 
of  the  greatest  magnitude  were  occurring  upon  the 
northern  line. 

The  great  exertions  which  Santa  Anna  had  for 
a  long  time  been  making  to  organize  a  large  force 
at  San  Luis  Potosi,  at  last  proved  successful.  Ex- 

offensively  in  the  direction  of  San  Luis  de  Potosi,  after  being  partially  re 
inforced  with  some  of  the  new  regiments  of  volunteers." — Letter  of  Gene 
ral  Scott  to  Mr.  Marcu,  February  4tli,  1847. 

*  "  But,  however  much  I  may  feel  personally  mortified  and  outraged 
by  the  course  pursued,  unprecedented,  at  least,  in  our  own  history.  I  will 
carry  out  in  good  faith,  while  I  remain  in  Mexico,  the  views  of  the  Govern 
ment,  though  I  may  be  sacrificed  in  the  effort. ' — Letter  of  General  Taylor 
to  General  Scot/,  January  15/7*.  1847. 

f  See  letter  of  General  Tayloi  to  General  Scott,  October  15th,  1846. 
7th  volume  of  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  29th  Congress. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  195 

traordiuary  energy  had  also  been  exhibited  by  the 
Mexican  Government  to  cany  out  his  views,  and  on 
the  8th  of  October  Santa  Anna  found  himself  at 
the  head  of  an  effective  force  of  more  than  20,000 
men.  Employing  himself  with  great  industry  in 
disciplining  the  troops  under  his  command,  he 
was  prepared  to  avail  himself  of  a  favorable  oppor 
tunity  to  precipitate  his  army  through  the  moun 
tain  gorges  of  the  Sierra  Madre,  upon  the  scattered 
and  weakened  forces  of  General  Taylor.  He  knew 
the  absolute  necessity  of  arousing  the  desponding 
hopes  of  the  Mexican  nation  by  a  brilliant  demon 
stration,  and  he  saw  the  time  had  arrived  for  strik 
ing  an  effective  blow  when  General  Scott  was  too 
far  advanced  towards  Vera  Cruz  to  fly  to  the  res 
cue  of  General  Taylor.  Leaving  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz  and  the  Castle  of  San  Juan  D'Ulloa  to  its 
fate,  he  determined  to  carry  the  war  "  into  Africa." 
War  was  reduced  to  a  science  when  Marshal 
Turenue  and  General  Montecuculli  each  was  aware 
what  movement  the  other  would  make,  by  know 
ing  what  he  would  do,  under  similar  circumstan 
ces.  It  is  but  just  to  admit  that  the  administra 
tion  possessed  some  of  that  foresight  and  saga 
city,  which  immortalized  the  French  and  Austrian 
commanders ;  for  they  repeatedly  impressed  upon 
the  minds  of  Scott  and  Taylor,  that  there  was  great 
danger  of  a  sudden  movement  by  Santa  Anna  from 
San  Luis  ;  while  the  former  expected  a  demonstra 
tion  under  the  Mexican  leader  in  the  direction  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  the  latter  placed  no  reliance  in  the 
rumor  that  a  large  force  was  advancing  against  him. 


19G  HISTORY      OF      THE 

The  favorable  moment  for  which  Santa  Anna 
had  anxiously  awaited  from  October  until  February 
had  now  arrived,  and  he  rapidly  advanced  from 
San  Luis  in  the  direction  of  Agua  Nueva.  General 
Taylor  was  assured,  of  this  fact  on  the  20th  of 
February,  1847,  and  fell  back  to  a  more  favorable 
position  for  defence  at  Buena  Vista,  7  miles  south 
of  Saltillo,  and  11  miles  from  his  advanced  post  at 
Agua  Nueva.  This  movement  was  made  at  noon 
on  the  21st.*  With  a  small  force  General  Taylor 
returned  the  same  day  to  Saltillo,  to  make  some 
arrangements  for  the  defence  of  that  town,  leaving 
General  Wool  in  command  of  the  troops ;  and  be 
fore  his  return  on  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the 
enem.y  were  advancing  and  in  sight,  having  marched 
from  Encarnacion,  a  distance  of  40  miles,  after  11 
o'clock  the  day  previous.  The  position  selected  by 
the  American  commander  was  one  of  remarkable 
strength.  The  road  at  that  point  passed  through  a 
narrow  defile,  and  the  valley  on  its  right  was  cut 
up  by  deep  and  impassable  gullies ;  while  on  the 
left  rugged  hills  and  precipitous  ravines  extended 
to  the  mountain  which  overlooked  the  battle  field ; 
thus  obstructing  the  use  of  the  enemy's  artillery 
and  cavalry,  and  destroying  the  advantages  which 
he  possessed  in  the  numerical  superiority  of  his  in 
fantry.  At  11  o'clock  General  Taylor  received  a 
summons  from  Santa  Anna  to  surrender  at  discre 
tion,  which  he  declined  acceding  to.  No  serious 

*  For  details  of  this  battle  see  report  of  General  Taylor  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War.  Agua  Nueva,  March  6th,  1847.  Executive  Documents,  1st 
session  30th  Congress.  Doc.  8,  p.  132. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  197 

attack  was  meditated  by  the  Mexican  commander 
during  that  day,  as  he  was  evidently  awaiting  for 
the  arrival  of  his  rear  guard.  The  troops  bi 
vouacked  without  fires,  and  rested  with  arms  in 
their  hands.  A  body  of  1500  cavalry  hovered  upon 
the  rear  of  the  Americans  during  the  day,  evi 
dently  having  been  ordered  to  take  that  position 
for  the  purpose  of  harassing  the  retreat. 

The  American  commander  returned  again  to 
Saltillo,  and  when  he  arrived  upon  the  field,  on  the 
morning  of  the  23d,  the  battle  had  already  com 
menced.  The  action  was  brought  on  by  an  attempt 
of  the  enemy  with  light  troops  to  outflank  the 
American  left,  where  they  were  met  by  the  riflemen 
under  Colonel  Marshall  and  a  portion  of  the  2d 
Illinois  volunteers.  At  8  o'clock,  a  heavy  column 
advanced  along  the  road,  for  the  purpose  of  break 
ing  the  centre  of  our  troops,  but  they  were  repulsed 
and  driven  back  in  confusion  by  Washington's  bat 
tery.  About  this  time  a  dark  and  threatening  mass 
was  seen  hovering  upon  the  left,  and  column  after 
column  was  poured  upon  that  point  for  the  pur 
pose  of  forcing  it,  by  immensely  superior  numbers. 
Here  was  stationed  the  2d  Indiana  and  the  2d 
Illinois  regiments,  covering  O'Brien's  battery,  under 
the  immediate  command  of  General  Lane,  who 
ordered  the  Indiana  regiment  and  the  artillery  to 
advance.  That  regiment  receiving  a  terrible  fire 
from  small  arms,  and  being  raked  by  a  cross  fire  of 
grape  and  canister  from  a  Mexican  battery  planted 
upon  the  left,  broke  in  disorder  and  fled  from  the 
field,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  number,  who 


198  HISTORY      OF      THE 

were  rallied  by  Colonel  Bowles.  O'Brien's  battery 
was  served  with  tremendous  effect,  but  still  the 
Mexican  battalions  continued  to  advance,  and  not 
being  supported,  he  was  forced  to  retire,  leaving  be 
hind  him  one  of  his  pieces.  A  gallant  stand  was 
now  made  by  the  2d  Illinois  regiment,  but  being 
at  last  outflanked,  it  was  forced  to  fall  back.  The 
movement  of  the  Mexicans  in  this  part  of  the  field 
was  completely  successful,  and  the  light  troops  who 
had  so  gallantly  defended  the  mountain,  were  forced 
to  retire,  and  were  not  rallied  until  they  reached 
the  depot  at  Buena  Vista,  which  they  subsequently 
aided  to  defend.  Heavy  columns  of  infantry  and 
cavalry  were  now  poured  by  Santa  Anna  along  the 
foot  of  the  mountain,  to  the  rear  of  the  Americans, 
where  they  assembled  in  great  numbers.  It  was 
at  this  critical  moment,  when  the  victory  was 
almost  within  the  grasp  of  the  enemy,  that  General 
Taylor  arrived  upon  the  field,  accompanied  by  the 
Mississippi  riflemen,  who  were  ordered  into  action, 
and  greatly  distinguished  themselves  under  the 
leadership  of  Colonel  Davis.  They  were  gallantly 
sustained  by  the  2d  Kentucky  and  a  portion  of  the 
1st  Illinois  regiments,  and  by  the  batteries  of  Sher 
man  and  Bragg,  and  the  Mexicans  were  driven  with 
great  loss  from  the  positions  they  had  gained.  The 
American  artillery  being  in  position  on  the  plateau, 
produced  terrible  havoc  among  the  masses  who  had 
gained  the  left.  Again  and  again,  the  Mexican 
columns  advanced  furiously  to  the  onset,  but  were 
as  often  driven  back.  The  rapid  and  terrible  dis 
charges  of  artillery  which  had  been  concentrated 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  199 

upon  them,  created  disorder  in  their  ranks,  and 
they  attempted  to  effect  a  retreat  to  their  main  line. 
In  the  mean  time,  a  heavy  force  of  the  Mexicans 
were  hovering  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Americans, 
evidently  with  the  view  of  capturing  the  American 
baggage.  The  troops  who  had  retreated  from  the 
field  rallied  to  its  defence,  and  assisted  by  the  Arkan 
sas  and  Kentucky  cavalry,  succeeded  in  protecting 
that  point.  It  was  here  that  the  chivalrous  Colonel 
Yell  lost  his  life.  The  situation  of  the  enemy,  who 
had  broken  through  the  left  wing,  and  had  gained 
the  rear  of  the  Americans,  was  now  exceedingly 
critical.  At  that  moment  Santa  Anna  sent  a  mes 
sage  to  the  American  commander,  to  propound  the 
extraordinary  question  of  "  what  he  wanted !" 
Taylor  immediately  dispatched  General  Wool  to 
the  Mexican  General-in-chief,  and  at  the  same  time 
sent  orders  to  cease  firing.*  The  Mexicans  still  con 
tinued  the  attack,  and  General  Wool  returned  with 
out  having  obtained  an  interview.  Santa  Anna 
had  in  the  mean  time  gained  his  object,  which  was 
to  enable  that  part  of  his  army  which  was  in  inimi- 


*  "  The  position  of  that  portion  of  the  Mexican  army  which  had  gained 
our  rear,  was  now  very  critical,  and  it  seemed  doubtful  whether  it  could  re 
gain  the  main  body.  At  this  moment  I  received  from  Santa  Anna  a  mes 
sage  by  a  staff  officer,  desiring  to  know  what  I  wanted  ?  T  immediately 
dispatched  Brigadier  General  Wool  to  the  Mexican  General-in-chief,  and 
sent  orders  to  cease  firing.  Upon  reaching  the  Mexican  lines,  General 
Wool  could  not  cause  the  enemy  to  cease  their  fire,  and  accordingly  re 
turned  without  having  an  interview.  The  extreme  right  of  the  enemy 
continued  its  retreat  along  the  base  of  the  mountain,  and  finally,  in  spite  of 
all  our  efforts,  effected  a  junction  with  the  remainder  of  the  army." 
— See  report  of  General  Taylor  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  March  6, 
1847. 


200  HISTORY     OF     THE 

nent  danger  of  being  cut  off.  to  rejoin  the  main 
body.*  The  small  demonstrations  which  were 
made  by  General  Minon  in  the  rear  of  the  Ameri 
cans  during  this  portion  of  the  day,  were  easily 
checked  by  Shover's  battery  and  Webster's  com 
mand.  The  firing  had  partially  ceased  upon  that 
part  of  the  field  which  had  been  so  hotly  disputed ; 
but  the  cessation  was  for  a  very  brief  period. 

The  Illinois  and  Kentucky  regiments,  instead  of 
acting  on  the  defensive,  made  an  advance  movement 

o 

to  meet  the  foe.  The  collision  was  terrific ;  the 
ground  was  covered  with  the  slain,. but  the  Ameri 
cans  were  overwhelmed  by  superior  numbers,  and 
were  forced  to  retreat,  leaving  dead  upon  the  field 
Colonels  Hardin  and  McKee,  and  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Clay.  The  trophies  of  this  brilliant  charge  were 
two  of  Captain  O'Brien's  pieces.  He  had  sustained 
his  position  to  the  very  last,  and  until  the  infantry 
which  supported  him  was  driven  back  in  disorder. 
At  this  critical  moment,  when  the  victory  had  almost 
deserted  the  American  eagles,  Captain  Braxton 
Bragg,  who  had  once  before  assisted  to  change  the 
fortunes  of  the  day,  and  arrest  the  tide  of  battle, 
which  threatened  to  sweep  over  the  American 
army,  arrived  upon  the  plateau  from  the  left,  and 
rapidly  passing  General  Taylor,  without  any  infant- 

*  "  The  Mexicans  on  the  contrary  assert,  that  Santa  Anna  never  did 
send  such  a  message,  but  that  a  Mexican  Lieutenant,  Don  Jose  Maria  Mon- 
toye,  having  been  surrounded  by  the  Americans,  and  not  desiring  to  be 
taken  prisoner,  pretended  to  have  been  sent  to  General  Taylor  by 
Santa  Anna,  and  managed,  while  accompanying  General  Wool  to  the 
Mexican  General-in-chief,  to  separate  from  them,  and  thus  rejoined  the 
Mexicans." — See  Mexican  History  of  the  War  ivilh  Mexico,  p.  126. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  201 

ry  support,  at  once  placed  his  guns  in  battery. 
Nothing  but  his  presence  at  that  moment  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy,  saved  the  Americans  from  de 
feat.  The  dark  and  threatening  masses  of  Mexicans 
were  moving  rapidly  forward  with  irresistible  im 
petuosity  ;  the  centre  of  the  American  army  was 
broken,  and  General  Taylor  himself  was  in  immi 
nent  danger  of  being  taken  prisoner.  With  that 
reckless  and  desperate  courage  which  characterized 
the  man,  and  with  that  intuition  which  could  seize 
the  only  moment  to  turn  the  tide  of  battle,  Captain 
Bragg,  with  his  small  body  of  artillerymen,  unaided 
and  alone,  confronted  that  fierce  array  of  Mexicans, 
who  already  saw  the  victory  within  their  grasp. 
At  the  moment  Bragg  had  placed  his  guns  in  bat 
tery,  the  enemy  were  within  a  few  yards  of  their 
muzzles,  and  rapidly  advancing.  The  first  discharge 
of  canister  from  his  guns,  made  terrible  havoc  in 
the  serried  ranks  of  the  enemy ;  they  reeled  and 
staggered  as  the  iron  hail  swept  away  whole  platoons. 
The  second  and  third  discharge  forced  them  to  re 
coil  in  dismay  from  before  those  terrible  implements 
of  death,  which  carried  carnage  and  slaughter  into 
their  ranks,  and  they  fled  madly  from  the  field.  That 
was  the  last  attempt  made  by  the  enemy  to  carry 
the  American  position ;  and  the  night  furnished 
the  exhausted  troops  the  opportunity  for  refreshing 
themselves.  Amid  the  dead  and  the  dying,  without 
fires,  they  bivouacked  upon  the  field  of  battle,  list 
ening  to  the  groans  of  the  wounded,  and  to  the 
chilling  blasts  which  howled  through  the  valley, 
expecting  the  morning  sun  to  witness  a  renewal  of 


202  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  combat,  which  had  already  covered  the  field 
with  the  dying  and  the  dead.  But  the  result  of  that 
long  and  desperate  conflict  had  broken  the  spirit  of 
the  Mexican  army.  Where  they  expected  to 
achieve  an  easy  victory,  they  were  met  with  a  cour 
age  bordering  upon  desperation,  and  they  retired 
from  that  field  of  slaughter  dispirited  and  dismayed. 
Thus  ended  the  bloody  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  which 
resulted  in  the  signal  triumph  of  the  American 
arms. 

The  force  engaged  under  General  Taylor  was 
334  officers,  and  4,425  men,  of  which  only  453  were 
regular  troops.  The  strength  of  the  Mexican  army 
was  at  least  20,000  men.  The  American  loss  was 
267  killed,  456  wounded,  and  23  missing.  The  loss 
of  the  Mexicans  in  killed  and  wounded,  according 
to  the  lowest  estimate,  was  1500,  and  probably 
amounted  to  2,000. 

When  we  take  into  consideration  the  disparity 
in  the  numbers  engaged,  and  the  obstinacy  with 
which  the  victory  was  disputed,  we  cannot  but  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  one  of  the  most  san 
guinary  battles  ever  fought  upon  this  continent.  It 
was  the  only  battle  of  any  importance  during  the 
war,  in  which  the  Americans  acted  upon  the  defen 
sive.  It  is  true,  that  they  had  the  advantage  of  a 
very  strong  position,  and  defended  themselves  with 
a  knowledge  that  almost  certain  death  Avould  follow 
in  the  pathway  of  defeat.  It  is  also  true  that  the 
last  hopes  of  the  enemy  were  staked  upon  the  result 
of  this  encounter.  They  had  been  for  months  pre 
paring  for  it ;  and  the  army  was  well  armed  and 


POLK     ADMINISTBATION.  203 

well  disciplined,  and  with  high  hopes  and  confident 
anticipations,  they  commenced  the  attack  on  the 
morning  of  the  23d.  Not  only  were  they  contend 
ing  for  their  firesides  and  their  homes,  but  for  the 
food  which  they  expected  to  capture  in  the  camp 
of  General  Taylor.* 

Where  so  much  desperate  courage  was  exhibited 
by  the  American  army,  and  so  many  instances  of 
personal  daring  signalized  that  bloody  field,  it  is  a 
subject  of  deep  mortification,  that  a  panic  should 
have  induced  a  portion  of  the  army  to  desert  their 
colors,  and  by  an  attempt  to  secure  their  own  safety, 
to  hazard  the  existence  of  all.  Perhaps  it  will  not 
be  regarded  as  unjust  to  those  who  fought  through 
out  the  day  with  great  constancy,  to  allude  particu 
larly  to  the  celebrated  charge  of  the  Mississippi 
riflemen,  under  Colonel  Davis,  which  restored  the 
fortunes  of  the  day,  when  the  Mexican  masses  had 
broken  through  the  left  of  the  American  line ;  and 
the  last  desperate  stand  taken  by  Captain  Bragg, 
far  in  advance  of  any  infantry  support,  and  in  the 
face  of  immense  columns  of  the  enemy,  when  by  the 


*  "  His  Excellency,  the  General-in-chief,  furthermore  orders  that  the 
different  corps  shall  to-day  receive  from  the  Commissary  three  days'  ra 
tions,  for  the  21st,  22d,  and  23d  ;  and  that  they  require  the  necessary  meat 
this  afternoon,  for  thp  first  meal  to-morrow  morning,  which  the  troops  are 
directed  to  eat  one  hour  before  taking  up  the  line  of  march  ;  and  the  se 
cond  will  be  taken  in  their  haversacks,  to  be  eaten  in  the  night,  wherever 
they  may  halt ;  this  last  will  consist  of  meat,  two  biscuits,  and  a  half  a 
cake  of  (Piloncillo)  brown  sugar,  for  each  man;  for,  on  the  night  of  the 
21st,  there  will  be  no  fires  permitted,  neither  will  signal  be  made  by  any 
military  instrument  of  music,  the  movement  at  early  daybreak  on  the 
morning  of  the  22d  having  to  be  made  in  the  most  profound  silence." — 
General  Orders  of  Santa  Anna,  of  the  20/7i  February,  1847. 


204  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

rapid  and  murderous  discharges  of  his  flying  artil 
lery,  he  drove  them  back  with  tremendous  slaughter. 

Much  credit  is  due  to  General  Wool  for  his  sa 
gacity  in  selecting  the  field,  and  for  the  military 
skill  which  planned  the  order  of  battle.  The  re 
nown  which  General  Taylor  had  acquired  in  the 
victories  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  in  the  capture  of 
Monterey,  proved  a  tower  of  strength  upon  the 
field  of  Buena  Vista.  The  Mexicans  feared,  what 
the  Americans  believed,  that  he  could  not  be  de 
feated;  and  during  the  changing  fortunes  of  that 
terrible  day,  while  victory  alternately  perched  upon 
the  banners  of  the  contending  armies,  the  Ameri 
cans  turned  with  confidence  and  with  hope  upon 
the  stern  and  unyielding  countenance  of  their  chief. 

Along  the  road  leading  from  Buena  Vista  to 
Agua  Nueva,  a  scene  of  horror  was  presented  on 
the  night  of  the  23d  of  February.  The  means  of 
transporting  the  wounded  being  extremely  limited, 
they  were  left  to  struggle  with  suffering  and  with 
death,  and  the  sighing  wind  and  the  startling  cry 
of  the  wolf  was  their  only  requiem.  Abandoned 
to  their  fate,  without  food,  parched  with  thirst, 
without  medical  aid,  and  with  no  shelter  to  protect 
them  from  the  piercing  night-air,  they  awaited  the 
moment  when  death  should  release  them  from  their 
suffering.  The  main  body  of  the  army  reached 
Agua  Nueva  at  midnight,  and,  dying  with  thirst, 
the  soldiers  plunged  into  a  stagnant  sheet  of  water, 
which  in  many  cases  produced  instant  death.  Suf 
fering  for  the  want  of  food  and  water,  dispirited 
and  disheartened  by  the  results  of  the  battle,  they 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  205 

presented  a  striking  contrast  to  that  splendid  array 
which,  buoyant  with  hope  and  confident  of  victory, 
had  attacked  the  American  army. 

The  wounded  enemy  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Americans,  were  not  only  kindly  treated,  but 
provisions  were  offered  to  Santa  Anna  by  General 
Taylor.*  On  the  25th  Santa  Anna  moved  his  army 
in  the  direction  of  San  Luis  Potosi. 

While  these  important  events  were  transpiring 
Santa  Anna  was  President,  and  Gomez  Farias  was 
Vice  President  of  Mexico.  The  capital,  during  the 
absence  of  the  President  upon  his  northern  cam 
paign,  was  the  scene  of  anarchy  and  violence.  Fa 
rias,  in  whose  hands  was  placed  the  executive  au 
thority,  sought  to  force  contributions  from  the 
clergy  for  the  purpose  of  prosecuting  the  war,  and 
at  the  same  time  to  destroy  their  power  by  appro 
priating  their  wealth.  This  produced  great  excite 
ment,  and  finally  resulted  in  a  resort  to  arms,  and 
the  insurrection  was  only  terminated  by  the  arrival 
of  Santa  Anna  in  the  city. 

While  the  Mexican  nation  were  divided  and 
distracted  by  internal  commotions,  General  Scott,  on 
the  9th  of  March,  1847,  effected  a  landing  in  the 
vicinity  of  Vera  Cruz  with  a  well  appointed  army 
of  12,000  men.  He  had  under  his  command  several 
officers  of  very  high  reputation ;  among  the  number 
were  Generals  Worth,  Twiggs,  Quitrnan,  Persifer 
F.  Smith ;  Colonels  Duncan,  Harney,  Garland,  Bi- 
ley,  Mclntosh,  Clark,  and  others,  besides  many 
who  afterwards  distinguished  themselves.  General 

*  Mexican  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico,  p.  133. 


206  HISTORY      OF     THE 

Worth's  division  of  regulars  first  landed  npon  the 
beach,  and  was  followed  by  the  division  of  the 
United  States  volunteers  under  General  Patterson, 
and  the  brigade  of  General  Twiggs.  The  landing 
was  effected  without  opposition  under  the  guns  of 
the  American  squadron.  The  line  of  investment 
was  commenced  on  the  same  day,  but  was  not  com 
pleted  until  March  12th,  1847,*  owing  to  the  diffi 
culties  of  the  ground  and  the  want  of  the  necessary 
materials.  During  that  time,  too,  a  norther  pre 
vailed,  which  drove  the  clouds  of  sand  into  the 
faces  of  the  troops,  and  rendered  their  operations 
exceedingly  difficult.  Frequent  discharges  from 
the  city  and  castle  greatly  discommoded  the  Amer 
ican  troops.  Skirmishes  took  place  between  the 
brigades  of  Pillow  and  Quitnian  and  parties  of  the 
enemy.  The  officers  and  sailors  of  the  squadron 
greatly  assisted  in  completing  the  lines  around  the 
city.  On  the  14th,  the  Americans  forced  the  enemy 
to  relinquish  the  space  which  intervened  between 
the  American  lines  and  the  city.  But  the  contin 
uance  of  the  storm  rendered  it  very  difficult  to  land 
the  heavy  ordnance  from  the  fleet  until  March 
18th.  On  the  22d  of  March,  at  two  o'clock,  General 
Scott  issued  a  summons  to  the  Governor  of  Vera 
Cruz  to  surrender,  informing  him  that  the  city  was 
invested  by  sea  and  land.  This  communication  was 
responded  to  on  the  same  day  by  the  Governor, 
Juan  Morales,  who  rejected  his  proposal,  and  Gen 
eral  Scott  ordered  the  seven  mortars,  which  were 

*  See  Reports  of  General  Scott,  Executive  Documents,  1st  session 
29th  Congress,  volume  2. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  207 

placed  in  battery,  to  fire  upon  the  city.  The  lighter 
vessels  which  composed  Commodore  Perry's  squad 
ron  approached  within  a  mile  and  an  eighth,  and 
being  somewhat  protected  from  the  raking  fire  of 
the  castle,  they  opened  their  artillery  upon  the  city. 
The  discharges  from  the  fleet  and  the  mortars  con 
tinued  during  the  night  of  the  22d,  and  on  the  23d 
three  more  mortars  were  added  to  the  number. 
During  the  24th  the  fire  somewhat  slackened,  but 
on  the  25th  all  the  batteries  were  in  operation,  and 
proved  terribly  destructive,  especially  battery  num 
ber  four,  which  mounted  four  twenty-four  pounders, 
and  two  eight  inch  paixhan  guns.  The  effect  of 
this  tremendous  fire  upon  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz 
was  most  frightful.  The  shells,  exploding  in  the 
heart  of  the  city,  not  only  demolished  the  buildings, 
but  the  iron  missives  with  which  they  were  charged 
carried  death  and  dismay  in  every  direction.  The 
bombardment  was  so  disastrous  that  the  consuls  of 
Great  Britain,  France,  Spain,  and  Russia,  desired 
General  Scott  to  grant  a  truce,  to  enable  the  neu 
trals  and  the  Mexican  women  and  children  to  aban 
don  the  city.  To  that  communication  General  Scott 
replied,  that  he  could  not  grant  a  truce  unless 
applied  for  by  the  Governor  of  Vera  Cruz,  accom 
panied  by  a  distinct  proposition  to  surrender  the 
city.  He  also  informed  them  that  the  communica 
tion  between  the  neutral  ships  of  war  lying  in  the 
vicinity  of  Vera  Cruz  was  kept  open,  to  allow  the 
neutrals  in  the  city  an  opportunity  for  escape. 

On  the  26th  of  March,  General  Scott  received 
overtures  from  General  Landero  for  a  suspension 


208  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

of  hostilities,  for  the  purpose  of  having  honorable 
terms  made  with  the  garrison.  This  proposition 
was  accepted  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  ap 
pointed  Generals  Worth  and  Pillow,  and  Colonel 
Totten,  American  commissioners,  and  the  terms  of 
capitulation  were  ratified  by  the  respective  com 
manders  on  the  2 7th  of  March,  1847.  It  was 
agreed  that  the  garrison  should  surrender  them 
selves  prisoners  of  war,  the  Mexican  officers  to  pre 
serve  their  arms  and  private  effects,  and  together 
with  the  rank  and  file  of  the  regular  portion  of  the 
prisoners,  to  give  their  parole  not  to  serve  again 
during  the  war,  or  until  they  were  duly  exchanged. 
With  the  city  of  Yera  Cruz  and  San  Juan  de  Ulloa 
were  surrendered  5,000  prisoners. 

This  splendid  achievement,  accomplished  as  it 
was  with  comparatively  a  very  small  loss,  was  cer 
tainly  one  of  the  most  brilliant  events  of  the  Mexi 
can  war.  The  Castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulloa  was 
considered  impregnable  by  Europeans,  and  was  only 
taken  by  the  French  a  few  years  previous  by  the 
accidental  explosion  of  a  magazine.  To  land  upon 
a  hostile  shore,  and  to  encircle  the  city  of  Vera 
Cruz,  under  the  fire  of  her  batteries,  illustrated  the 
military  skill  of  General  Scott,  and  the  patient  en 
durance  and  gallantry  of  the  American  troops.  A 
new  base  of  operations  was  thus  obtained,  which 
opened  a  short  and  direct  line  to  the  city  of  Mexico. 

The  day  after  the  surrender  of  the  city,  General 
Quitman  was  ordered  to  advance  upon  Alvarado, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  1st  of  April,  but  found 
the  place  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  Lieuten- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  209 

ant  Hunter,  who  had  been  ordered  by  Commodore 
Perry  to  guard  the  mouth  of  the  river  with  the 
steamer  Scourge.  Although  this  feat  upon  the 
part  of  the  gallant  lieutenant  was  performed  with 
out  bloodshed,  still  Alvarado  was  not  taken  accord 
ing  to  the  plan  of  operations,  which  was  to  call  into 
requisition  Quitman's  brigade,  and  the  squadron 
under  Commodore  Perry ;  and  he  was  arrested,  tried 
by  a  court-martial,  found  guilty  of  a  disobedience 
of  orders,  sentenced  to  a  reprimand  by  Perry,  which 
sentence  was  carried  into  effect  by  that  officer  with 
a  harshness  which  produced  a  general  feeling  of  dis 
gust  and  indignation. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  the  first  division  of  the 
American  army  took  up  their  line  of  march  for  the 
city  of  Mexico.  General  Worth  was  again  placed 
in  the  advance.  Twiggs  with  the  second,  division 
started  on  the  8th,  and  Patterson  on  the  9th  with 
the  third. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  General  Scott  after  the 
fall  of  Vera  Cruz,  that  if  American  commissioners 
were  at  his  headquarters,  a  satisfactory  peace  might 
be  obtained.*  On  the  9th  he  received  information 
that  Santa  Anna  had  arrived  with  6,000  men  at 
Jalapa  ;  he  did  not  believe,  however,  that  his  force 
amounted  to  half  that  number.f  He  started  on 

*  "  All  the  intelligent,  the  wealthy  and  sober-minded  citizens  of  the 
capital  and  elsewhere  are  anxious  for  peace,  yielding  to  us  as  the  basis, 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  and  Upper  California.  With  American 
commissioners  at  the  headquarters  of  this  army.  I  think  it  quite  probable 
that  by  our  arrival  at  Puebla,  if  not  before,  we  should  be  met  by  Mexican 
commissioners  empowered  to  treat  on  that  basis." — Letter  of  General 
Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  April  5th,  1847. 

f  Dispatch  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  April  llth,  1847. 
14 


210  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  12 tli  for  the  front.  Twiggs,  in  the  mean  time, 
had  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  Plan  del  Rio,  where 
he  found  the  Mexicans  intrenched  in  a  formidable 
position,  which  was  defended  by  a  much  larger  force 
than  he  expected.  The  national  road  crosses  a 
small,  but  very  rapid  stream,  at  the  village  of  Plan 
del  Rio.  'Near  the  village  were  several  heights, 
upon  which  were  planted  batteries  that  commanded 
the  road  for  some  distance,  and  rendered  the  posi 
tion  exceedingly  formidable.  General  Scott  at  once 
determined  to  storm  the  batteries,  and  drive  the 
enemy  from  their  intrenchments,  and  issued  his  or 
ders  with  as  much  sangfroid  as  if  their  publication 
at  the  head  of  each  regiment  was  equivalent  to 
their  execution.* 

*  "  General  Orders,  )  "  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY.  ) 

No.  111.      $  PLAN  DEL  Rio,  April  nth,  1847.      $ 

"  The  enemy's  whole  line  of  intrenchments  and  batteries  will  be  at 
tacked  in  front,  and  at  the  same  time  turned,  early  in  the  day  to-morrow — 
probably  before  10  o'clock,  A.  M. 

"  The  second  (Tvviggs)  division  of  regulars  is  already  advanced  within 
easy  turning  distance  towards  the  enemy's  left ;  that  division  has  instruc 
tions  to  move  forward  before  daylight  to-morrow,  and  take  up  position 
across  the  national  road  in  the  enemy's  rear,  so  as  to  cut  off  a  retreat 
towards  Jalapa.  It  may  be  reinforced  to-day  if  unexpectedly  attacked  in 
force,  by  regiments — one  or  two — taken  from  Shields'  brigade  of  volunteers. 
If  not,  the  two  volunteer  regiments  will  march  for  that  purpose  at  day 
light  to-morrow  morning,  under  Brigadier  General  Shields,  who  will  re 
port  to  Brigadier  General  Twiggs,  on  getting  up  with  him,  or  to  the  Geme- 
ral-in-chief,  if  he  be  in  advance. 

"  The  remaining  regiment  of  that  volunteer  brigade  will  receive  in 
structions  in  the  course  of  this  day. 

"  The  first  division  of  regulars  (Worth's)  will  follow  the  movement 
against  the  enemy's  left  at  sunrise  to-morrow  morning. 

"  As  already  arranged,  Brigadier  General  Pillow's  brigade  will  march 
at  6  o'clock  to-morrow  morning  along  the  route  he  has  carefully  recon- 
noitered,  and  stand  ready,  as  soon  as  he  hears  the  report  of  arms  on  our 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  211 

The  division  under  Twiggs  was  ordered  to  move 
before  daylight,  and  take  position  across  the  na 
tional  road  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  cutting  off  his  retreat  in  the  direction  of 
Jalapa. 

Worth's  division  was  commanded  to  attack  the 
left  of  the  Mexicans  at  sunrise,  while  Pillow's  brig 
ade  was  ordered  to  carry  the  batteries  near  the 
river.  These  orders  were  brilliantly  executed,  with 

right,  or  sooner  if  circumstances  should  favor  him,  to  pierce  the  enemy's 
line  of  batteries  at  such  point — the  nearer  to  the  river  the  better — as  he 
may  select.  Once  in  the  rear  of  that  line,  he  will  turn  to  the  right  or 
left,  or  both,  and  attack  the  batteries  in  reverse,  or  if  abandoned,  he  will 
pursue  the  enemy  with  vigor  until  further  orders. 

"  Wall's  field  battery  and  the  cavalry  will  be  held  in  reserve  on  the 
national  road,  a  little  out  of  view  and  range  of  the  enemy's  batteries. 
They  will  take  up  that  position  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

"  The  enemy's  batteries  being  carried  or  abandoned,  all  our  divisions 
and  corps  will  pursue  with  vigor. 

"  This  pursuit  may  be  continued  many  miles,  until  stopped  by  dark 
ness  or  fortified  positions  towards  Jalapa.  Consequently  the  body  of  the 
army  will  not  return  to  this  encampment,  but  be  followed  to-morrow  after 
noon,  or  early  the  next  morning,  by  the  baggage  trains  of  the  several 
corps.  For  this  purpose  the  feebler  officers  and  men  of  each  corps  will 
be  left  to  guard  its  camp  and  effects,  and  to  load  up  the  latter  in  the  wa 
gons  of  the  corps.  A  commander  of  the  present  encampment  will  be 
designated  in  the  course  of  this  day. 

"  As  soon  as  it  shall  be  known  that  the  enemy's  works  have  been  car 
ried,  or  that  the  general  pursuit  has  been  commenced,  one  wagon  for  each 
regiment  and  battery  and  one  for  the  cavalry  will  follow  the  movement,  to 
receive,  under  the  direction  of  medical  officers,  the  wounded  and  disabled, 
who  will  be  brought  back  to  this  place  for  treatment  in  general  hospital. 

"  The  surgeon-general  will  organize  this  important  service,  and  desig 
nate  that  hospital  as  well  as  the  medical  officers  to  be  left  at  it. 

"  Every  man  who  marches  out  to  attack  or  pursue  the  enemy  will  take 
the  usual  allowance  of  ammunition  and  subsistence  for  at  least  two  days. 

"  By  command  of  Major  General  Scott. 

H.  L.  SCOTT, 

A.  A.  A.  General. 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  Volume  2,  p.  259. 


212  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

the  exception  of  the  assault  under  Pillow,  whose 
command  being  ordered  to  charge  before  it  was 
formed,  was  twice  repulsed  by  the  terrible  fire  from 
the  Mexican  batteries.  This  portion  of  the  Mexi 
can  position  was  much  stronger  than  had  been  an 
ticipated,  and  was  defended  by  regular  troops  and 
skilful  and  gallant  officers.  The  charge  under  Co 
lonel  Harney  up  the  steep  and  precipitous  ascent  in 
the  face  of  the  Mexican  guns,  was  a  daring  and  bril 
liant  affair,  and  resulted  in  driving  the  enemy  with 
great  slaughter  from  that  part  of  the  field.  The 
orders  issued  to  the  division  of  Worth  and  Twiggs 
were  executed  with  great  gallantry,  and  the  com 
mand  of  the  latter  General  sustained  considerable 
loss  in  executing  his  orders.  About  3,000  prisoners 
with  five  generals,  and  many  other  officers  of  rank, 
were  some  of  the  fruits  of  this  victory.  The  loss 
of  the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about 
250 ;  that  of  the  enemy  about  350.  Among  the 
American  officers  who  were  desperately  wounded 
was  General  Shields.  The  pursuit  of  the  enemy 
was  rapidly  continued  in  the  direction  of  Jalapa. 
The  rout  of  the  Mexicans  was  complete,  and  they 
dispersed  in  utter  confusion,  and  the  Americans 
soon  after  took  possession  of  Jalapa  and  the  strong 
fortress  of  Perote.*  At  the  latter  place  were 
captured  54  guns  and  mortars,  11,065  cannon  balls, 
14,300  bombs  and  hand-grenades,  and  500  muskets. 

7  O  i 

The  effect  produced  upon  the  enemy  by  the  de 
cisive  victories  won  by  the  American  arms,  was  so 
great,  that  if  the  Commander-in-chief  had  been  en- 

*  Report  of  General  Worth,  Perote,  April  22d,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  213 

abled  to  muster  the  requisite  force,  lie  might  in  all 
probability  have  taken  the  city  of  Mexico  without 
striking  another  blow.  But,  unfortunately,  the  time 
for  which  seven  of  the  volunteer  regiments  had  en 
listed,  was  about  to  expire.  Congress  had  passed  a 
law  for  the  re-enlistment  of  such  portions  of  them 
as  might  be  disposed  to  continue  in  the  service  of 
the  country.  But  it  was  soon  evident  that  they 
were  resolved  to  return  to  their  homes.  Many  of 
them  had  performed  arduous  service,  and  although 
the  "  Halls  of  the  Montezumas,"  in  which  they  had 
manifested  such  determination  to  revel,  were  now 
easy  of  access,  still  no  one  can  censure  them  for 
the  course  which  they  thought  proper  to  pursue. 
As  their  term  of  service  was  nearly  completed,  they 
did  not  relish  the  idea  of  penetrating  further  into 
the  interior,  and  in  view  of  the  danger  which  they 
would  incur  from  the  vomito,  in  passing  through 
Vera  Cruz,  the  Commander-in-chief  determined  to 
discharge  them  at  once.* 

There  was  no  other  course  left  to  General  Scott 
but  to  advance  on  the  city  with  an  army  greatly 


*  "  The  General-in-chief  regrets  to  learn,  through  a  great  number  of 
undoubted  channels,  that,  in  all  probability,  not  one  man  in  ten  of  those 
regiments,  will  be  inclined  to  volunteer  for  the  war.  This  predetermina 
tion  offers,  in  his  opinion,  no  ground  for  reproach,  considering  the  long; 
arduous,  faithful,  and  gallant  services  of  those  corps,  however  deeply  all 
will  regret  the  consequent  and  unavoidable  delay  in  the  prosecution  of 
this  war  to  an  early  and  honorable  peace  ;  for  the  General-in-chief  cannot, 
in  humanity  and  good  faith,  cause  regiments  entitled,  in  a  few  weeks,  to 
an  honorable  discharge,  to  advance  further  from  the  coast  in  pursuit  of 
the  enemy,  and  thereby  throw  them  upon  the  necessity  of  returning  to 
embark  at  Vera  Cruz,  at  the  season  known  to  be,  at  that  place,  the  most 
fatal  to  life"— General  Orders,  No.  135,  May  4th,  1847. 


214  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

reduced  in  numbers,  or  to  continue  in  the  position 
lie  then  occupied,  and  await  the  arrival  of  the  ten 
regiments  of  regulars  authorized  by  Congress  to  be 
enlisted.  He  determined  to  adopt  the  latter  course. 
Notwithstanding  the  strenuous  exertions  used  by 
the  President,  and  those  members  of  Congress  favor 
able  to  the  ten  regiment  bill,  to  enforce  its  prompt 
passage,  it  was  greatly  delayed  by  those  who  were 
opposed  to  the  bill  altogether,  and  by  others,  who 
preferred  raising  volunteers,*  a  description  of  troops 
which  were  not  as  acceptable  as  regulars,  to  either 
General  Scott  or  General  Taylor. 

The  adoption  of  regulations  to  enforce  contribu 
tions  from  the  Mexicans,  was  ordered  by  the  Presi 
dent  in  March,  1847,  by  the  establishment  of  a  tariff 
of  duties  at  the  Mexican  ports.  This  system  was 
far  from  furnishing  the  necessary  sum  of  money  for 
the  use  of  the  army ;  and  as  no  very  considerable 
amount  of  provisions  could  be  forced  from  the  Mex 
icans  in  the  interior,  they  were  generally  purchased 
from  them.  General  Scott,  from  the  fact  of  his  not 
receiving,  through  the  Quartermaster's  department, 
the  necessary  remittances  of  money,  anticipated  that 
large  contributions  were  expected  from  the  Mexi 
cans,  by  the  Cabinet,  and  addressed  rather  a  sharp 
note  to  the  "War  Department,  f 

*  Congressional  Globe,  29th  Congress. 

f  "  If  it  is  to  be  expected  at  Washington,  as  is  now  apprehended,  that 
this  army  is  to  support  itself  by  forced  contributions  levied  upon  the  coun 
try,  we  may  ruin  and  exasperate  the  inhabitants  and  starve  ourselves  ;  for 
it  is  certain  they  would  sooner  remove  or  destroy  the  products  of  their 
farms,  than  allow  them  to  fall  into  our  hands  without  compensation.  Not 
a  ration  for  man  or  horse  would  be  brought  in.  except  by  the  bayonet, 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  215 

While  the  headquarters  of  General  Scott  were 
still  at  Jalapa,  Mr.  N.  P.  Trist  arrived  in  Mexico  as 
the  agent  of  the  United  States,  to  negotiate  terms 
with  the  Mexicans.  Although  the  propriety  of  ap 
pointing  a  commissioner  from  the  United  States, 
had  been  suggested  by  General  Scott  in  his  .letter  of 
April  5th,  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  still,  the  selec 
tion  of  Mr.  Trist  as  that  commissioner  was  perfectly 
unjustifiable.  He  neither  possessed  the  ability,  nor 
held  the  position  requisite  for  the  office  to  which  he 
was  appointed.  He  was  vain  and  conceited,  with 
out  possessing  that  judgment  which  the  occasion 
required.  He  was  simply  a  clerk  in  the  State  De 
partment  ;  scarcely  known  in  the  city  of  Washing 
ton,  and  of  whose  existence  the  Mexicans  were  per 
fectly  ignorant.  No  reason  can  be  assigned  for  his 
selection  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  unless,  indeed,  as  was 
supposed,  the  Secretary  was  anxious  to  appropriate 
all  the  eclat,  resulting  from  the  conclusion  of  a 
treaty  of  peace,  to  the  State  Department.  An  indi 
vidual  should  have  been  selected,  whose  standing  in 
this  country  would  not  only  be  a  guarantee  of  his 
ability  to  enter  upon  a  delicate  negotiation,  but 
whose  modesty  and  good  sense  would  have  avoided 
any  collision  with  the  officers  in  command  of  our 
army.  As  it  was,  Mr.  Trist  had  scarcely  touched  his 
foot  upon  the  soil  of  Mexico,  before  he  became  involv 
ed  in  a  warm  controversy  with  the  Cornmander-in- 


which  would  oblige  the  troops  to  spread  themselves  out  many  leagues  to 
the  right  and  left,  in  search  of  subsistence,  and  to  stop  all  military  opera- 
tiono."— Dispatch  of  General  Scott  to  the  War  Department,  May  20th, 
1847. 


216  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

chief.  It  was  due  to  General  Scott  that  a  full  ex 
planation  should  have  been  given  him,  with  regard 
to  the  mission,  by  the  State  Department,  especially 
when  he  supposed  that  the  confidence  of  the  admin 
istration  had  been  withdrawn  from  him.  His  feel 
ings  were  pretty  clearly  indicated  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Trist,*  which  produced  a  response  from  that  per- 
son.f  However  objectionable  may  have  been  the 
language  of  General  Scott,  when  addressing  the  ac 
credited  agent  of  the  Government,  the  response  of 
Mr.  Trist  is  equally  liable  to  condemnation.  Both 
communications  were  calculated  to  widen  the  breach, 
and  greatly  to  militate  against  the  public  service. 
Mr.  Trist  continued  with  the  army  until  he,  finally, 
in  transcending  his  orders  after  the  city  of  Mexico 
was  captured,  lost  the  confidence  of  the  Cabinet  at 
Washington,  and  General  Scott  was  not  alone  in  the 
estimation  which  he  had  placed  upon  his  character. 
Santa  Anna  after  his  defeat  at  Cerro  Gordo,  in 
stead  of  returning  at  once  to  the  city  of  Mexico, 
retired  in  the  direction  of  Orizaba,  where  he  was 
making  great  exertions  to  rally  his  scattered  forces. 

*  "  I  see  that  the  Secretary  of  War  proposes  to  degrade  me,  by  requir 
ing  that  I,  the  commander  of  this  army,  shall  defer  to  you,  the  chief  clerk 
of  the  Department  of  State,  the  question  of  continuing  or  discontinuing 
hostilities."— Loiter  of  General  Scott  to  Mr.  Trist,  7th  of  May,  1845. 

f  "  You  will  now,  sir,  I  trust,  understand,  when  the  communication  re 
ferred  to  shall  again  be  placed  in  your  hands,  that  greatly  deficient  in  wis 
dom  as  the  present  (and  indeed  any  democratic)  administration  of  the 
Government  must  necessarily  be,  it  has  not.  in  this  particular  instance, 
fallen  into  so  egregious  a  blunder  as  to  make  the  transmission  and  delivery 
of  that  communication  dependent  upon  the  amiable  affability  and  gracious 
condescension  of  General  Winfield  Scott." — Letter  of  Mr.  Trist  to 
General  Scott,  May  9lh,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  217 

At  this  time  Anaya  was  acting  President  of  Mex 
ico.  His  administration  was  resolved  to  continue 
the  contest,  notwithstanding  the  repeated  disasters 
which  had  overwhelmed  the  Mexican  forces. 

On  the  8th  of  May  General  Worth  commenced 
his  march  from  Perote  along  the  high  road  to  Pu- 
ebla,  where  he  arrived  on  the  loth  of  May,  and 
took  possession  of  that  city.*  On  the  llth  of  May 
General  Scott  issued  a  celebrated  proclamation  to 
the  Mexican  nation,  f  On  the  19th  of  May,  Santa 
Anna  entered  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  his  recep 
tion  was  by  no  means  flattering  to  his  vanity.  He 
nevertheless  assumed  the  duties  of  the  Presidency, 
and  employed  all  his  influence  in  procuring  a  re- 

*  The  terms  which  were  granted  by  General  Worth  to  the  authorities 
of  Puebla  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  An 
issue  was  raised  between  those  two  officers  which  produced  a  Court  of 
Inquiry,  over  which  Quitman  presided,  which  sustained  the  opinion  of 
General  Scott  as  to  the  impolicy  of  the  terms  granted  by  Worth. 

f  "  Considerations  of  high  policy  and  of  continental  American  inter 
ests  precipitated  events,  in  spite  of  the  circumspection  of  the  Cabinet  at 
Washington.  This  Cabinet,  ardently  desiring  to  terminate  all  differences 
with  Mexico,  spared  no  efforts  compatible  with  honor  and  dignity.  It 
cherished  the  most  flattering  hopes  of  attaining  this  end  by  frank  expla 
nations  and  reasonings,  addressed  to  the  judgment  and  prudence  of  the 
virtuous  and  patriotic  Government  of  General  Herrera.  An  unexpected 
misfortune  dispelled  these  hopes,  and  closed  every  avenue  to  an  honorable 
adjustment.  Your  new  Government  disregarded  your  national  interests, 
as  well  as  those  of  continental  America,  and  yielded,  moreover,  to  foreign 
influences  the  most  opposed  to  those  interests— the  most  fatal  to  the  future 
of  Mexican  liberty,  and  of  that  republican  system  which  the  United  States 
holds  it  a  duty  to  preserve  and  to  protect.  Duty,  honor,  and  dignity  placed 
us  under  the  necessity  of  not  losing  a  season,  of  which  the  monarchical 
party  was  fast  taking  advantage.  As  not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost,  we 
acted  with  a  promptness  and  decision  suited  to  the  urgency  of  the  case, 
in  order  to  avoid  a  complication  of  interests  which  might  render  our  rela 
tions  more  difficult  and  involved." — Proclamation  of  General  Scott  to  the 
Mexicans,  May  llth,  1847. 


218  HISTORY     OF     THE 

election  to  that  office.  Preparations  for  the  defence 
of  the  city  were  progressing  with  considerable  en 
ergy,  the  fortifications  were  repaired,  and  recruits 
for  the  army  were  obtained  with  all  diligence 
These  events  did  not  withdraw  the  attention  of  the 
Mexicans  from  the  internal  commotions  which  dis 
tracted  and  divided  their  councils,  and  which  the 
danger  to  be  apprehended  from  the  American  army 
could  not  allay,  and  on  the  29th  of  May,  Santa 
Anna  resigned  the  Presidency.  This  resignation 
not  being  immediately  accepted  by  the  Mexican 
Congress,  it  was  withdrawn  on  the  2d  of  June.  It 
was  supposed  by  the  Americans,  that  the  state  of 
anarchy  and  disorder  which  prevailed  in  the  city, 
would  result  in  the  election  of  a  President  who 
would  enter  into  negotiations.  This  was  certainly 
the  opinion  of  General  Scott.* 

Notwithstanding  the  want  of  patriotism  upon 
the  part  of  the  Mexicans,  General  Scott  did  not 
deem  himself  in  a  condition  to  take  advantage  of 
it,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  number  of  troops  with 
which  he  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  had  been  greatly 
diminished.f  One  thousand  men  were  left  in  hos- 

*  "  The  delay  here  until  about  the  22d  inst.  may,  however,  be  com 
pensated  by  one  important  advantage.  General  Santa  Anna  has  renounced 
the  Presidency  (see  his  printed  letter  herewith).  It  is  understood  that  a 
new  Government  will  be  installed  on  the  15th  inst.,  and  there  is  good 
ground  to  hope  under  Herrera  or  Trias,  both  supposed  to  be  desirous  of 
peace  with  the  United  States.  If  we  were  previously  to  occupy  the 
capital,  the  friends  of  peace  (most  of  the  leaders  of  the  party  belong  to 
the  capital)  would  be  dispersed  ;  or  if  they  remained  and  organized  under 
our  colors,  their  Government  would  be  denounced  and  decried  as  set  up 
by  their  army,  and  lose  all  credit  and  weight  with  the  Mexican  people." 

f  "Making  the  further  deductions  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  the 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  219 

pital  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  same  number  sick  and 
wounded  at  Jalapa,  200  sick  at  Perote,  and  on  the 
sick  report  at  Puebla,  1,017.  Making  a  deduc 
tion  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  garrisons 
at  Vera  Cruz,  Jalapa,  and  Perote,  there  were  only 
left  under  his  command  on  the  4th  of  June,  5,820 
effective  non-commissioned  officers,  artificers,  musi 
cians,  and  privates. 

The  troops  which  now  began  to  arrive  at  Vera 
Cruz  were  greatly  harassed  on  their  route  to  the 
headquarters  of  General  Scott  by  the  guerilleros 
who  infested  the  line  of  march ;  and  each  detach 
ment  was  forced  to  fight  its  way  through  those 
bands  of  robbers,  who  contended  for  plunder  more 
than  from  a  desire  to  drive  the  Americans  from 
their  soil.  The  commands  of  Colonel  M'Intosh  and 
Cadwalader  were  followed  by  the  division  under 
Major  General  Pillow.  The  combined  forces  arrived 
at  Puebla  on  the  8th  of  July,  increasing  the  force 
to  10,000  men. 

Before  the  troops  took  up  their  line  of  march 
from  Puebla  for  the  city  of  Mexico,  a  reconciliation, 
apparently  sincere,  had  taken  place  between  Gene 
ral  Scott  and  Mr.  Trist.*  Dreading  the  conse- 

garrisons  of  Vera  Cruz,  Jalapa,  and  Perote,  and  we  have  here  but  5,800 
effective  non-commissioned  officers,  artificers,  musicians,  and  privates  ;  a 
force  evidently  insufficient  to  garrison  this  large  open  city,  and  to  march 
upon  the  capital,  where,  or  near  it,  we  may  probably  have  to  beat  an  in 
different  army  of  from  12.000  to  25,000  men.  This  we  could  do  with 
4,000,  but  at  a  loss,  probably,  of  one  fourth  of  our  numbers ;  whereas, 
with  8,000,  our  loss  would  not  exceed  some  300." — Dispatch  of  General 
Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  June  4Z7i,  1847,  Executive  Documents,  1st 
session  30th  Congress,  Doc.  No.  60,  p.  793. 

*  "  Although  daily  in  expectation  of  something  of  special  interest  to 


220  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

quences  which  might  result  from  the  ill  feeling  ex 
isting  between  the  Commander-in-chief  and  the 
American  commissioner,  Mr.  Buchanan  addressed 
Mr.  Trist  on  the  14th  of  June,  urging  him  to  effect 
a  reconciliation  with  General  Scott,*  and  on  the 
31st  of  May,  the  Secretary  of  War  wrote  to  Gene 
ral  Scott,  explaining  at  length  the  object  of  Mr. 
Trist's  mission.f  These  communications  from  Wash 
ington  could  not  have  had  the  effect  of  producing 
amicable  relations  between  the  two  high  American 
functionaries  in  Mexico,  and,  therefore,  this  rather 
unexpected  fraternization  must  be  attributable  to 
some  other  cause.  The  world,  however,  is  still  left 
in  doubt  as  to  the  influences  which  produced,  so 
suddenly,  familiar  and  friendly  intercourse  between 
gentlemen  who  so  recently  had  employed  phrases, 
when  addressing  each  other,  which  were  not  calcu 
lated  to  exalt  the  character  of  either.  At  the 
same  time  the  Department  of  State  cannot  be  held 

communicate,  nothing  has  occurred  of  that  character  save  a  happy  change 
in  my  relations,  both  official  and  private,  with  Mr.  Trist.  Since  about 
the  26th  ult.,  our  intercourse  has  been  frequent  and  cordial ;  and  I  have 
found  him  able,  discreet,  courteous,  and  amiable." — Dispatch  of  General 
Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  July  25 /ft,  1847. 

*  "  Whilst  our  armies  are  in  the  country  of  the  enemy,  and  our  Min 
ister  of  peace  is  at  the  headquarters  of  the  commanding  general,  this  is 
no  time  for  personal  altercations  between  them,  if  these  cnn  possibly  be 
avoided.  Under  such  circumstances,  the  greater  the  sacrifice  of  private 
griefs,  however  well  founded,  which  you  may  make  upon  the  altar  of 
your  country,  the  more  will  this  redound  to  your  honor  hereafter." — Sec 
retary  of  State  to  Mr.  Trist,  June  14tfi,  1847. 

f  "  Such  information  you  would  have  received  had  Mr.  Trist  delivered 
in  person,  as  I  did  not  doubt  he  would,  my  letter  to  you  of  the  14th  inst., 
[ultimo,]  with  the  dispatch  from  the  State  Department  to  the  Mexican 
Minister  of  Foreign  Relations." — Letter  of  Mr.  Marcy  to  General  Scott, 
May  3 Is*,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  221 

entirely  blameless  for  intrusting  so  important  a 
mission  to  a  person  who  incurred  the  danger  of  a 
disastrous  breach  between  himself  and  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  by  not  complying  to  the  letter  with 
the  wishes  of  the  Cabinet,  as  indicated  in  the  lettei 
of  the  Secretary  of  War  of  the  31st  of  May. 

A  communication  which  had  been  transmitted 
by  Mr.  Trist  to  the  Mexican  Government  through 
the  British  legation  was  responded  to  by  Senor 
Ibarra  on  the  22d  of  June.  That  the  Mexican  Go 
vernment  was  not  disposed  to  accept  propositions 
of  peace,  was  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  com 
munication  of  Mr.  Trist  was  to  be  referred  to  the 
Mexican  Congress,  and  the  only  recourse  left  was  to 
advance  upon  the  city.  On  the  Yth,  8th,  9th  and 
10th,  the  American  troops  took  up  their  line  of 
march.  The  enterprise  which  the  American  forces 
had  now  undertaken  was  exceedingly  hazardous; 
they  had  not  only  to  assail  positions  which  had 
been  rendered  formidable  by  nature,  and  made  still 
more  so  by  art,  but  they  were  advancing  into  the 
heart  of  a  wealthy  and  populous  country,  where,  if 
the  people  had  rallied  en  masse,  inevitable  destruc 
tion  must  have  awaited  them. 

The  principally  travelled  route  from  Puebla  lies 
through  a  highly  cultivated  country,  until  it  reaches 
San  Martin  Tesmalucan.  From  thence  to  Eio  Frio, 
the  face  of  the  country  is  more  precipitous  and 
broken,  and  a  few  miles  from  the  latter  point  the 
highway  descends  into  the  valley  of  Mexico.  When 
the  American  troops  had  arrived  at  this  point,  they 
saw  spread  out  beneath  them  cultivated  fields  and 


222  HISTORY      OF     THE 

beautiful  villages.  Their  eyes  took  in  the  country, 
which  had  been  rendered  celebrated  by  the  tri 
umphs  of  the  Spaniards  under  Cortes,  and  their 
footsteps  were  about  to  press  the  same  soil  over 
which  his  victorious  legions  passed  into  the  city  of 
the  Aztecs.  The  descendants  of  those  Spaniards 
whose  prowess  enabled  them  to  seize  the  possessions 
of  the  native  princes,  were  themselves  about  to  be 
forced,  by  an  iron  destiny  and  an  inexorable  fate,  to 
submit  to  the  northern  conquerors.  The  army  en 
tered  the  valley  on  the  10th  of  August,  and  the 
headquarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  fixed 
at  Ayotla. 

An  extraordinary  energy  seemed  to  have  taken 
possession  of  the  Mexican  troops,  and  a  determina 
tion  to  resist  to  the  last  extremity  appeared  to  go 
vern  them  all.  Those  persons  who  had  hitherto 
been  anxious  for  the  establishment  of  peace,  now 
hesitated  to  utter  their  sentiments,  and  all  seemed 
determined  to  vindicate  the  honor  of  their  country. 
Fortifications  were  repaired,  cannon  were  cast,  and 
powder  was  manufactured  with  great  industry.  It 
was  believed  that  one  severe  repulse  sustained  by 
the  American  troops,  would  destroy  that  prestige 
with  which  repeated  victories  had  encircled  the 
American  arms.  The  plan  of  operations  adopted 
by  Santa  Anna,  was  to  await  the  attack  of  the 
Americans  in  his  intrenchments,  while  the  army  of 
the  north  under  General  Valencia,  composed  of  the 
flower  of  the  Mexican  troops,  was  ordered  to  assail 
the  invaders  in  the  rear.  The  first  barrier  to  the 
advance  of  General  Scott  was  the  truly  formidable 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  223 

position  of  El  Penon.  This  was  a  lofty  hill,  strongly 
fortified,  and  commanded  the  great  thoroughfare 
leading  to  the  city.  On  the  southern  line  of  the 
city  were  the  fortifications  of  Mexicalcingo,  San 
Antonio,  the  convent,  and  the  bridge  of  Churubus- 
co.  Its  southwestern  side  was  defended  by  the  for 
tress  of  Chapultepec.  The  north,  from  whence  no 
danger  of  attack  could  be  apprehended,  was  only 
protected  by  three  garitas ;  while  the  eastern  part, 
where  it  was  supposed  the  Americans  would  make 
the  most  formidable  demonstration,  was  defended 
by  El  Penon.  On  the  9th  of  August  the  brigade 
of  General  Leon,  from  the  midst  of  the  enthusiastic 
and  confident  populace  of  the  city,  took  their  de 
parture  for  the  purpose  of  covering  that  fortifica 
tion.  Santa  Anna  himself  visited  it  for  the  pur 
pose  of  giving  his  final  orders  for  its  defence. 

On  the  12th  and  13th  of  August,  a  daring  and 
successful  reconnoisance  of  El  Penon  was  effected 
by  a  detachment  from  the  American  army.  It  was 
ascertained  that  although  El  Penon  might  be  taken, 
yet  it  could  be  done  only  at  a  great  sacrifice  ;  it  was 
therefore  determined,  instead  of  storming  this  posi 
tion,  to  march  along  the  high  road  which  runs  be 
tween  Lake  Chalco  and  Lake  Tezcuco,  and  pass 
around  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Chalco,  and 
thus  attack  the  city  from  the  south,  instead  of  the 
east.  The  credit  of  discovering  this  route,  is  claimed 
by  General  Scott  as  having  been  made  by  him,  long 
before  he  reached  the  valley  of  Mexico,*  while  it  is 

*  "  These  difficulties,  closely  viewed,  threw  me  back  upon  the  pro 
ject,  long  entertained,  of  turning  the'  strong  eastern  defences  of  the  city, 


224  HISTORY     OF     THE 

contended  by  others,  that  before  the  successful  re 
connoisance  of  Colonel  Duncan,  General  Scott  had 
determined  to  advance  with  the  main  portion  of  his 
army,  by  Mexicalcingo,  and  that  the  orders  for  that 
purpose,  which  he  had  issued,  were  only  counter 
manded  after  Duncan  had  proved  the  feasibility  of 
passing  along  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Chalco.* 
It  is  quite  probable  that  the  inquiring  mind  of  Ge 
neral  Scott  had  ascertained  the  fact,  that  there  was 
a  route  around  Lake  Chalco.  This  is  very  far  from 
being  an  improbable  supposition,  when  we  recollect 
that  the  Commander-in-chief  brought  all  the  re 
sources  of  his  great  experience,  and  a  profound 
knowledge  of  his  profession,  into  action  during  this 
campaign.  Penetrating  into  the  heart  of  the  ene 
my's  country,  with  comparatively  a  small  body  of 
men,  and  surrounded  on  all  sides,  by  a  nation  of 
foes,  no  one  will  doubt,  who  is  acquainted  with 
the  character  of  General  Scott,  that  he  availed  him- 

by  passing  around,  south  of  Lake  Chalco  and  Jochimilco,  at  the  foot  of 
the  hills  and  mountains,  so  as  to  reach  this  point,  and  hence  to  manoeuvre 
on  hard  ground,  though  much  broken,  to  the  south  and  southwest  of  the 
capital,  which  has  been  more  or  less  under  our  view  since  the  10th  in 
stant." — Report  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  August  19, 
1847. 

*  "  In  the  mean  time,  no  reconnoisance  had  been  made  over  the 
southern  route,  by  American  officers,  and  it  is  highly  probable  that  none 
would  have  ever  been  made,  had  not  Lieutenant-Colonel  Duncan,  who 
was  intimate  at  Worth's  headquarters,  and  whose  views  in  relation  to  the 
proposed  operations  fully  coincided  with  those  of  that  General,  volun 
teered  to  make  a  reconnoisance  on  the  following  day."  "  With  a  letter 
from  Worth,  inclosing  his  written  report,  and  recommending  the  change, 
Duncan  proceeded  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  to  Ayotla,  and  the  effect  of 
his  information  was,  that  the  orders  issued  in  the  morning  were  counter 
manded." — Ripley's  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico,  vol.  2,  pp.  191 
and  201. 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  225 

self  of  every  opportunity  to  acquire  information  as 
to  the  vulnerable  point  in  the  fortifications  that  de 
fended  the  city.  That  General  Scott  may  not  have 
been  acquainted  with  the  absolute  feasibility  of 
turning  Lake  Chalco,  until  after  the  reconnoisance 
under  Colonel  Duncan,  is  very  likely,  and  he  may 
have  held  the  army  in  readiness  to  march  by  Mex- 
icalcingo.  The  great  error  General  Scott  commit 
ted,  was  in  not  giving  to  Colonel  Duncan  the  credit 
which  was  due  him  for  that  reconnoisance,  which 
enabled  the  army  to  reach  the  city  without  either 
storming  El  Penon,  or  passing  beneath  its  guns. 

While  the  Mexicans  were  expecting  to  repulse 
the  American  army  under  the  walls  of  El  Penon, 
their  confidence  was  somewhat  shaken  when  they 
ascertained  that  Worth's  division,  followed  by  the 
whole  army,  was  advancing  upon  Contreras.  This 
movement  was  commenced  on  the  loth,  and  Gene 
ral  Twiggs,  with  the  rear  guard,  left  Ayotla  on  the 
16th,  having  delayed  his  march  until  that  time  to 
induce  the  Mexicans  to  believe  that  he  intended  to 
attack  El  Penon,  or  fall  upon  Mexicalcingo.*  The 
town  of  Contreras  is  situated  upon  a  wide  and  con 
venient  thoroughfare  leading  to  the  city  of  Mexico ; 
here  was  stationed  the  flower  of  the  Mexican  army 
under  General  Valencia,  one  of  the  most  despe 
rately  brave  of  the  Mexican  chieftains,  who  was 
determined  to  dispute  the  advance  of  the  Ameri 
cans  at  all  hazards.  The  position  which  he  had 
taken  did  not  meet  the  approbation  of  Santa  Anna, 

*  Report  of  General  Scott  to  the   Secretary  of  War,  April  19th, 
1849. 

15 


226  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

who  ordered  Mm  to  retreat  to  Coyoacan  and 
Chnrubnsco,  which  command  he  refused  to  obey, 
and  the  Mexican  General-in-Chief  left  him  to  his 
fate* 

*  "  On  the  18th,  General  Santa  Anna  ordered  Valencia,  that  early  in 
the  next  day  he  should  march  with  his  force  to  Coyoacan,  and  send  for 
ward  his  artillery  to  Churubusco.  This  disposition  arose  from  the  opinion 
he  had  that  on  the  19th  the  enemy  would  attack  the  fortification  of  San 
Antonio. 

"  In  answer  to  him,  General  Valencia,  notwithstanding  what  he  had 
expressed  in  his  first  note,  was  inconsistent  by  refusing  to  abandon  the 
point  which  before  had  been  pronounced  indefensible. 

"  General  Santa  Anna,  then,  not  opposing  further  than  to  note  the 
discrepancy  between  the  first  and  second  communications  of  General 
Valencia,  agreed  that  he  should  remain  in  the  position  occupied,  and  only 
declaring,  as  he  said  afterward,  that  he  woukl  leave  Valencia  to  act  on 
his  own  responsibility. 

"  The  advices  which,  from  the  beginning  of  the  action,  he  had  sent 
to  General  Perez  and  Santa  Anna,  he  now  repeated  in  view  of  the  immi 
nent  danger  which  menaced  us. 

"  The  beat  for  the  return  of  General  Perez,  was  struck  three  times, 
and  General  Santa  Anna  remained  immovable  with  his  division,  whose 
presence  had  made  the  enemy  to  hesitate,  and  General  Scott  to  fear  for 
the  issue  of  the  battle.  But  Santa  Anna  did  nothing  to  pass  by  the  road 
when  it  was  possible,  and  the  belief  was  universal  that  he  wished  to 
surround  with  his  division  and  ours  the  enemy's  forces,  and  accomplish 
in  this  manner  their  defeat. 

"  During  all  the  time  of  this  inexplicable  immobility  of  the  forces  of 
Santa  Anna,  the  firing  was  going  on  in  various  directions. 

"  In  fact,  after  this  firing,  General  Santa  Anna  descended  from  the 
Olviar.  and  his  company  in  chorus  threw,  what  his  presence  gave  license 
to,  the  blame  of  the  defeat  upon  the  insubordinate  Valencia.  The  troops 
that  were  with  General  Santa  Anna  withdrew  by  his  order,  leaving  Va 
lencia  surrounded  on  all  sides,  and  going  to  lodge  at  San  Angel." — Mex 
ican  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico*  D.  272-5-6-7. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  227 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Battle  of  Contrcras.  —  Worth's  division  storms  San  Antonio. —  Victory  of 
Churubusco. — Armistice  granted. — Negotiations  broken  off. — Sanguinary 
battle  of  ])folino  del  Key. — Storming  of  Chapultepec. — Surrender  of  the 
city. — Santa  Anna  resigns  the  Presidency. — Attacks  Colonel  Childs  at 
Puebla  — Major  Lally  forces  his  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Jalapa. — He  is 
joined  by  General  Lane  with  2,500  men. — Battle  of  Huamantla. — Powers 
invested  in  Mr.  Trist  revoked. — Contributions  exacted. — Treaty  concluded 
by  Mr.  Tirist. — General  Scott  recalled. — General  Butler  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  army. — Treaty  of  Gaudaloupe  Hidalgo. — Americans 
evacuate  Mexico. — The  army  of  the  United  States. — Territory  acquired 
from  Mexico. — Its  value. 

PILLOW'S  division  was  ordered  to  make  a  practica 
ble  road  for  heavy  artillery,  and  Twiggs'  division 
was  ordered  to  cover  that  operation.  By  three 
o'clock  on  the  19th,  the  men  engaged  in  making 
the  new  road,  came  under  the  fire  of  a  very  heavy 
park  of  artillery,  which  was  advantageously  posted 
to  check  their  operations.  This  battery  was  sup 
ported  by  large  bodies  of  infantry  and  cavalry. 
The  divisions  of  Pillow  and  Twiggs  advanced  for 
the  purpose  of  storming  this  formidable  battery. 
This  movement  was  met  by  a  terrible  fire  from  the 
enemy's  intrenchments.  Not  only  did  the  heavy 
artillery,  which  lined  the  hills,  send  its  iron  hail 
into  the  ranks  of  the  Americans,  but  the  heavy 
columns  of  infantry  with  great  gallantry  defended 
that  position.  For  three  hours  the  battle  raged 
furiously,  and  when  night  set  in  the  Americans  had 


228  HISTORY      OF     THE 

made  no  impression  upon  the  Mexican  lines.  Noth 
ing  could  surpass  the  obstinacy  with  which  the 
Mexicans  held  to  their  position,  and  not  all  the 
gallantry  of  the  Americans  could  drive  them  from 
it.  General  Scott,  discovering  that  large  bodies  of 
troops  were  advancing  from  the  city,  ordered  the 
15th  regiment,  under  Colonel  Morgan,  to  occupy 
Contreras.  Colonel  Riley  was  at  the  time  on  the 
enemy's  left,  while  the  brigade  under  the  command 
of  General  Shields  was  ordered  to  support  Colonel 
Morgan. 

It  was  now  dark,  and  the  cold  and  chilling  rain 
fell  in  torrents.  Without  fires  and  with  no  tents  to 
protect  them  from  the  tempest,  many  of  the  regi 
ments  without  food,  the  officers  wandering  about  in 
search  of  each  other,  the  obstinate  fury  with  which 
the  battle  had  been  disputed,  all  had  a  tendency  to 
cast  a  temporary  gloom  over  the  army.  But  the 
glorious  results  of  the  next  day  proved  that  the 
confidence  of  the  troops  in  their  invincibility  was 
not  shaken.  The  morning  of  the  20th  of  August 
found  the  brigades  of  Shields,  Smith,  Cadwalader, 
Riley,  and  Morgan's  regiment  around  the  hacienda 
of  Contreras.  Worth  was  ordered  to  march  with 
one  of  his  brigades  to  mask  San  Antonio,  and  with 
the  other  to  advance  upon  Contreras.  Similar 
orders  were  given  to  General  Quitman,  and  the 
combined  forces  were  to  be  concentrated  upon  the 
battle  field.  The  plan  of  the  attack,  which  re 
sulted  in  the  defeat  of  the  enemy,  was  arranged  by 
General  Smith.  At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
the  movement  commenced,  Eiley  being  in  the  ad- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  229 

• 

vance.  After  surmounting  many  difficulties  lie 
gained  the  enemy's  rear,  and  with  irresistible  im 
petuosity,  stormed  their  intrenchments.  The  bri 
gade  under  Colonel  Ransom,  composed  of  the  9th 
regiment  and  companies  from  the  3d  and  12th,  with 
the  rifles,  arriving  at  the  same  moment,  attacked 
the  Mexicans  with  terrible  effect,  while  the  brigade 
under  Shields  poured  a  destructive  fire  upon  the 
enemy  during  their  retreat. 

The  results  of  this  brilliant  victory  were  a  loss 
upon  the  part  of  the  enemy,  of  700  killed,  813 
prisoners,  83  officers,  4  generals,  and  22  pieces  of 
brass  ordnance.  The  battle  was  won  before  the 
arrival  of  the  division  under  Worth  and  Quitman ; 
the  former  general  was  directed  to  assail  San  An 
tonio  in  front,  as  soon  as  the  divisions  under  Pillow 
and  Twiggs  should  attack  it  in  the  rear.  The  battle 
now  raged  along  the  whole  line.*  Worth  stormed 
the  intrenchments  at  San  Antonio,  and  continued  to 
advance  until  he  met  Pillow,  who,  ascertaining  that 
San  Antonio  had  been  taken,  turned  to  the  left  for 
the  purpose  of  attacking  Churubusco.  Here  almost 
the  entire  Mexican  force,  amounting  to  more  than 
20,000  men,  commanded  by  Santa  Anna  in  person, 
rallied  for  a  last  desperate  stand.  The  Americans, 
flushed  with  victory,  advanced  to  the  attack  with 
great  ardor.  The  position  was  hemmed  in  and  furi 
ously  assaulted  by  portions  of  Worth's,  Twiggs',  and 
Pillows'  divisions,  and  was  carried  at  the  point  of 


*  Report  of  General   Scott  to  the  War  Department,  August  28th, 
1848. 


230  HISTORY      OF     THE 

the  bayonet.  The  next  position  to  attack  was  the 
Convent,  which,  after  a  long  and  desperate  defence, 
was  surrendered  by  the  garrison. 

This  was  a  brilliant  day  for  the  American  troops. 
Victory  after  victory  was  won,  and  one  position 
after  another  fell  into  their  hands ;  and  without 
striking  another  blow,  they  might  have  entered  the 
capital  in  triumph,  and  thus  put  an  end  to  the  wai  .* 
Future  events  proved  the  error  which  was  commit 
ted  in  granting  an  armistice.  The  Mexicans  TA  ere 
determined  to  resist  to  the  last,  and  nothing  but 
reducing  them  to  extremity,  and  subduing  their 
pride  by  the  capture  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  would 
force  them  to  agree  to  terms.  The  history  of  that 
country  from  the  time  of  the  invasion  under  Cortes, 
proves  that  the  possession  of  the  city  decides  the 
fate  of  Mexico.  The  revolutions,  whether  blood 
less  or  produced  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  have 
never  been  signal  until  the  metropolis  yielded. 

*  "  After  so  many  victories,  we  might,  with  but  little  additional  loss,  have 
occupied  the  capital  the  same  evening.  But  Mr.  Trist.  commissioner, 
&c.,  as  well  as  myself,  had  been  admonished  by  the  best  friends  of  pe9ce 
— intelligent  neutrals  and  some  American  residents — against  precipitation, 
lest  by  wantonly  driving  away  the  government  and  others — dishonored — 
we  might  scatter  the  elements  of  peace,  excite  a  spirit  of  national  despera 
tion,  and  thus  indefinitely  postpone  the  hope  of  accommodation.  Deeply 
impressed  with  this  danger,  and  remembering  our  mission — to  conquer  a 
peace — the  army  very  cheerfully  sacrificed  to  patriotism,  to  the  great  wish 
and  want  of  our  country,  the  eclat  that  would  have  followed  an  entrance, 
sword  in  hand,  into  a  great  capital.  Willing  to  leave  something  to  this 
republic — of  no  immediate  value  to  us — on  which  to  rest  her  pride,  and  to 
recover  temper,  I  halted  our  victorious  corps  at  the  gates  of  the  city,  (at 
least  for  a  time,)  and  have  them  now  cantoned  in  the  neighboring  villages, 
where  they  are  well  sheltered  and  supplied  with  all  necessaries." — Report 
of  General  Scott  to  the  War  Department,  August  28th,  1847,  Volume 
2,  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30//i  Congress. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  231 

Wherever  the  pronunciamento  was  issued,  the  capi 
tal  was  the  point  upon  which  the  disaffected  con 
centrated,  and  its  fall  alone  terminated  the  struggle. 

To  prove  that  the  pride  of  the  Mexican  people 
had  not  yet  been  broken,  we  have  only  to  refer  to 
the  events  which  preceded  the  armistice,  when 
Santa  Anna  was  fearful  of  having  it  known  that  he 
had  taken  the  initiative.  On  the  morning  of  the 
21st  General  Scott  offered  to  sign  an  armistice,  con 
taining  a  pledge  upon  the  part  of  the  Mexicans  to 
enter  at  once  into  the  negotiations  for  peace,  while 
Santa  Anna  proposed  a  truce.  The  latter  proposi 
tion  was  rejected,  and  commissioners  were  appointed 
on  the  22d ;  the  armistice  was  signed  on  the  23d 
and  ratified  on  the  24th.  The  first  article  provided 
for  the  absolute  suspension  of  hostilities  between 
the  two  armies  within  30  leagues  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  commis 
sioners  to  open  negotiations.  The  third  article  pro 
vided  that  the  armistice  should  continue  while  those 
commissioners  were  engaged  in  negotiations,  or  until 
the  armistice  was  broken  off  upon  a  notice  of  48 
hours.  The  fourth  article  stated  that  neither  army 
should  be  reinforced. 

As  little  faith  could  be  placed  in  the  promises 
of  the  enemy,  General  Scott  was  strongly  urged  by 
some  of  his  generals  to  make  the  surrender  of  Cha- 
pultepec  a  guarantee  of  their  good  faith  ;  but  to 
this  proposition  the  Mexicans  would  not  agree.* 

*  "  General  Orders,  )  "  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY,  ) 

No.  262.      $  TACUBAYA,  August  24/fc,   1847.      ( 

"The  following  military  convention  is  published  for  the  information 
and  strict  government  of  the  American  army,  its  retainers  and  followers. 


232  HISTORY      OF     THE 

The  commissioners  of  the  two  powers  met  on  the 
27th  of  August,  1847.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
Santa  Anna  agreed  in  good  faith  to  open  negotia- 

Any  infraction  of  one  or  more  of  the  articles  of  the  said  convention  shall 
be  followed  by  rigorous  punishment. 

"  The  undersigned  appointed  respectively,  the  three  first  by  Major  Ge 
neral  Winfield  Scott,  Commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  two  last  by  his  Excellency  D.  Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa 
Anna,  President  of  the  Mexican  Republic  and  Commander-in-chief  of  its 
armies,  met  with  full  powers,  which  were  duly  verified,  in  the  village  of 
Tacubaya,  on  the  22d  day  of  August,  1847,  to  enter  into  an  armistice,  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  the  Mexican  Government  an  opportunity  of  receiv 
ing  propositions  for  peace,  from  the  commissioner  appointed  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  and  now  with  the  American  army,  when  the 
following  articles  were  agreed  upon  : 

"ART.  1.  Hostilities  shall  instantly  and  absolutely  cease  between  the 
armies  of  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  United  Mexican  States, 
within  thirty  leagues  of  the  capital  of  the  latter  States,  to  allow  time  to 
the  commissioner  appointed  by  the  United  States,  and  the  commissioners 
to  be  appointed  by  the  Mexican  Republic,  to  negotiate. 

"  ART.  2.  This  armistice  shall  continue  as  long  as  the  commissioners 
of  the  two  Governments  may  be  engaged  in  negotiations,  or  until  the 
commander  of  either  of  the  said  armies  shall  give  formal  notice  to  the 
other  of  the  cessation  of  the  armistice,  and  for  forty-eight  hours  after  such 
notice. 

"  ART.  3.  In  the  mean  time,  neither  army  shall,  within  thirty  leagues 
of  the  city  of  Mexico,  commence  any  new  fortification  or  military  work 
of  offence  or  defence,  or  do  any  thing  to  enlarge  or  strengthen  any  exist 
ing  work  or  fortification  of  that  character  within  the  said  limits. 

"  ART.  4.  Neither  army  shall  be  reinforced  within  the  same.  Any 
reinforcements  in  troops  or  munitions  of  war,  other  than  subsistence  now 
approaching  either  army,  shall  be  stopped  at  the  distance  of  at  least  twen 
ty-eight  leagues  from  the  city  of  Mexico. 

"  ART.  5.  Neither  army,  nor  any  detachment  from  it,  shall  advance  be 
yond  the  line  it  at  present  occupies. 

"  ART.  6.  Neither  army,  nor  any  detachment  or  individual  of  either, 
shall  pass  the  neutral  limits  established  by  the  last  article,  except  under 
flags  of  truce  bearing  the  correspondence  between  the  two  armies,  or  on 
the  business  authorized  by  the  next  article  ;  and  individuals  of  either  army 
who  may  chance  to  straggle  within  the  neutral  limits  shall,  by  the  oppo 
site  party,  be  kindly  warned  off.  or  sent  back  to  their  own  army  under  flags 
of  truce. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  233 

tions,  or  whether  lie  designed  to  take  advantage  of 
the  suspension  of  hostilities,  for  the  purpose  of 
strengthening  the  defences  of  the  city.  By  the 

"  ART.  7.  The  American  army  shall  not  by  violence  obstruct  the 
passage  from  the  open  country  into  the  city  of  Mexico,  of  the  ordinary 
supplies  of  food  necessary  to  the  consumption  of  its  inhabitants,  or  the 
Mexican  army  within  the  city  ;  nor  shall  the  Mexican  authorities,  civil  or 
military,  do  any  act  to  obstruct  the  passage  of  supplies  from  the  city  or  the 
country  needed  by  the  American  army. 

"  ART.  8.  All  American  prisoners  of  war  remaining  in  the  hands  of 
the  Mexican  army,  and  not  heretofore  exchanged,  shall  immediately,  or  as 
soon  as  practicable,  be  restored  to  the  American  army  against  a  like  num 
ber  (having  regard  to  rank,)  of  the  Mexican  prisoners  captured  by  the 
American  army. 

"  ART.  9.     *  *  *  *     [Omitted.]  •  (See  Mexican  ratification.) 

"  ART.  10.  The  better  to  enable  the  belligerent  armies  to  execute  these 
articles,  and  to  favor  the  great  object  of  peace,  it  is  further  agreed  between 
the  parties,  that  any  courier  with  dispatches  that  either  army  shall  desire 
to  send  along  the  line  from  the  city  of  Mexico  or  its  vicinity  to  and  from 
Vera  Cruz,  shall  receive  a  safe  conduct  from  the  commander  of  the  oppo 
sing  army. 

"ART.  11.  The  administration  of  justice  between  Mexicans,  accord 
ing  to  the  general  and  state  constitutions  and  laws,  by  the  local  authori 
ties  of  the  towns  and  places  occupied  by  the  American  forces,  shall  not 
be  obstructed  in  any  manner. 

"  ART.  12.  Persons  and  property  shall  be  respected  in  the  towns  and 
places  occupied  by  the  American  forces.  No  person  shall  be  molested  in 
the  exercise  of  his  profession ;  nor  shall  the  services  of  any  one  be  re 
quired  without  his  consent.  In  all  cases  where  services  are  voluntarily 
rendered,  a  just  price  shall  be  paid,  and  trade  remain  unmolested. 

"  ART.  13.  Those  wounded  prisoners  who  may  desire  to  remove  to 
some  more  convenient  place  for  the  purpose  of  being  cured  of  their 
wounds,  shall  be  allowed  to  do  so  without  molestation — they  still  remain 
ing  prisoners. 

"  ART.  14.  Those  Mexican  medical  officers  who  may  wish  to  attend  the 
wounded  shall  have  the  privilege  of  doing  so,  if  their  services  be  required. 

"ART.  15.  For  the  more  perfect  execution  of  this  agreement,  two 
commissioners  shall  be  appointed — one  by  each  party — who,  in  case  of 
disagreement,  shall  appoint  a  third. 

"  ART.  16.  This  convention  shall  have  no  force  or  effect  unless  ap 
proved  by  their  excellencies  the  commanders  respectively  of  .the  two  armies, 


234  HISTORY      OF     THE 

terms  of  a  treaty  which  had  been  furnished  Mr. 
Trist  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  boundary  of 
the  two  countries  was  to  be  the  Rio  Grande,  the 

within  twenty-lour  hours,  reckoning  from  6  o'clock,  A.  M.,  of  the  22d 
day  of  August,  1847. 

"  J.  A.  QUITMAN, 

Major  General  U.  S.  A. 
"  PERSIFER  F.  SMITH, 

Brevet  Brigadier  General  U.  S.  A. 
"FRANKLIN  PIERCE, 

Brigadier  General  U.  S.  A. 
"IGNACIO  DE  MORA  Y.  VILLAMIL. 
"  BENITO  QUIJANO." 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  U.  S.  OF  AMERICA, 

TACUBAYA,  August  23d,  1847. 
"  Considered,  approved,  and  ratified  with  the  express  understanding  that 
the  word  '  supplies,"  as  used  the  second  time,  and  without  qualification,  in 
the  seventh  article  of  this  military  convention  (American  copy),  shall  be 
taken  to  mean — as  in  both  the  British  and  American  armies — arms,  am 
munition,  clothing,  equipments,  subsistence  (for  men),  forage,  money,  and 
in  general  all  the  wants  of  an  army.  That  the  word  supplies  in  the  Mex 
ican  copy  is  erroneously  translated  '  viveres'  instead  of  recursos. 

"WINFIELD   SCOTT, 
General-in-chief  U.  S.  Army." 

"  PALACIO  NACIONAL  DE  MEXICO, 

August  24th,  1847. 

"Ratificado,  suprimiendose,  el  articulo  9°  y  con  esplication  del  4°  en 
el  sentido  de  que  la  paz  temporal  de  este  armiticio  se  observara  en  la  capital 
y  veinte  ocholiguas  al  rededor ;  convenido  en  quela  palabra  supplies  se 
traduzca,  recursos,  y  que  en  ella  se  comprenda  lo  que  pueda.  Haba 
menester  el  ejercito,  escepto  armas  y  municiones. 

"  ANTONIO  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA." 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  U.  S.  OF  AMERICA, 

TACUBAYA,  August  24th,  1847. 
"  I  accept  and  ratify  the  foregoing  qualifications  added  by  the  President 
General  of  the  Mexican  Republic. 

"WINFIELD  SCOTT. 
"  By  command  of  Major  General  Scott. 

"  H.  L.  SCOTT,  A.  A.  A.  General." 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  vol.  2,  p.  356. 


POLK     ADMI1S-ISTEATION.  235 

undisputed  title  of  the  United  States  to  the  State 
of  Texas,  and  the  cession  by  Mexico,  of  Upper  and 
Lower  California.  New  Mexico  was  to  be  guaran 
teed  upon  the  payment  of  a  sum  which  was  to  be 
the  subject  of  negotiation. 

To  neither  of  these  propositions  were  the  Mexi 
cans  disposed  to  agree.*  Negotiation  was  pro 
tracted  for  several  days,  without  any  prospect  of 
producing  a  favorable  result,  and  it  was  apparent 
that  the  contest  would  have  to  be  decided  by  the 
arbitrament  of  the  sword.  On  the  6th  of  Septem 
ber,  a  note  was  addressed  by  General  Scott  to  the 
Mexican  General-in-chief,  complaining  of  the  viola 
tion  of  several  articles  of  the  armistice,f  which  pro- 

*  "  HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  ) 
OF  AMERICA,  TACUBAYA,  September  6,  1847.      £ 

"  To  his  Excellency  the  President  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Mexican 

Republic. 

"  SIR  :  The  seventh  Article,  as  also  the  twelfth,  that  stipulates  that 
trade  shall  remain  unmolested — of  the  armistice  or  military  convention, 
which  I  had  the  honor  to  ratify  and  to  exchange  with  your  Excellency, 
the  24th  ultimo,  has  been  repeatedly  violated,  beginning  soon  after  date, 
on  the  part  of  Mexico ;  and  now  I  have  good  reason  to  believe,  that,  within 
the  last  forty-eight  hours,  if  not  earlier,  the  third  article  of  that  convention 
has  been  equally  violated  by  the  same  party. 

"  Those  direct  breaches  of  faith  give  to  this  army  the  most  perfect  right 
to  resume  hostilities  against  Mexico,  without  any  notice  whatever ;  but  to 
afford  time  for  possible  explanation,  apology,  and  reparation,  I  now  give 
formal  notice,  that  unless  full  satisfaction  on  these  allegations  should  be 
received  by  me,  before  12  o'clock,  meridian,  to-morrow,  I  shall  consider 
the  said  armistice  at  an  end,  from  and  after  that  hour. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  Excellency's  most  ob't  serv't, 

"WINFIELD  SCOTT." 

f  "  But  I  shall  desist  offering  apologies,  because  I  cannot  be  blind 
to  the  truth,  that  the  true  cause  of  the  threats  of  renewing  hostili 
ties,  contained  in  the  note  of  your  Excellency,  is,  that  I  have  not  been 


236  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

duced  a  response  from  Santa  Anna,  the  conclusion 
of  which  very  nearly  amounted  to  a  threat.*  Ne 
gotiations  were  broken  off,  and  hostilities  were  re- 

willing  to  sign  a  treaty  which  would  lessen  considerably  not  only  the  ter 
ritory  of  the  republic,  but  that  dignity  and  integrity  which  all  nations  de 
fend  to  the  last  extremity.  And  if  these  considerations  have  not  the 
same  weight  in  the  mind  of  your  Excellency,  the  responsibility  before  the 
world,  who  can  easily  distinguish  on  whose  side  is  moderation  and  justice, 
will  fall  upon  you. 

"  I  flatter  myself  that  your  Excellency  will  be  convinced,  on  calm  re 
flection,  of  the  weight  of  my  reasons.  But  if,  by  misfortune,  you  should 
seek  only  a  pretext  to  deprive  the  first  city  of  the  American  continent  of 
an  opportunity  to  free  the  unarmed  population  of  the  horrors  of  war,  there 
will  be  left  me  no  other  means  of  saving  them  but  to  repel  force  by  force, 
with  the  decision  and  energy  which  my  high  obligations  impose  upon  me. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  Excellency's  very  obedient  servant, 
"  ANTONIO  LOPEZ  DE  SANTA  ANNA. 

"  A  true  copy  of  the  original, — MEXICO,  September  7,  1847. 

"  JOSE  DE  ROMERO." 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  vol.  2,  p.  261. 

*  COUNTER  PROJECT  SUBMITTED  TO  MR.  TRIST  BY 
THE  MEXICAN  COMMISSIONERS. 

"  1st.  There  shall  be  firm  and  universal  peace  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  Republic,  and  their  respective  terri 
tories,  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  not  excepting  persons  or  places. 

"  2d.  All  the  prisoners  of  war  made  on  either  side,  whether  by  sea  or 
land,  shall  be  released  immediately  after  the  signing  of  the  present  treaty. 
It  is  also  agreed,  that  if  any  Mexicans  are  now  captives  in  the  power  of 
any  Indian  tribe  within  the  limits  ceded  by  the  4th  article  to  the  United 
States,  the  Government  of  the  said  United  States  shall  exact  their  release, 
and  that  they  be  restored  to  liberty  and  to  their  homes  in  Mexico. 

"  3d.  Immediately  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty, 
all  the  forts,  places,  and  possessions,  which  may  have  been  taken  or  occu 
pied  during  this  present  war,  within  the  limits  fixed  by  the  4th  article  for 
this  Republic,  shall  be  restored  to  the  Mexican  Republic.  In  like  manner 
shall  be  restored  the  artillery,  arms,  and  ammunition  that  were  in  all  the 
castles  and  strongholds  when  they  fell  into  the  power  of  the  troops  of  the 
United  States.  With  respect  to  the  artillery  taken  outside  of  the  said 
castles  and  fortified  places,  that  which  is  still  in  the  power  of  the  United 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  237 

sumed.  At  this  time,  the  effective  force  of  General 
Scott  was  not  quite  9,000  men ;  and  with  this  force 
an  attempt  was  to  be*  made  to  take  the  city,  after 

States  troops  shall  be  returned  to  Mexico  at  the  date  of  the  signing  of  the 
present  treaty. 

"  4th.  The  dividing  line  between  the  two  Republics  shall  commence  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  three  leagues  from  land,  opposite  the  southern  mouth 
of  the  bay  of  Corpus  Christi,  shall  run  in  a  straight  line  from  within  the 
said  bay  to  the  mouth  of  the  river  Nueces,  thence  through  the  middle  of 
that  river,  in  all  its  course,  to  its  source ;  from  the  source  of  the  river 
Nueces  shall  be  traced  a  straight  line  until  it  meets  the  present  frontier 
of  New  Mexico,  on  the  east-southeast  side:  it  shall  then  follow  the  pre 
sent  boundary  of  New  Mexico  on  the  east,  north,  and  west,  until  this  last 
touches  the  37th  degree,  which  will  serve  as  a  limit  for  both  Republics 
from  the  point  in  which  it  touches  the  said  frontier  of  the  west  of  New 
Mexico  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  Government  of  Mexico  promises  not 
to  found  any  new  settlements  or  establish  colonies  in  the  tract  of  land 
which  remains  between  the  river  Nueces  and  the  Bravo  del  Norte. 

"  5th.  As  a  just  compensation  for  the  extension  of  their  old  limits, 
which  the  United  States  acquire  by  the  previous  article,  the  Government 
of  the  said  United  States  is  bound  to  pay  over  to  the  Republic  of  Mexico 
the  sum  of ,  which  shall  be  placed  in  the  city  of  Mexico  at  the  dis 
posal  of  the  said  Government  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  in  the  act  of  ex 
changing  the  ratifications  of  this  treaty. 

"  6th.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  further  bound  to  take 
upon  itself,  and  satisfy  fully,  the  claimants  to  all  the  instalments  which 
are  due  up  to  this  time,  and  may  become  due  in  future,  by  reason  of  the 
claims  now  liquidated  and  decided  against  the  Mexican  Republic,  agreea 
bly  to  the  conventions  arranged  between  the  two  Republics  on  the  llth  of 
April,  1839,  and  30th  of  January,  1843,  in  such  manner  that  the  Mexican 
Republic  shall  have  absolutely  no  further  payment  to  make  on  account  of 
said  claims. 

;'  7th.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  is  also  bound  to  take 
upon  itself,  and  pay  fully,  all  the  claims  of  its  own  citizens,  not  yet  de 
cided  against  the  Mexican  Republic,  whatever  may  be  the  title  or  motive 
from  which  they  may  proceed,  or  on  which  they  are  founded  :  so  that 
from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty, 
the  accounts  of  every  kind  that  exist,  or  may  be  supposed  to  exist,  be 
tween  the  Government  of  Mexico  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
shall  remain  settled  definitely  and  for  ever. 

"  8th.  In  order  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  may  be  able 


238  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  Mexicans  had  had  more  than  two  weeks  to  pre 
pare  for  its  defence,  and  to  recover  from  the  dismay 
produced  by  the  victories  of»  Contreras  and  Churu- 

to  satisfy,  in  observance  of  the  previous  article,  the  claims  not  yet  decided, 
of  its  citizens  against  the  Mexican  Republic,  there  shall  be  established  by 
the  Government  of  the  said  United  States  a  tribunal  of  commissioners, 
whose  decision  shall  be  conclusive  and  definitive  :  provided  that,  in  de 
ciding  on  the  validity  of  any  demand,  it  may  be  adjusted  by  the  principles 
and  rules  which  were  established  in  the  articles  1st  and  5th  of  the  con 
vention  (not  ratified)  which  was  concluded  in  Mexico  on  the  20th  of 
November,  1843,  and  in  no  case  shall  a  decision  be  given  in  favor  of  any 
claim  which  is  not  adjusted  pursuant  to  the  aforesaid  rules.  If  the  tri 
bunal  of  commissioners  deem  it  necessary  for  the  just  decision  of  any 
demand  to  examine  books,  registers,  or  documents,  which  are  in  the 
power  of  the  Mexican  Government,  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
shall  make  application  for  them,  and  either  the  originals  or  faithful  copies 
shall  be  sent  to  it  for  the  purpose  of  being,  as  they  may,  communicated  to 
the  said  tribunal :  it  being  understood  that  there  shall  not  be  made  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  any  application  for  the  said  books, 
registers,  or  documents,  until  it  shall  be  specified  in  each  case  under 
oath,  or  with  judicial  sanction  on  the  part  of  the  claimant  in  the  case,  the 
facts  sought  to  be  proved  with  such  books,  registers,  or  documents, 

"  9th.  All  the  temples,  houses,  and  edifices,  dedicated  to  the  rites  or 
exercises  of  the  Catholic  worship,  in  territories  belonging  hitherto  to  the 
Mexican  Republic,  and  which,  by  the  4th  article  of  this  treaty,  will  be 
within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  shall  remain  dedicated  to  the  same 
rites  and  exercises  of  the  Catholic  religion,  without  any  change,  and 
under  the  special  protection  of  the  laws.  The  same  shall  be  the  case 
with  all  property,  movable  and  immovable,  W7hich,  within  the  said  terri 
tories,  is  dedicated  to  the  support  of  the  Catholic  worship,  or  the  support 
of  schools,  hospitals,  and  other  establishments  of  charity  or  benevolence. 
Finally,  the  relations  and  communications  of  the  Catholics,  living  in  the 
same  territories  with  their  respective  ecclesiastical  authorities,  shall  be 
frank,  free,  and  without  any  embarrassment,  even  though  the  said  autho 
rities  have  their  residence  within  the  limits  which  remain  subject  to  the 
Mexican  Republic  in  this  treaty ;  nor  shall  there  be  any  demarkation  of 
ecclesiastical  districts,  except  conformably  to  the  laws  of  the  Catholic 
Church. 

"  10th.  The  Mexicans  residing  in  territory  heretofore  belonging  to 
Mexico,  and  now  in  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  may  at  any  time  re 
turn  to  the  Mexican  Republic,  preserving  in  the  said  territory  the  property 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  239 

busco.  The  closing  scenes  of  the  war  were  re 
opened  by  the  sanguinary  battle  of  Molino  del 
Rey.  On  the  7th,  a  reconnoisance  was  made  in  the 

they  possess  ;  may  transfer  and  convey  its  value  wherever  it  suits  them, 
without,  on  this  account,  being  liable  to  the  exaction,  by  the  United 
States,  of  any  kind  of  contribution,  tax,  or  impost.  If  the  persons  here 
treated  of  prefer  to  remain  in  the  territories  they  now  inhabit,  they  may 
preserve  the  title  and  rights  of  Mexican  citizens,  or  at  once  acquire  the 
title  and  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  if  they  wish  it.  But  in 
all  cases  they  and  their  property  shall  enjoy  the  most  ample  security. 

"  llth.  All  the  grants  of  lands  made  by  Mexican  authorities  in  terri 
tories  belonging  heretofore  to  the  Republic,  and  by  this  treaty  to  be  for 
the  future  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  valid  and  per 
manent,  and  shall  be  sustained  and  guarded  for  ever  by  the  Government 
of  the  said  United  States. 

"  12th.  The  Republic  of  the  United  States  promises  solemnly,  not  t( 
permit  hereafter  the  annexation  of  any  district  or  territory,  comprehended 
in  the  limits  which,  by  the  present  treaty,  are  assigned  to  the  Mexican 
Republic.  This  solemn  agreement  has  the  character  of  a  condition  from 
the  territorial  cessions  which  Mexico  now  makes  to  the  Republic  of 
North  America. 

"  13th.  All  goods  now  in  the  Mexican  ports  occupied  by  the  North 
American  troops,  shall  pay  the  duties  established  by  the  tariff  of  the  Mex 
ican  Republic,  provided  they  have  not  before  paid  duties  to  that  Republic ; 
but  they  shall  not  incur  the  penalty  of  confiscation. 

"  14th.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  satisfy,  according 
to  just  terms,  the  claims  of  Mexican  citizens  for  the  injury  sustained  in 
their  affairs  by  the  North  American  troops. 

"  15th.  The  present  treaty  shall  be  ratified,"  &c. 


NOTE  WHICH  ACCOMPANIED  THE  COUNTER  PROJECT. 

11  To  his  Excellency,  Senor  D.  Nicholas  P.  Trist,  Commissioner,  with  full 
powers,  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  near  the  Government  of  the 
Republic  oj  Mexico. 

"  HOUSE  OF  ALFARO,  AT  CHAPULTEPEC,  Sept.  6,  1847. 
"  The  undersigned,  commissioners  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  to  form 
with  you  an  agreement  of  peace,  placing  in  your  hands  the  counter  pro- 
jet  which  they  have  formed  in  accordance  with  the  last  instructions  of 
their  Government,  deem  it  opportune  to  accompany  it  with  the  observa 
tions  which  this  note  contains,  which  will  serve  to  show  more  clearly  the 


240  HIST  GET      OF     THE 

vicinity  of  Chapultepec,  under  the  eye  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  which  resulted  in  obtaining  a  fair 
observation  of  the  configuration  of  the  grounds,  but 
without  placing  in  the  possession  of  the  reconnoiter- 

pacific  disposition  of  Mexico  in  the  contest  which  unfortunately  divides 
both  countries. 

';  Article  4th  of  the  projet,  which  you  were  pleased  to  deliver  to  us 
on  the  evening  of  the  27th  ultimo,  and  which  was  discussed  at  our  pre 
vious  conferences,  imports  the  cession  of  part  of  Mexico.  1st.  The 
State  of  Texas ;  2d.  Of  the  territory  without  the  limits  of  the  said  State, 
which  extends  to  the  left  bank  of  the  Bravo  and  to  the  southern  boundary 
of  New  Mexico  ;  3d.  All  New  Mexico  ;  4th.  Of  the  two  Californias. 

"  The  war  which  now  exists  has  been  caused  solely  on  account  of  the 
territory  of  the  State  of  Texas,  to  which  the  Republic  of  North  America 
presents  as  a  title,  the  act  of  the  same  State  by  which  it  annexed  itself  to 
the  North  American  confederacy,  after  having  proclaimed  its  indepen 
dence  of  Mexico.  The  Mexican  Republic  agreeing,  (as  we  have  mani 
fested  to  you  that  it  does,)  on  account  of  the  owing  indemnity,  to  the 
pretensions  of  the  Government  at  Washington  to  the  territory  of  Texas, 
the  cause  of  the  war  has  disappeared,  and  it  should  cease,  since  all  the 
reasons  for  continuing  it  has  ceased  to  exist.  In  regard  to  the  other 
territories  comprehended  in  the  4th  article  of  your  projet,  until  now  the 
Republic  of  North  America  has  urged  no  claim,  nor  did  we  believe  it 
possible  that  any  could  be  alleged.  It  then  could  not  acquire  them  but 
by  right  of  conquest,  or  by  that  which  would  result  from  sale  or  cession, 
to  which  it  would  now  force  Mexico.  But  as  we  are  persuaded  that  the 
Republic  of  Washington  would  not  only  absolutely  repel,  but  would  hold 
in  odium  the  first  of  these  titles,  and  as,  on  the  other  hand,  it  would  be 
a  new  thing  that  war  should  be  made  upon  a  people  for  the  simple 
reason  that  it  refuses  to  sell  a  territory  which  its  neighbor  wishes  to 
purchase ;  we  hope,  from  the  justice  of  the  Government  and  people  of 
North  America,  that  the  great  modification  which  we  have  to  propose  of 
the  cession  of  territory  (without  the  State  of  Texas)  which  is  claimed 
in  the  said  article  4th,  will  not  be  considered  a  motive  for  continuing  a 
war  which  the  worthy  general  of  the  North  American  forces  as  justly 
characterized  as  uncommon  (desnaturalizada). 

"  In  our  conferences  we  have  declared  to  you  that  Mexico  cannot 
cede  the  bolt  of  land  comprehended  between  the  left  bank  of  the  Bravo 
and  the  right  of  the  Nueces.  The  reason  of  this  is  not  only  the  full 
certainty  that  the  stated  territory  never  has  belonged  to  the  State  of  Texas, 
nor  that  it  is  of  great  value,  considered  in  itself.  It  is  that  this  zone,  with 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  241 

ing  party  the  nature  of  the  defences  which  it  was  de 
signed  to  cany.  General  Worth  was  ordered  with  his 
division,  reinforced  by  three  squadrons  of  dragoons, 
three  pieces  of  field  artillery,  two  battering  guns,  and 

the  Bravo  at  its  back,  forms  the  natural  frontier  of  Mexico,  as  much  in  a 
military  as  in  a  commercial  point  of  view ;  and  of  no  people  should  it  be 
claimed,  nor  should  any  people  consent  to  abandon  such  a  frontier.  But, 
in  order  to  remove  all  cause  of  dissension  for  the  future,  the  Government 
of  Mexico  binds  itself  not  to  found  new  settlements  or  establish  colonies 
in  the  space  between  the  two  rivers  ;  in  this  manner  preserving  it  in  the 
depopulated  state  in  which  it  now  exists,  presenting  equal  security  to  both 
republics.  The  preservation  of  this  territory  is,  according  to  our  instruc 
tions,  a  condition  sine  qua  non  of  peace.  Sentiments  of  honor  and  deli 
cacy,  (which  your  noble  character  will  cause  you  to  estimate  properly,) 
more  than  a  calculation  of  interest,  prevent  our  Government  from  con 
senting  to  the  dismemberment  of  New  Mexico.  On  this  point  we  believe 
it  to  be  superfluous  to  add  any  thing  to  what  we  have  already  stated  to 
you  in  our  conferences. 

"  The  cession  of  Lower  California,  little  profitable  to  North  America, 
offers  great  embarrassments,  considering  the  position  of  that  peninsula, 
opposite  our  coast  of  Sonora,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Gulf  of 
Cortez. 

"  You  have  given  to  our  observations  on  this  subject  their  true  value, 
and  we  have  learned  with  satisfaction  that  you  have  been  convinced  by 
them. 

"  Besides  the  preservation  of  Lower  California  it  would  be  necessary 
for  Mexico  to  retain  a  portion  of  the  Upper ;  otherwise  that  peninsula 
would  remain  without  land  communication  with  the  remainder  of  the  Re 
public,  which  would  always  be  a  great  embarrassment,  especially  for  a 
non-maritime  power,  such  as  Mexico.  The  cession  of  the  part  of  Upper 
California,  offered  by  our  Government,  (for  the  compensation,)  will  not 
bring  to  the  United  States  merely  fertile  lands  and  intact  mineral  wealth, 
but  presents  the  advantage  of  an  uninterrupted  communication  with  its 
territories  of  Oregon.  The  wisdom  of  the  Government  of  Washington, 
and  the  energy  of  the  American  people,  will  know  how  to  draw  abundant 
fruits  from  the  acquisition  which  we  now  offer  them. 

"  In  Article  8  of  your  prqjet,  the  concession  of  a  free  passage  by  the 
Isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  to  the  southern  sea,  is  claimed  in  favor  of  the 
North  Americans.  We  have  verbally  stated  to  you,  that  some  years  have 
elapsed  since  the  Government  gave  a  privilege  of  this  kind  to  a  particular 
individual,  who  afterwards  transferred  it,  with  the  authority  of  the  same 
16 


242  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Cadwalader's  brigade,  to  storm  the  intrenchments, 
and  destroy  the  machinery  and  material  which  it  was 
supposed  was  in  the  foundry  El  Molino  del  Rey.  It 
was  discovered  by  Captain  Mason  of  the  engineer 

Government,  to  English  subjects,  of  whose  rights  Mexico  cannot  dispose. 
You  will  not  complain,  therefore,  that  in  this  point  we  cannot  accede  to 
the  desires  of  your  Government. 

"  We  have  entered  into  this  ingenuous  explanation  of  the  motives  of 
the  Republic  for  not  ceding  all  the  territory  beyond  the  boundaries  of 
Texas,  which  is  required  of  it,  because  we  desire  that  the  Government  and 
North  American  people  should  be  convinced  that  our  partial  negative  does 
not  proceed  from  sentiments  of-aversion  generated  by  the  events  of  this  war, 
or  what  has  caused  Mexico  to  suffer,  but  only  from  considerations  dic 
tated  by  reason  and  justice,  and  which  would  equally  influence  it  at  any 
time  with  the  most  friendly  people,  and  in  the  midst  of  relations  of  the 
strictest  amity.  The  other  alterations  which  you  will  find  in  our  counter 
projet,  are  of  less  importance  ;  and  we  believe  that  to  them  you  will  find 
no  important  objection.  The  contents  of  Article  12  have  been  already 
spoken  of  in  your  country.  We  flatter  ourselves  that  your  Government 
will  not  refuse  to  contract  an  obligation  so  conformable  to  honor,  and  to 
the  harmony  in  which  two  neighboring  people  should  live. 

"  Peace  between  the  two  countries  will  be  most  solemnly  established, 
if  a  foreign  power,  (England,)  which  has  in  the  present  contest  so  nobly 
interposed  its  good  offices,  would  now  consent  to  guarantee  the  faithful 
observance  of  the  treaty  which  may  be  entered  into.  The  Government  of 
Mexico  understands  that  it  would  be  convenient  to  solicit  this  guarantee. 

"  Our  Government  has  commanded  us  to  recommend  to  you  that  your 
decision  upon  the  counter  projet,  which  we  have  the  honor  to  submit  to 
you,  should  be  communicated  within  three  days. 

"  The  salutary  work  of  peace  cannot,  in  our  opinion,  come  to  a  happy 
termination,  if  each  one  of  the  contending  parties  should  not  resolve  to  aban 
don  some  of  its  original  pretensions.  This  has  in  all  cases  happened,  and  all 
nations  have  not  hesitated,  in  such  cases,  to  make  great  sacrifices  to  ex 
tinguish  the  desolating  flame  of  war.  Mexico  and  the  United  States  have 
special  reasons  for  acting  in  this  manner.  Not  without  sorrow  ought  we 
to  confess,  that  we  are  giving  to  humanity  the  scandalous  example  of  two 
Christian  people  of  two  republics,  in  the  view  of  all  the  monarchies,  who, 
for  a  dispute  concerning  boundaries,  mutually  do  themselves  all  the  injury 
that  is  possible,  when  we  have  more  land  than  is  sufficient  to  populate  and 
cultivate,  in  the  beautiful  hemisphere  in  which  Providence  has  cast  our 
lot.  We  venture  to  recommend  these  considerations  to  your  Excellency, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  243 

corps,  by  a  reconnoisance  which  exhibited  great 
daring,  that  the  left  of  the  enemy  occupied  several 
strong  stone  buildings,  called  El  Molino  del  Key, 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  castle  of  Chapultepec,  and 
immediately  under  the  guns  of  that  celebrated  for 
tress,  while  the  right  of  his  line  rested  upon  another 
stone  building,  called  Cassa  Mata.  Between  these 
buildings  was  the  Mexican  field  battery,  .which  was 
defended  by  strong  columns  of  infantry ;  and  as  this 
was  considered  the  vulnerable  point,  Worth  deter 
mined  to  attack  and  carry  it.*  For  this  purpose 
Colonel  Garland's  brigade  was  ordered  to  take  po 
sition  on  the  right,  strengthened  by  two  pieces  of 
Captain  Dunn's  battery.  A  storming  party  of  500 
picked  men,  under  the  command  of  Major  Wright, 
was  ordered  to  carry  the  centre,  while  the  second 
brigade,  with  Colonel  Duncan's  battery,  was  directed 
to  take  position  nearly  in  front  of  the  Cassa  Mata, 
and  Cadwalader's  brigade  was  held  in  reserve.  At 
three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  8th,  the  assault 
ing  party  advanced  with  great  impetuosity,  and 
took  the  enemy's  battery  at  the  point  of  the  bay 
onet  ;  but  the  Mexicans  discovering  by  what  a 
small  body  of  men  they  had  been  driven  from  their 
guns,  returned  to  the  assault,  and  assisted  by  that 

before  you  may  take  any  definitive  resolution  on  our  propositions.     We  do 
ourselves  the  honor  to  offer  to  you  our  attention  and  respect. 

"  JOSE  JOAQUIN  DE  HERRERA, 
"BERNARDO  COUTO, 
"  IGNACIO  MORA  Y  VILLAMIL, 
"  MIGUEL  ATRISTAIN." 
See  Mexican  History  of  the  War  with  Mexico. 

*  Report  of  General  Worth,  September  10th,  1847. 


244  HISTORY     OF     THE 

portion  of  the  enemy  who  were  protected  in  the 
Molino  del  Key,  they  inflicted  a  terrible  loss  upon 
the  Americans.  The  right  wing  of  Cadwalader's 
brigade  was  ordered  forward  as  a  reinforcement, 
and  the  enemy  were  again  driven  from  their  guns 
with  great  slaughter.  The  battery  under  Duncan 
commenced  rapid  discharges  upon  the  enemy's  right, 
and  the  second  brigade  under  the  command  of  Co 
lonel  Mclntosh,  was  ordered  to  assault  the  same 
position.  That  gallant  brigade,  composed  of  vete 
rans,  whose  courage  had  been  often  tried  upon  the 
battle-field,  advanced  steadily  to  the  charge.  But, 
instead  of  finding  that  part  of  the  ground  defended 
by  a  field  battery,  they  came  at  once  in  front  of  an 
almost  impregnable  stone  citadel,  strongly  de 
fended  by  a  large  body  of  Mexican  infantry,  who 
opened  upon  the  advancing  columns  an  appalling 
fire  of  musketry.  Still  the  Americans  closed  up 
their  ranks  as  fast  as  the  storm  of  balls  swept  them 
away.  Accustomed  to  carnage  and  slaughter,  on 
ward  they  advanced  against  the  iron  hail,  which, 
without  intermission,  poured  upon  them  an  incessant 
tide  of  death,  until  they  reached  the  very  slope  of  the 
parapet  which  environed  the  citadel.  But  it  required 
more  than  mortal  endurance  to  withstand  the  sheet 
of  fire  which  continued  to  pour  from  the  Mexican 
lines ;  and  the  soldiers  who  composed  that  cele 
brated  brigade,  who  upon  many  a  bloody  field  had 
established  a  character  for  invincibility,  faltered  be 
fore  the  awful  flame  which  blazed  from  the  Mexi 
can  guns.  Colonel  Scott  was  killed,  and  Colonel 
Mclntosh  and  Major  Waite  were  desperately  wound- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  245 

ed;  and  those  hardy  veterans,  for  the  first  time 
thrown  into  disorder,  fell  back,  but  rallied  in  the 
rear  of  Duncan's  battery.  In  the  mean  time,  Major 
Summer's  command  passed  in  front  of  the  Cassa 
Mata,  and  within  pistol  shot  of  that  citadel,  for 
the  purpose  of  gaining  a  more  favorable  position, 
and  here  the  second  scene  of  carnage  occurred. 
Summer's  command  advanced  with  great  gallantry  ; 
but  before  they  could  pass  the  Cassa  Mata,  five 
officers  and  thirty-three  soldiers  were  wounded,  six 
soldiers  were  killed,  and  twenty-seven  horses  were 
killed,  and  seventy-seven  wounded.  Duncan's  bat 
tery  now  re-opened  its  fire  upon  the  Cassa  Mata, 
and  in  a  short  time  the  Mexicans  were  driven  from 
it.  Every  point  upon  the  field  was  now  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  Americans  ;  but  they  had  purchased 
the  victory  by  a  sacrifice  of  life,  which  cast  a  gloom 
over  the  whole  American  army.  When  we  take 
into  consideration  the  strength  of  the  Mexican 
position,  the  number  of  troops  which  defended  it, 
the  awful  fury  of  the  battle  which  raged  for  two 
hours  before  it  was  carried,  and  the  horrible  slaugh 
ter  of  the  American  troops,  we  can  come  to  no 
other  conclusion,  than  that  it  was  by  far  the  most 
bloody  and  sanguinary  engagement  which  was  ever 
fought  upon  this  continent.  The  results  of  the  vic 
tory  have  not  been  regarded  as  commensurate 
with  the  loss  sustained  by  the  American  troops. 
There  was  no  foundry  to  be  destroyed,  and  to  take 
the  position,  and  then  abandon  it,  has  been  regarded 
as  doubtful  policy.  It  is  quite  probable,  that  if 
Worth's  division  had  been  reinforced,  the  castle  of 


246  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Chapultepec  could  have  been  easily  taken  ;  but  Ms 
command  when  flushed  with  victory,  were  prevented 
from  reaping  a  substantial  triumph,  which  the  pos 
session  of  the  castle  would  have  yielded.  As  it  was, 
the  principal  fruits  of  the  victory  were  the  terror 
produced  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  by  the  obsti 
nate  and  irresistible  impetuosity  of  the  American 
troops.* 

The  number  of  Mexicans  engaged  was  more 
than  14,000,  commanded  by  Santa  Anna ;  while  the 
Americans  engaged  did  not  exceed  3,100  men.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded  amount 
ed  to  more  than  700 ;  and  among  the  officers  who  lost 
their  lives  upon  this  memorable  field,  were  some  of 
the  brightest  ornaments  of  the  service,  who  had 
often  escaped  death  in  the  midst  of  slaughter. 

General  Worth,  who  was  desirous  of  following 
up  his  victory  by  an  attack  upon  Chapultepec,  re 
turned  to  Tacubaya  under  the  reiterated  orders  of 
the  Commander-in-chief. f 

*  "  To  set  this  matter  at  rest,  let  it  be  said  that  it  is  now  known  in 
Mexico,  that  Santa  Anna  was  in  possession  of  a  copy  of  General  Scott's 
order  to  attack  the  Molino  del  Rey,  in  a  few  hours  after  it  was  written  ; 
and  during  the  whole  of  the  7th,  troops  were,  as  you  state,  taking  up  their 
positions  on  that  ground.  It  is  believed,  further,  that  Santa  Anna  knew 
the  precise  force  that  was  to  attack. 

"  When,  therefore,  Scott  supposed  that  Worth  would  surprise  the 
Mills  and  Cassa  Mata,  he  was  met  by  what  ?  Shall  the  veil  be  raised 
a  little  further  ?  There  was  a  traitor  among  the  list  of  high  ranking  offi 
cers  in  the  Mexican  army,  and  for  gold  he  had  told  your  force.  Scott 
had  been  betrayed  by  one  not  an  American,  not  an  officer  or  soldier,  but 
Santa  Anna  was  betrayed  by  one  of  his  own  officers,  and  a  Mexican. 
Santa  Anna  believed  the  information  he  received,  and  acted  on  it. 
General  Scott  did  not  believe  what  he  learned  at  night,  and — the  victory 
was  won." — Note  by  the  American  Editor  of  the  Mexican  History  of  the 
War  ivith  Mexico. 

f  "  The  second  modification  was  in  the  end  to  be  gained  as  the  result 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  247 

The  supposition  that  General  Scott  entertained 
the  belief  that  El  Molino  del  Key  could  be  easily  ta 
ken,  could  alone  justify  an  isolated  attack  upon  that 
point,  not  to  be  followed  up  by  an  assault  upon  the 
castle  of  Chapultepec,  because  the  result  of  the  vic 
tory  was  not  commensurate  with  the  loss  sustained. 

Reconnoisances  were  made  along  the  southern 
part  of  the  city,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  gates  of  Pie- 
dad,  San  Angel,  San  Antonio,  and  the  Paseo  de  la 
Viga.*  The  approach  in  that  direction  was  ren 
dered  extremely  hazardous,  and  General  Scott  de 
termined  to  attack  the  city  from,  some  other  direc- 

• 

of  the  attack,  and  the  reason  for  the  modification  is  to  be  found  in  the  dif 
ferent  view  which  Worth  entertained  of  the  matter  from  that  of  General 
Scott.  He  believed  that  he  was  going  to  fight  a  battle,  and  he  wished 
something  tangible  as  the  fruit  of  it.  He  believed  the  castle  of  Chapulte 
pec  was  of  great  importance,  and  as  it  lay  near  the  proposed  field  of  battle 
he  wished  to  extend  operations  to  include  its  capture.  His  order  was  ac 
cordingly  issued  to  the  effect,  that  the  commanders  should  make  disposi 
tions  for  the  assault  so  soon  as  the  enemy  had  been  routed  from  the  posi 
tions  of  his  line  at  Molino  del  Rev." 

"  General  Cadwalader  and  Colonel  Duncan  came  down  from  Worth's 
headquarters  to  confer  with  him  upon  the  subject ;  but  as  to  the  assault 
on  Chapultepec,  Scott  was  inflexible.  He  permitted  the  change  in  the 
time,  but  he  directed  the  two  officers  to  return  to  General  Worth,  and  give 
him  his  positive  orders  that  he  should  on  no  account  advance  beyond  Mo 
lino  del  Rey  ;  that  he  should  effect  the  capture  of  that  point,  break  up  the 
machinery,  and  at  once  retire  into  Tacubaya.  And  Worth  modified  his 
order  accordingly." 

"  Worth,  however,  was  in  the  spirit  for  battle,  and  seeing  the  arrival 
of  fresh  troops,  the  thought  of  seizing  Chapultepec  while  the  enemy  was 
broken  and  dispirited,  recurred  to  him.  Riding  up  to  Pillow,  he  requested 
him  to  move  down  to  Molino  del  Rey,  to  pass  through  and  take  position 
in  the  grove,  in  preparation  to  assault  and  carry  the  castle.  Under  the 
positive  orders  of  the  General-in-chief  to  the  contrary,  Pillow  refused  to 
comply."— Ripley's  History  of  the  Mexican  War,  Vol.  2,  p.  363-4,  380. 

*  Report  of  General  Scott  to  the  War  Department,  September  18th, 
1847. 


248  HISTORY      OF     THE 

tion.  On  the  llth  of  September  Quitman's  divi 
sion  was  ordered  to  join  Pillow  by  daylight,  south 
of  the  city  ;  and  by  night  those  two  commanders 
with  their  divisions  were  directed  to  join  General 
Scott  at  Tacubaya.  The  first  step  in  the  plan  of 
operations  was  to  carry  Chapultepec,  which  was 
absolutely  necessary  before  the  city  could  be  at 
tacked  from  the  west.  Heavy  batteries  were  planted 
bearing  upon  Chapultepec,  and  the  bombardment 
and  cannonade  were  commenced  on  the  morning  of 
the  12th,  and  it  was  resolved  to  make  the  assault 
on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  the  moment  being  in 
dicated  by  the  cessation  of  the  discharges  from  the 
heavy  batteries,  and  the  columns  of  Pillow  and 
Quitman  advanced  to  the  attack.  The  route  se 
lected  for  Pillow's  division  was  through  a  grove. 
While  leading  his  men  with  great  gallantry,  Pillow 
was  wounded,  and  the  command  devolved  upon 
Cadwalader.  About  half  way  up  the  ascent  was 
a  formidable  redoubt ;  this  was  soon  carried  by  the 
gallantry  of  a  company  under  the  command  of 
Capt.  Chase.  The  troops  continued  to  advance  with 
great  impetuosity,  which  tremendous  discharges  of 
artillery  and  musketry  could  not  check.  No  oppor 
tunity  was  given  the  enemy  to  fire  the  mines  which 
were  laid  along  the  ascent,  without  involving  friends 
as  well  as  foes  in  one  common  ruin.  The  wall 
of  the  main  work  was  at  length  scaled,  and  the  for 
midable  castle  of  Chapultepec  was  in  the  possession 
of  the  Americans.  While  Pillow's  division  was 
advancing  from  the  west,  Quitman's  approached 
along  the  causeway  leading  to  the  southeast.  That 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  249 

part  of  the  Mexican  defences  were  protected  by 
strong  works,  which  rendered  it  exceedingly  diffi 
cult  to  approach  Chapultepec  from  that  direction. 
Several  batteries  were  stormed  and  the  division  was 
gradually  nearing  the  castle ;  while  Shields'  brigade 
and  the  second  Pennsylvania  volunteers  crossed  the 
fields  under  a  tremendous  fire,  and  carried  the  first 
wall  which  inclosed  Chapultepec  as  Pillow's  divi 
sion  stormed  the  heights.  From  the  north  an  ad 
vance  was  made  by  the  llth  and  14th  infantry  un 
der  Colonel  Trousdale,  who  not  onlj  sustained  their 
positions  against  superior  numbers,  but  gallantly 
carried  a  battery  which  had  been  planted  in  the 
road.  Among  the  officers  who  fell  at  the  head  of 
the  troops  was  Colonel  Ransom  of  the  9th,  who 
was  shot  dead  while  heroically  leading  his  regiment 
up  the  ascent  from  the  west.  Many  other  gallant 
officers  were  killed  and  wounded.  It  had  been  de 
termined  to  follow  up  the  attack  upon  Chapultepec 
by  the  capture  of  the  city  itself.  There  were  two 
roads  leading  from  the  castle  to  the  city ;  the  one 
on  the  right  passing  through  Piedad  and  entering 
the  Belen  gate,  and  the  other  called  the  San  Cosme 
road,  terminating  in  the  gate  of  that  name.  These 
roads  were  both  elevated  causeways,  wide  enough 
for  a  double  track.  Upon  both  sides  of  these 
roads  were  erected  formidable  breastworks,  which 
rendered  the  approach  to  the  city  extremely  dan 
gerous.  The  division  under  Worth  advanced  in 
the  direction  of  the  San  Cosme  gate,  while  that 
under  Quitman  was  proceeding  along  the  Belen 
road,  and  the  operations  of  each  were  overlooked 


250  HISTORY     OF     THE 

by  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  occupied  a  posi 
tion  upon  Chapultepec.  Clarke's  and  Cadwala- 
der's  brigades  were  ordered  to  reinforce  Worth's 
division,  while  that  under  Pierce  w^as  directed  to 
support  General  Quitman.  Before  6  o'clock  in  the 
evening  Worth's  division  had  forced  the  San  Cosme 
gate,  and  turned  upon  the  disordered  Mexicans  their 
own  artillery,  while  one  of  his  brigades  was  quar 
tered  within  the  city,  and  the  pickets  and  patrols 
were  advanced  half  way  from  the  San  Cosme  gate 
to  the  Allameda.  At  8  o'clock  a  mortar  and  twen 
ty-four  pounder  were  planted,  and  soon  poured  de 
structive  missiles  into  the  grand  plaza,  which  had 
the  eifect  of  bringing  to  the  headquarters  of  Gene 
ral  Worth  a  deputation  from  the  city  authorities,  a 
little  past  midnight,  and  who  were  by  him  dis 
patched  in  charge  of  an  officer  to  General  Scott. 

General  Scott  believing  that  the  San  Cosme 
route  was  the  most  vulnerable  point  of  attack,  in 
tended  Quitman  only  to  manoeuvre  in  the  direction 
of  the  Belen  gate,  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the 
principal  assault  under  Worth.  But  overcome  with 
ardor,  and  gallantly  supported  by  his  officers  and 
men,  Quitman  continued  an  onward  movement  in 
the  face  of  front  and  flank  fires,  which  produced 
great  havoc  among  his  troops.  They  continued 
steadily  to  advance,  until  they  were  within  the  city 
gates,  where  they  rested  for  the  night. 

At  4  o'clock  the  next  morning,  September  14th, 
the  deputation  from  the  city  waited  upon  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  with  the  information  that  the  Go 
vernment  and  the  army  had  fled,  leaving  the  city 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  251 

to  its  fate.  The  deputation  demanded  terms  of  ca 
pitulation,  which  were  refused  by  General  Scott, 
who  gave  orders  to  Worth  and  Quitman  at  daylight 
to  move  into  the  heart  of  the  city.  Quitinan's  di 
vision  proceeded  first  into  the  great  plaza  by  the 
especial  directions  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  al 
though  he  might  have  been  anticipated  in  that 
pleasure  by  General  Worth,  if  the  motions  of  nei 
ther  had  been  controlled.  Soon  afterwards  a  fire 
was  commenced  upon  the  American  troops  by 
about  2,000  liberated  convicts,  and  a  similar  num 
ber  of  Mexican  troops,  and  it  was  24  hours  before 
the  outbreak  could  be  suppressed. 

Great  forbearance  had  characterized  the  conduct 
of  General  Scott  ever  since  his  entrance  into  the 
Mexican  territory.  After  the  decisive  victories  of 
the  19th  and  20th  of  August,  he  had  tendered  an 
offer  of  negotiation  to  the  vanquished,  instead  of 
following  them  at  once  into  the  city.  And  after 
the  American  arms  had  triumphed  again  and  again 
over  greatly  superior  numbers,  and  the  impossibil 
ity  of  defending  the  city  had  been  demonstrated, 
the  entrance  of  the  American  forces  had  been  or 
derly  and  soldierlike,  and  it  was  only  when  dis 
banded  soldiers  and  liberated  convicts  commenced 
a  cowardly  assault  from  windows  and  the  roofs  of 
houses,  that  the  horrors  ensued  which  must  follow  a 
combat  of  that  description,  and  for  which  the  Mex 
icans  and  not  the  Americans  should  be  blamed. 

The  city  of  Mexico  was  now  in  the  possession 
of  the  American  army,  and  the  stars  and  stripes 
waved  in  triumph  on  the  national  palace.  This 


252  HISTORY     OF     THE 

brilliant  achievement  had  not  been  obtained  with 
out  great  loss.  At  the  battles  of  Contreras  and 
Churubusco,  the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  137 
killed  and  877  wounded;  at  Molino  del  Key,  in 
killed  and  wounded  and  missing,  789  ;  at  the  storm 
ing  of  Chapultepec,  and  the  capture  of  the  city, 
130  were  killed  and  703  wounded.  The  loss  of  offi 
cers  in  these  engagements  was  33  killed  and  179 
wounded.  Although  the  slaughter  was  great,  yet 
the  triumph  of  so  small  an  army,  who  succeeded  in 
driving  a  greatly  superior  force  from  one  intrench  - 
ment  to  another,  and  that,  too,  in  the  very  heart  of 
the  enemy's  country,  was  certainly  unsurpassed  in 
the  annals  of  military  warfare.  After  he  had  gar 
risoned  Chapultepec,  the  force  with  which  General 
Scott  advanced  against  the  city  was  less  than  6,000 
men,  while  the  army  under  Santa  Anna  before  the 
battle  of  Contreras,  was  more  than  30,000.  In 
trenched  behind  formidable  defences,  which  were 
protected  by  powerful  trains  of  artillery,  and  fight 
ing  under  the  eyes  of  the  people  of  Mexico,  with 
the  capital  of  the  country  as  the  prize  for  which 
they  contended,  the  success  of  the  American  arms 
seems  almost  miraculous.  That  the  Mexicans  fought 
with  great  desperation  is  proved  by  the  immense 
loss  which  they  sustained,  amounting  in  killed  and 
wounded  to  more  than  7,000.  3,730  prisoners  were 
taken,  among  the  number  being  13  generals.  With 
the  loss  of  the  city  was  destroyed  the  morale  of 
the  Mexicans,  who  gave  up  the  struggle  in  despair, 
and  disbanded,  leaving  their  capital  and  their 
country  in  the  possession  of  the  conquerors. 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  253 

The  spectacle  which  was  presented  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  14th  to  the  citizens  of  Mexico,  by  the 
entrance  of  the  American  troops,  must  have  been 
startlingly  grand  and  imposing.  They  saw  for  the 
first  time  those  terrible  legions,  who,  upon  the  many 
bloody  fields  which  signalized  this  war,  had  estab 
lished  a  character  for  invincibility.  The  slow  and 
measured  tread,  and  the  calm,  stern  countenance, 
marked  the  progress  of  Worth's  regulars  ;  while  the 
gallant  bearing,  youthful  appearance,  and  enthusi 
astic  movements  of  Quitnian?s  division,  designated 
them  as  the  volunteers.  They  were  no  holiday  sol 
diers,  decked  with  waving  plumes,  and  gilt  trap 
pings,  but  the  resolute  and  invincible  soldiers, 
whose  prowess  had  conquered  an  empire. 

The  Americans  who  composed  the  army  of  in 
vasion,  were  certainly  remarkable  for  their  skill 
and  gallantry.  The  regulars  had  seen  service  upon 
many  sanguinary  fields,  and  their  high  state  of  dis 
cipline,  and  steady  bravery  in  the  hour  of  battle, 
rendered  their  movements  always  irresistible,  while 
the  volunteers,  who  had  left  their  homes  to  obtain 
renown  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  were  celebrated 
for  their  reckless  impetuosity. 

The  officers  by  whom  they  were  commanded, 
were  composed  of  some  of  the  brightest  ornaments 
in  the  service.  Their  movements  were  directed  by 
the  vast  experience  and  unrivalled  military  skill  of 
General  Scott,  who  was  surrounded  by  the  scientific 
and  brilliant  Worth,  the  experienced  and  impetuous 
Twiggs,  the  energetic  and  gallant  Pillow,  the  brave 
and  daring  Quitman,  the  cool  and  skilful  Cadwal- 


254  HISTORY     OF     THE 

ader,  the  fiery  and  reckless  Shields,  the  calm  and 
resolute  Pierce,  the  profound  and  able  Smith,  and 
the  dashing  and  sagacious  Duncan;  besides  an  array 
of  distinguished  officers  who  would  have  rivalled 
the  splendid  array  of  Napoleon's  Marshals. 

When  we  take  into  consideration  the  numbers 
of  the  invading  army,  and  the  obstacles  to  be  over 
come  before  the  city  of  Mexico  could  be  taken  at 
the  mouth  of  the  cannon,  we  can  come  to  no  other 
conclusion,  than  that  the  second  conquest  of  Mexico 
was  won  under  far  more  threatening  dangers,  than 
lay  in  the  path  of  Fernando  Cortez. 

Soldiers  and  volunteers  from  all  portions  of  the 
Union  composed  the  army  of  invasion,  and  were 
equally  distinguished  for  gallantry  and  good  con 
duct.  The  New  Englander  fought  by  the  side  of 
the  Southerner — the  citizen  from  the  Atlantic  coast, 
and  from  the  far  West,  mingled  together  where  free 
men  were  contending  for  the  honor  of  their  native 
land.  Emulation  and  rivalry  prompted  each  to 
seek  that  spot  where  fame  was  to  be  acquired. 
Commanders  and  subordinates  exhibited  a  reckless 
disregard  of  danger,  and  all  united  in  upholding 
the  honor  of  the  country  amid  the  horrors  of  battle, 
and  assisted  to  cover  with  immortal  renown  those 
terrible  legions  who  bore  aloft  the  banner  of  the 
Union,  until  it  floated  in  triumph  over  the  "Halls 
of  the  Montezumas." 

Defeated  at  all  points,  and  driven  from  the  ca 
pital,  Santa  Anna  resigned  the  presidency,  and  de 
termined  to  attack  the  American  garrison  stationed 
at  Puebla.  That  city  was  defended  by  500  effective, 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  255 

and  1,800  disabled  men,  who  were  attacked  on  the 
18th  of  September  by  a  party  of  Mexicans.  Santa 
Anna  reached  Puebla  on  the  22d  of  September, 
and  on  the  25th  summoned  Colonel,  Childs  to  sur 
render,  which  was  peremptorily  refused.  An  attack 
was  commenced  on  the  27th,  without,  however,  mak 
ing  any  impression.  Finding  himself  foiled  in  that 
quarter,  Santa  Anna  left  Puebla  on  the  1st  of  Oc 
tober,  with  a  column  of  about  4,000  men,  for  the 
purpose  of  cutting  off  a  detachment  of  Americans, 
who  were  on  their  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the 
headquarters  of  General  Scott.  The  blockade  of 
the  Americans  in  Puebla  was  continued  until  the 
12th  of  October,  when  it  was  raised  by  a  party  of 
American  troops,  who  had  arrived  from  the  coast. 
In  the  mean  time,  it  was  determined  by  the  Cabinet 
in  Washington,  to  dispatch  a  portion  of  the  army 
of  the  north,  under  General  Lane,  as  a  reinforce 
ment  to  the  army  of  invasion.  Before  they  arrived, 
however,  about  1,000  recruits  for  the  regular  army 
left  that  city  under  the  command  of  Major  Lally, 
who  encountered  and  defeated  the  Guerilleros  at 
Paso  de  Ovega,  Puente  Nacional,  and  at  Cerro 
Gordo.  The  reason  Lally  and  his  command  was 
forced  to  fight  their  way  to  Jalapa,  was  the  belief 
entertained  by  the  Mexicans  that  he  had  in  his  train 
a  large  amount  of  money. 

On  the  20th  of  September,  General  Lane  took 
up  his  line  of  march  with  about  2,500  soldiers,  and 
arrived  at  Jalapa,  and  effected  a  junction  with  the 
command  under  Lally.  The  combined  forces  moved 
on  in  the  direction  of  Puebla.  Information  was  ob- 


256  HISTORY      OF     THE 

tained  by  General  Lane  that  the  Mexican  troops 
under  Santa  Anna  were  stationed  at  Huamantla, 
several  miles  from  the  high  road.  On  the  9th,  the 
Americans  attacked  the  troops  under  his  command, 
and  having  dispersed  them,  Lane  continued  his 
march  to  Puebla,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th  of 
October. 

After  the  resignation  of  Santa  Anna,  the  execu 
tive  power  passed  under  the  control  of  Pena  y 
Pena,  who  attempted  to  organize  a  government  at 
Toluca,  on  the  27th  of  September,  1847.  The  seat 
of  government  was  soon  after  removed  to  Queretaro. 
A  great  desire  was  now  felt  by  the  administration 
as  well  as  by  our  troops  in  Mexico,  that  the  Mexi 
can  Government  should  be  able  to  sustain  itself  in 
the  attempt  to  negotiate  a  peace.  General  Anaya 
was  elected  President,  to  serve  until  January,  1848. 
Pena  y  Pena  and  Kosa  were  appointed  cabinet  offi 
cers.  Tjhey  were  in  favor  i>f  negotiation;  while 
Bustamente,  who  was  oppose.^... to  that  policy,  was 
appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  for  the 
purpose  of  conciliating  him.  Communications  passed 
between  Rosa  and  the  American  Commissioner ; 
and  to  prove  that  the  Mexican  Government  were 
now  seriously  disposed  to  terminate  the  war,  they 
appointed  commissioners  in  November,  to  conclude 
a  treaty  of  peace. 

On  the  1st  of  September  another  and  still  more 
positive  intimation  was  given  from  the  War  De 
partment  to  General  Scott,  to  force  contributions 
from  the  Mexicans,  and  this  in  view  of  the  posses- 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  257 

sion  of  the  city  of  Mexico  by  the  troops  under  his 
command.* 

The  propositions  which  the  Mexicans  made 
during  the  armistice  which  preceded  the  battle 
of  Molino  del  Key,  and  the  offer  of  Mr.  Trist  to 
refer  the  question  of  title  to  the  country  lying  be 
tween  the  Kio  Grande  and  ISTueces  to  the  Govern 
ment  at  Washington,  produced  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Buchanan,  on  the  6th  of  October,  1847,  in  which 
Mr.  Trist  was  ordered  to  return  home.  This  com 
mand  was  reiterated,  and  on  the  6th  of  October, 

*  "  The  obstinate  persistence  of  the  Mexicans  in  refusing  to  treat, 
their  utter  disregard  of  the  rules  of  civilized  warfare,  and  the  large  ex 
penditures  which  we  are  compelled  to  make,  has  impressed  on  the  Pre 
sident  the  firm  conviction  that  those  rights  of  exacting  contributions  from 
the  enemy,  which  are  conferred  on  a  belligerent  by  the  acknowledged 
law  of  nations,  should  be  exercised.  Your  remarks  in  your  dispatch,  No. 
28,  dated  at  Jalapa,  May  20th,  1847,  have  been  carefully  observed.  Your 
circumstances  are  since  materially  changed;  and  if,  as  we  doubt  not, 
you  have  triumphantly  entered  the  city  of  Mexico,  the  President  directs 
me  again  to  call  your  attention  to  the  dispatch  to  this  Department  of  the 
3d  of  April  last,  a  copy  of  which  is  here  inclosed.  The  property-holders 
of  Mexico  have  no  claim  to  find  in  the  market  afforded  by  sales  to  our 
army,  an  actual  pecuniary  benefit  resulting  from  the  war.  They  must  be 
made  to  feel  its  evils,  and  it  is  earnestly  hoped  and  expected  that  you  will 
not  find,  in  your  present  circumstances,  a  necessity  to  adhere  to  your 
opinion,  expressed  in  your  dispatch  referred  to,  that  a  resort  to  forced  con 
tributions  will  exasperate  and  ruin  the  inhabitants,  and  starve  the  army. 
Contributions  may  be  exacted  from  cities,  or  states,  or  wealthy  indi 
viduals,  and  payment  made  for  provisions  and  other  supplies  brought  to 
the  camp,  or  collected  in  kind.  It  is  not  improbable  that  men  of  wealth 
and  means  may  profess  to  belong  mainly  to  the  peace  party  ;  and  it  may 
be  apprehended  that  they  xvill  be  driven  from  their  pacific  position  by 
coercive  proceedings.  But  however  such  an  effect  may  be  apprehended, 
it  is  more  probable  that  their  exertions  to  promote  a  termination  of  the 
war  will  be  made  more  serious  and  efficient  when  they  feel  the  oppressive 
evils  of  the  state  of  war." — Letter  from  John  Y.  Mason,  Acting  Secre 
tary  of  War,  to  General  Scott,  September  1st,  1847. 
17 


258  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  Secretary  of  "War  addressed  a  letter  to  General 
Scott,  informing  him  that  the  powers  vested  in  Mr. 
Trist  had  been  revoked,  and  directing  him  to  in 
form  the  Mexican  Government  of  that  fact.*  In 
the  same  communication,  the  Commander-in-chief 
was  directed  to  forward  any  propositions  the  Mexi 
cans  micrht  make  to  the  Government  at  Washing- 

o  o 

ton,  but  not  to  relax  his  exertions  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  hostilities.f  The  designs  of  the  adminis 
tration  were  thus  fully  communicated  to  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  and  Mr.  Trist.  It  was  determined 
to  transfer  the  negotiations  from  Mexico  to  Wash 
ington,  and  for  this  purpose  the  powers  which  had 
hitherto  been  invested  in  Mr.  Trist  were  annulled. 
But  that  individual,  with  a  strange  and  unaccount 
able  pertinacity,  still  determined  to  act  as  the 
Commissioner  of  the  United  States,  and  positively 
refused  to  obey  the  injunctions  of  the  Secretary  of 
State.  In  the  meantime  volunteers  and  regulars, 
under  the  command  of  Generals  Butler  and  Patter 
son,  continued  pouring  into  the  valley  of  Mexico, 
and  by  the  20th  of  December,  the  American  troops 

*  "  The  views  of  the  Government  in  relation  to  propositions  and 
negotiations  for  concluding'  a  peace,  are  disclosed  in  a  dispatch  from  the 
Department  of  State  to  Mr.  Trist,  a  copy  of  which  accompanies  this 
communication.  By  it  you  will  perceive  that  he  is  recalled.  You  will 
embrace  a  proper  occasion  to  notify  the  Mexican  authorities  of  this  fact." 
— Letter  of  Mr,  Marcy  to  General  Scott,  October  6//i,  1847. 

f  "  Should  they  offer,  through  you,  terms  of  accommodation,  or  propose 
to  enter  on  negotiations,  the  President  directs  that  such  propositions  be 
forwarded  without  delay  to  him  ;  but  it  is  not  expected  that  your  move 
ments  or  measures  for  carrying  on  hostilities  will  thereby  be  relaxed  or 
in  any  wise  changed." — Secretary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  September 
1st,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTBATION.  259 

in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital  amounted  to  15,000 
men. 

Detachments  from  this  force  were  sent  in  differ 
ent  directions  from  the  capital ;  contributions  were 
levied  and  enforced,  and  the  whole  power  of  the 
army  was  brought  to  bear  for  the  purpose  of  forcing 
the  Mexicans  to  agree  to  terms. 

On  the  2d  of  February,  1848,  the  labors  of  Mr. 
Trist,  which  were  conducted  upon  his  own  responsi 
bility,  produced  a  paper,  signed  at  Guadalupe  Hi 
dalgo,  which  was  transmitted  by  the  order  of  Gen 
eral  Scott  to  the  Government  at  Washington.*  The 
course  pursued  by  the  Commander-in-chief  towards 
Mr.  Trist  was  somewhat  remarkable.  In  the  letter 
of  the  Secretary  of  War,  of  September  1st,  he  was 
distinctly  informed  that  Mr.  Trist  was  recalled,  and 
that  all  communications  which  the  Mexicans  there 
after  made,  relative  to  the  establishment  of  a  treaty 
of  peace,  should  be  transmitted  to  Washington. 
After  he  had  received  those  instructions,  General 
Scott  knew  that  no  one  in  Mexico  was  empowered 
to  conclude  a  treaty,  and  that  the  course  pursued 
by  Mr.  Trist  was  an  unauthorized  assumption  of 
power.  Still  he  forwarded  the  result  of  the  illegal 
acts  of  Mr.  Trist  to  Washington,  and  instead  of 

*  "  I  write  in  haste,  by  the  express  who  carries  the  project  of  a  treaty 
that  Mr.  Trist  has,  at  the  moment,  signed  with  the  Mexican  Commis 
sioners. 

"  In  about  forty  days  I  may  receive  an  acknowledgment  of  this  re 
port.  By  that  time,  if  the  treaty  be  not  accepted,  I  hope  to  be  sufficiently 
reinforced  to  open  the  commercial  line  between  Zacatecas  and  Tampico." 
— Letter  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  February  2d,  1848. 
Volume  7,  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress. 


260  HISTORY      OF     THE 

prosecuting  the  war  vigorously,  he  awaited  the 
answer  to  his  report  of  February  2d,  1848. 

It  was  undoubtedly  the  duty  of  General  Scott 
to  obey  the  orders  that  were  issued  from  the  War 
Department,  and  thus  set  an  example  to  the  whole 
army  of  subordination  to  superior  officers. 

The  difficulties  which  had  occurred  between  the 
Commander-in-chief  and  several  of  the  distinguished 
officers  of  the  army,  induced  the  President  on  the 
13th  of  January,  1848,  to  grant  the  desire  which 
General  Scott  had  expressed  on  the  4th  of  June, 
1847,  for  his  recall,*  and  the  command  of  the  army 
devolved  upon  General  Butler. 

The  charges  which  General  Scott  made  against 
Pillow  and  Duncan  had  to  be  investigated.  It  was 

o 

due  to  all  parties  that  it  should  be  done  ;  and  as  the 
war  in  effect  had  been  terminated  by  the  possession 
of  the  enemy's  country,  there  was  no  more  appro 
priate  time  for  an  examination  of  the  charges  made 
by  General  Scott,  than  that  which  was  selected. 

*  "  SIR  ;  In  view  of  the  present  state  of  things  in  the  army  under 
your  immediate  command,  and  in  compliance  with  the  assurance  contained 
in  my  reply  to  your  letter  of  the  4th  of  June,  wherein  you  ask  to  be  re 
called,  the  President  has  determined  to  relieve  you  from  further  duty  as 
commanding  general  in  Mexico." 

"  Desirous  to  secure  a  full  examination  into  all  the  matters  embraced 
in  the  several  charges  which  you  have  presented  against  Major  General 
Pillow  and  Brevet  Lieutenant  Colonel  Duncan,  as  well  as  the  charges  or 
grounds  of  complaint  presented  against  you  by  Brevet  Major  General 
Worth,  and  deeming  your  presence  before  the  court  of  inquiry  which  has 
been  organized  to  investigate  these  matters,  indispensably  necessary  for 
this  purpose,  you  are  directed  by  the  President  to  attend  the  said  court  of 
inquiry  wherever  it  may  hold  its  sittings,"  &c.  &c. — Letter  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  January  13^>  1848.  Executive  Documents, 
1st  session  30th  Congress,  vol.  7. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  261 

Besides,  the  Commander-in-chief,  several  months 
before,  had  expressed  a  wish  to  be  relieved  from  the 
command  of  the  army,*  and  he  had  received  assur 
ances  that  his  desire  would  be  complied  with  when 
the  public  service  would  justify  it.f  This  request 
of  the  General-in-chief  created  some  surprise  at 
Washington,  where  it  was  known  that  he  had  mani 
fested  an  anxious  desire  to  receive,  in  person,  the 
command  of  the  armies  in  the  field.  J 

What  those  grievances  were  of  which  General 
Scott  complained,  were  set  forth  in  detail  in  his  let 
ter  of  February  24th,  1848. 

That  document  set  out  with  some  extraordinary 
assumptions,  §  and  contained  several ,  specifications 

*  "  Considering  the  many  cruel  disappointments  and  mortifications  I 
have  been  made  to  feel  since  I  left  Washington,  or  the  total  want  of  sup 
port  and  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  War  Department  which  I  have  so 
long  experienced,  I  beg  to  be  recalled  from  this  army  the  moment  that  it 
may  be  safe  for  any  person  to  embark  at  Vera  Cruz,  which  I  suppose  will 
be  early  in  November." — Dispatch  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  June  4Z/i,  1847.  Executive  Documents,  1st  sessionSQth  Congress, 
vol.  7,  p.  994. 

f  "  Regarding  the  inducements  you  have  assigned  for  begging  to  be 
recalled,  as  deserving  to  have  very  little  influence  on  the  question,  it  will 
be  decided  by  the  President  with  exclusive  reference  to  the  public  good. 
When  that  shall  render  it  proper,  in  his  opinion,  to  withdraw  you  from 
your  present  command,  his  determination  to  do  so  will  be  made  known  to 
you." — Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  July  12th,  1847. 
Executive  Documents,  1st  sessionSOth  Congress,  vol.  7,  p.  1002. 

|  "  Considering  that  you  had  claimed,  as  a  matter  of  right  due  to  your 
superior  rank,  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  our  armies  in  the  field,  in  a  state 
of  actual  war,  and  had  earnestly  besought  that  position  as  a  matter  of  favor, 
the  President  was  not  a  little  surprised  that,  after  so  brief  a  period  of  ser 
vice,  you  should  ask  to  be  recalled." — Ibid.,  p.  1001. 

§  "As  the  officers  detailed  for  the  court  of  inquiry  before  which  I  am 
ordered  to  appear  as  a  criminal,  are  not  known  to  have  arrived  in  the  coun 
try,  I  avail  myself  of  a  moment's  leisure  to  recall  some  of  the  neglects, 


262  HISTOKY      OF      THE 

which  were  triumphantly  refuted  by  the  Secretary 
of  War,  in  an  argument,  which  for  logical  power 
has  seldom  been  surpassed,  and  obtained  for  its  au 
thor  a  high  reputation. 

The  first  charge  made  by  General  Scott  was 
the  want  of  time  which  was  allowed  him  before  his 
departure  from  Washington,  only  four  days  having 
been  granted,  when  twenty  might  have  been  em 
ployed  with  great  benefit  to  the  service.  To  which 
Mr.  Marcy  responded  that  he  was  not  restricted  as 
to  time,  and  that  it  was  not  until  after  he  had  re 
ported  himself  ready  for  departure,  that  he  was 
ordered  away ;  arid  that  instead  of  going  directly 
to  Mexico,  his  desire  was  granted  to  pass  through 
New- York,  where  he  remained  nearly  a  week ;  and 
that  he  did  not  arrive  in  New-Orleans  until  26  days 
after  he  left  Washington.* 

Another  accusation  was  a  refusal  upon  the  part 
of  the  cabinet  to  permit  one  of  three  accomplished 
captains  whom  he  had  named,  to  act  as  his  assistant 
adjutant-general,  alleging  that  there  was  a  vacancy 
which  he  desired  to  be  filled  by  one  of  those  per 
sons.  This  the  administration  could  not  grant,  first 
upon  the  ground  that  there  was  no  vacancy,  and  if 
there  had  been,  a  compliance  with  his  wishes  would 
have  produced  a  violation  of  the  rules  which  go 
verned  the  service.  He  then  charged  upon  the  ad- 
disappointments,  injuries  and  rebukes  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  me 
by  the  War  Department  since  my  departure  from  Washington,  November 
23d,  1846." — Letter  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  February 
24th,  1848. 

*  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  April  21st,  1848. 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  vol.  2,  p.  1,228. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  263 

ministration  a  failure  to  supply  the  necessary  vessels 
to  transport  the  troops  from  Tampico  and  the  Bra 
zos  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  that  his  operations  were  de 
layed  from  the  15th  of  January  until  the  9th  of 
March.*  If  there  is  any  force  at  all  in  this  charge, 
it  means  that  on  the  15th  of  January  the  army  un 
der  General  Scott  was  ready  to  embark  at  that 
time,  and  for  want  of  transportation,  occasioned  by 
the  fault  of  the  Government,  they  were  delayed 
until  the  9th  of  March.  There  are  two  facts  which 
conclusively  answer  this  complaint.  First,  the  regu 
lars  from  Taylor's  column,  who  were  an  important 
part  of  Scott's  force,  did  not  arrive  at  the  place  of 
embarkation  until  after  the  25th  of  January,  ten 
days  subsequently  to  the  time  indicated  by  the 
Commander-in-chief  as  the  period  when  he  was 
ready  to  embark ;  and  second,  he  bore  testimony 
himself  to  the  faithful  performance  of  his  duty  by 
the  Quartermaster  General,^  who  was  subject  to  his 
orders,  and  was  in  a  position  to  execute  them  with 
the  greatest  promptitude. 

The  complaint  which  he  made  of  being  rebuked 
for  releasing  on  parole  the  prisoners  taken  at  Cerro 

*  "  Relying  upon  them,  confidently,  the  embarkation  was  delayed  in 
whole  or  in  part,  at  the  Brazos  and  Tampico,  from  the  15th  of  January  to 
the  9th  of  March,  leaving,  it  was  feared,  not  half  the  time  needed  for  the 
reduction  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its  castle  before  the  return  of  the  yellow  fever." 
—Letter  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  February  24^,  1848. 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30/7i  Congress,  vol.  7,  p.  1220. 

f  "  The  Quartermaster  General,  Brevet  Major  General  Jesup,  at  New- 
Orleans,  I  find,  has  taken  all  proper  measures  with  judgment  and  prompti 
tude,  to  provide  every  thing  depending  on  his  department  for  the  dispatch  and 
success  of  my  expedition." — Dispatch  of  General  Scott  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  January  26th,  1847.  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30//1 
Congress,  vol.  7. 


264  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Gordo,  is  far  from  being  sustained  by  the  language 
which  was  addressed  to  him  on  that  subject.* 

It  was  very  unfortunate  for  General  Scott  that 
he  brought  his  accusations  against  the  administra 
tion  ;  and  so  far  from  evincing  sympathy  from  the 
American  people  and  improving  his  prospects  for 
the  Presidential  chair,  his  warmest  friends  felt  that 
his  hopes  were  blasted  by  the  crushing  reply  of  the 
Secretary  of  War.  The  opposition  members  of 
Congress  who  were  disposed  to  favor  the  nomina 
tion  of  General  Scott  for  the  Presidency,  expected 
to  increase  his  popularity  by  the  publication  of  the 
correspondence  between  himself  and  the  War  De 
partment  ;  while  others,  whose  preferences  were 
exhibited  for  another  military  chieftain,  hoped  by 
bringing  odium  upon  the  administration,  to  obtain 
a  triumph  over  the  democratic  party.  Foiled  in 
their  expectations,  they  could  only  express  their  in 
dignation,  because  Mr.  Marcy  furnished  under  the 
call  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  of  the  17th 
of  April,  1848,  his  celebrated  reply  to  General 
Scott,  dated  on  the  21st.f 

On  the  18th  of  February,  1848,  the  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  of  invasion  was  informed  that 
he  was  relieved  from  further  duty  in  Mexico.  It  is 
a  subject  of  much  regret,  that  one  who  had  led  our 
conquering  legions  to  the  far-famed  Halls  of  the 
Montezumas,  could  not  still  retain  the  command 


*  Letter  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  General  Scott,  May  31st,  1847. 

f  The  letter  of  General  Scott  and  the  reply  of  the  Secretary  of  War 
can  be  found  in  the  Appendix.  Volume  7  Executive  Documents,  1st  ses 
sion  30th  Congress,  pp.  1218  to  1251  inclusive. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  265 

until  the  treaty  of  peace  was  ratified.  As  it  was, 
however,  he  had  won  all  the  glory  which  could  be 
obtained  in  that  celebrated  campaign,  and  the  posi 
tion  bestowed  upon  Butler  as  his  successor,  conferred 
but  an  empty  honor. 

Although  a  brave,  courteous,  and  gallant  officer, 
General  Butler  had  many  superiors  in  point  of  mili 
tary  skill,  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  The  necessity 
which  rendered  his  appointment  imperative,  is  a 
subject  of  much  regret.  To  rank  those  heroic  chief 
tains  who  had  assisted  to  elevate  the  military  re 
nown  of  our  country  upon  the  sanguinary  fields  of 
Mexico,  with  an  officer  who  had  participated  to  only 
a  limited  degree  in  the  contest,  should,  if  possi 
ble,  have  been  avoided.  If  honor  was  to  be  con 
ferred,  almost  every  General  Officer  in  the  valley 
was  entitled  to  the  position.  If  danger  was  appre 
hended,  the  profound  military  skill  and  great  abili 
ties  of  General  Worth,  designated  him  as  the  appro 
priate  successor  of  General  Scott.*  He  possessed 
the  ardor  and  impetuosity  of  Murat,  the  bravery 
and  inflexible  determination  of  Ney,  the  ability  and 
judgment  of  Massena,  and  the  bearing  and  frankness 
of  Macdonald. 

The  document  signed  by  Mr.  Trist,  at  Guada- 
lupe  Hidalgo,  was  received  by  the  President  in 
February,  1848,  and  produced  at  Washington  a 
strong  feeling  of  indignation  against  Mr.  Trist  for 

*  It  was  supposed  that  the  President  was.  induced  to  order  Butler  to 
Mexico,  owing  to  the  feelings  with  which  Pillow  had  inspired  the  army. 
He  was  next  in  rank  to  General  Scott,  and  consequently  would  have  suc 
ceeded  him  in  the  command  of  the  army,  but  for  the  presence  of  General 
Butler. 


266  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

his  unauthorized  assumption  of  power.  Mr.  Polk 
submitted  the  document  to  his  constitutional  advi 
sers,  and  after  a  warm  and  animated  debate,  the 
treaty,  with  certain  amendments,  was  ratified  March 
10th,  1848,  thirty-eight  Senators  voting  for,  and  four 
teen  against  it.  Messrs.  Sevier  and  Clifford  were  ap 
pointed  Commissioners  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
a  ratification  of  the  treaty  from  the  Mexican  Gov 
ernment  at  Queretaro,  which  was  done  on  the  30th 
of  May,  1848.  The  Americans  soon  after  evacuated 
the  Mexican  territory.*  The  results  of  the  war 

*« TREATY 

Of  peace,  friendship,  limits  and  settlement  between  the  United  States  of  America 
and  the  Mexican  Republic.  Dated  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  February  2, 
1848;  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  March  16,  1848;  ex 
changed  at  Queretaro,  May  30,  1848  ;  proclaimed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  July  4,  1848. 

"BY  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

"A  PROCLAMATION. 

"  Whereas,  a  treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  limits,  and  settlement,  be 
tween  the  United  States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  Republic,  was  con 
cluded  and  signed  at  the  city  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  on  the  second  day 
of  February,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight,  which  treaty,  as 
amended  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  and  being  in  the  English  and 
Spanish  languages,  is  word  for  word  as  follows  : 

"  In  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God  :  the  United  States  of  America, 
and  the  United  Mexican  States,  animated  by  a  sincere  desire  to  put  an  end 
to  the  calamities  of  the  war  which  unhappily  exists  between  the  two  repub 
lics,  and  to  establish  upon  a  solid  basis  relations  of  peace  and  friendship, 
which  shall  confer  reciprocal  benefits  upon  the  citizens  of  both,  and  assure 
the  concord,  harmony,  and  mutual  confidence  wherein  the  two  people 
should  live,  as  good  neighbors,  have  for  that  purpose  appointed  their  re 
spective  plenipotentiaries,  that  is  to  say,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
has  appointed  Nicholas  P.  Trist,  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
President  of  the  Mexican  Republic  has  appointed  Don  Luis  Gonzaga  Cue- 
vas,  Don  Bernardo  Couto,  and  Don  Miguel  Atristain,  citizens  of  the  said 
republic,  who,  after  a  reciprocal  communication  of  their  respective  full 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION  267 

with  Mexico,  which  was  thus  terminated  by  a  treaty 
of  peace,  will  exert  a  vast  influence  over  the  destiny 
of  the  confederacy.  The  alacrity  with  which  the 

powers,  have,  under  the  protection  of  the  Almighty  God,  the  author  of 
peace,  arranged,  agreed  upon,  and  signed  the  following 

Treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  limits,  and  settlement,  between  the   United 
States  of  America  and  the  Mexican  Republic. 

"  ARTICLE  i. 

"  There  shall  be  firm  and  universal  peace  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  Mexican  Republic,  and  between  their  respective  coun 
tries,  territories,  cities,  towns,  and  people,  without  exception  of  places  or 
persons. 

"ARTICLE  n. 

"  Immediately  upon  the  signature  of  this  Treaty,  a  Convention  shall 
be  entered  into  between  a  commissioner  or  commissioners,  appointed  by 
the  General-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  such  as  may 
be  appointed  by  the  Mexican  Government,  to  the  end  that  a  provisional  sus 
pension  of  hostilities  shall  take  place,  and  that,  in  the  places  occupied  by 
the  said  forces,  constitutional  order  may  be  re-established,  as  regards  the 
political,  administrative,  and  judicial  branches,  so  far  as  this  shall  be  per 
mitted  by  the  circumstances  of  military  occupation. 

"  ARTICLE    III. 

"  Immediately  upon  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty  by  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States,  orders  shall  be  transmitted  to  the  commanders 
of  their  land  and  naval  forces,  requiring  the  latter  (provided  this  treaty  shall 
then  have  been  ratified  by  the  Government  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  and 
the  ratifications  exchanged)  immediately  to  desist  from  blockading  any 
Mexican  ports  ;  and  requiring  the  former  (under  the  same  condition)  to 
commence  at  the  earliest  moment  practicable,  withdrawing  all  troops  of 
the  United  States  then  in  the  interior  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  to  the 
points  that  shall  be  selected  by  common  agreement,  at  a  distance  from  the 
seaports  not  exceeding  thirty  leagues  ;  and  such  evacuation  of  the  interior 
of  the  Republic  shall  be  completed  with  the  least  possible  delay  ;  the  Mex 
ican  Government  hereby  binding  itself  to  afford  every  facility  in  its  power 
for  rendering  the  same  convenient  to  the  troops,  on  their  march  and  in 
their  new  positions,  and  for  promoting  a  good  understanding  between  them 
and  the  inhabitants.  In  like  manner,  orders  shall  be  dispatched  to  the  per 
sons  in  charge  of  the  custom-houses,  at  all  ports  occupied  by  the  forces 


268  HISTORY     OF     THE 

volunteers  rushed  to  the  standard  of  their  country, 
and  bore  it  aloft  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  ter 
ritory,  and  the  gallantry  with  which  they  preserved 

of  the  United  States,  requiring  them  (under  the  same  condition)  imme 
diately  to  deliver  possession  of  the  same  to  the  persons  authorized  by  the 
Mexican  Government  to  receive  it,  together  with  all  bonds  and  evidences 
of  debts  for  duties  on  importations  and  on  exportations,  not  yet  fallen  due. 
Moreover,  a  faithful  and  exact  account  shall  be  made  out,  showing  the 
entire  amount  of  all  duties  on  imports  and  on  exports  collected  at  such  cus 
tom-houses,  or  elsewhere  in  Mexico,  by  authority  of  the  United  States, 
from  and  after  the  day  of  the  ratification  of  this  Treaty  by  the  Government 
of  the  Mexican  Republic  ;  and  also  on  account  of  the  cost  of  collection; 
and  such  entire  amount,  deducting  only  the  cost  of  collection,  shall  be  de 
livered  to  the  Mexican  Government,  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  within  three 
months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications. 

"  The  evacuation  of  the  capital  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  by  the 
troops  of  the  United  States,  in  virtue  of  the  above  stipulations,  shall  be 
completed  in  one  month  after  the  orders  there  stipulated  for  shall  have 
been  received  by  the  commander  of  said  troops,  or  sooner  if  possible. 

"ARTICLE  iv. 

"  Immediately  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the  present  treaty  ? 
all  castles,  forts,  territories,  places,  and  possessions,  which  have  been 
taken  or  occupied  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States  during  the  present 
war,  within  the  limits  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  as  about  to  be  established 
by  the  following  article,  shall  be  definitely  restored  to  the  said  Republic, 
together  with  all  the  artillery,  arms,  apparatus  of  war,  munitions,  and 
other  public  property,  which  were  in  the  said  castles  and  forts  when 
captured  and  which  shall  remain  there  at  the  time  when  this  treaty  shall 
be  duly  ratified  by  the  Government  of  the  Mexican  Republic.  To  this 
end,  immediately  upon  the  signature  of  this  treaty,  orders  shall  be  dis 
patched  to  the  American  officers  commanding  such  castles  and  forts,  secur 
ing  against  the  removal  or  destruction  of  any  such  artillery,  arms,  apparatus 
of  war,  munitions,  or  other  public  property.  The  city  of  Mexico  within 
the  inner  line  of  intrenchments  surrounding  the  said  city,  is  compre 
hended  in  the  above  stipulations,  as  regards  the  restoration  of  artillery, 
apparatus  of  war,  &c. 

"  The  final  evacuation  of  the  territory  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  by 
the  forces  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  completed  in  three  months  from 
tho  '-aid  exchange  of  ratification?,  or  sooner  if  possible  :  the  Mexican 
Government  hereby  engaging,  as  in  the  foregoing  article,  to  use  all  means 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  269 

its  folds  unsullied  in  the  midst  of  carnage  and 
slaughter,  stamped  the  Americans  as  the  most  mili 
tary  nation  of  modern  times.  There  was  no  neces- 

in  its  power  for  facilitating  such  evacuation,  and  rendering  it  convenient 
to  the  troops,  and  for  promoting  a  good  understanding  between  them  and 
the  inhabitants. 

"  If,  however,  the  ratification  of  this  treaty  by  both  parties  should  not 
take  place  in  time  to  allow  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  to  be  completed  before  the  commencement  of  the  sickly  season  at 
the  Mexican  ports  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  in  such  case  a  friendly  arrange 
ment  shall  be  entered  into  between  the  General-in-chief  of  the  said  troops 
and  the  Mexican  Government,  whereby  healthy  and  otherwise  suitable 
places,  a',  a  distance  from  the  ports  not  exceeding  thirty  leagues,  shall  be 
designated  for  the  residence  of  such  troops  as  may  not  yet  have  embarked, 
until  the  return  of  the  healthy  season.  And  the  space  of  time  here  re 
ferred  to  as  comprehending  the  sickly  season,  shall  be  understood  to  ex 
tend  from  the  first  day  of  May  to  the  first  day  of  November. 

"  All  prisoners  of  war,  taken  on  either  side,  on  land  or  on  sea,  shall 
be  restored  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of 
this  treaty.  It  is  also  agreed,  that  if  any  Mexicans  should  now  be  held 
as  captives  by  any  savage  tribe  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  as 
about  to  be  established  by  the  following  article,  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  will  exact  the  release  of  such  captives,  and  cause  them  to 
be  restored  to  their  country. 

"ARTICLE  v. 

"  The  boundary  line  between  the  two  Republics  shall  commence  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  three  leagues  from  land,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande,  otherwise  called  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  or  opposite  the  mouth 
of  its  deepest  branch,  if  it  should  have  more  than  one  branch  emptying 
directly  into  the  sea,  from  thence  up  the  middle  of  that  river,  following 
the  deepest  channel,  where  it  has  more  than  one,  to  the  point  where  it 
strikes  the  southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  thence  westwardly  along 
the  whole  southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico  (which  runs  north  of  the 
town  called  Paso)  to  its  western  termination ;  thence  northward  along  the 
western  line  of  New  Mexico  until  it  intersects  the  first  branch  of  the 
river  Gila,  (or  if  it  should  not  intersect  any  branch  of  that  river,  then  to 
the  point  on  the  said  line  nearest  to  such  branch,  and  thence  in  a  direct 
line  to  the  same,)  thence  down  the  middle  of  the  said  branch  and  of  the 
said  river,  until  it  empties  into  the  Rio  Colorado ;  thence  across  the  Rio 


HISTOEY      OF     THE 

sity  for  drafting,  or  of  resorting  to  the  services  of  a 
press-gang  to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  army ;  but  at  the 
first  roll  of  a  Mexican  drum  within  the  borders  of 

Colorado,  following  the  division  line  between  Upper  and  Lower  California 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

"  The  southern  and  western  limits  of  New  Mexico,,  mentioned  in  this 
article,  are  those  laid  down  in  the  map  entitled,  l  MAP  OF  THE  UNITED 
MEXICAN  STATES,  as  organized  and  defined  by  various  Acts  of  the  Con 
gress  of  said  Republic,  and  constructed  according  to  the  best  authorities. 
Revised  edition.  Published  at  New-York,  in  1847,  by  J.  Disturnell.'  Of 
which  map  a  copy  is  added  to  this  treaty,  bearing  the  signatures  and  seals 
of  the  undersigned  plenipotentiaries.  And,  in  order  to  preclude  all  diffi 
culty  in  tracing  upon  the  ground  the  limit  separating  Upper  from  Lower 
California,  it  is  agreed  that  the  said  limit  shall  consist  of  a  straight  line 
drawn  from  the  middle  of  the  Rio  Gila.  where  it  unites  with  the  Colorado, 
to  a  point  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  distance  one  marine  league 
due  south  of  the  southernmost  point  of  the  port  San  Diego,  according  to 
the  plan  of  said  port  made  in  the  year  1782,  by  Don  Juan  Pantoja,  second 
sailing-master  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  published  at  Madrid  in  the  year 
1802,  in  the  Atlas  to  the  voyage  of  the  schooners  Sutil  and  Mexicana,  of 
which  plan  a  copy  is  hereunto  added,  signed  and  sealed  by  the  respective 
plenipotentiaries. 

"  In  order  to  designate  the  boundary  line  with  due  precision,  upon 
authoritative  maps,  and  to  establish  upon  the  ground  landmarks  which 
shall  show  the  limits  of  both  Republics,  as  described  in  the  present  article, 
the  two  Governments  shall  each  appoint  a  commissioner  and  a  surveyor, 
who,  before  the  expiration  of  one  year  from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of 
ratifications  of  this  treaty,  shall  meet  at  the  port  of  San  Diego,  and  pro 
ceed  to  run  and  mark  the  said  boundary  in  its  whole  course  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte.  They  shall  keep  journals  and  make  out 
plans  of  their  operations  ;  and  the  result  agreed  upon  by  them  shall  be 
deemed  a  part  of  this  treaty,  and  shall  have  the  same  force  as  if  it  were 
inserted  therein.  The  two  Governments  will  amicably  agree  regarding 
what  may  be  necessary  to  these  persons,  and  also  as  to  their  respective 
escorts,  should  such  be  necessary. 

"  The  boundary  line,  established  by  this  article,  shall  be  religiously 
respected  by  each  of  the  two  Republics,  and  no  change  shall  ever  be 
made  therein,  except  by  the  express  and  free  consent  of  both  nations, 
lawfully  given  by  the  General  Government  of  each,  in  conformity  with 
its  own  constitution. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  271 

the  Union,  the  American  people  were  literally  in 
arms.  The  powers  of  Europe,  who  had  regarded  us 
merely  as  a  nation  of  traders,  were  startled  by  an 

"ARTICLE  vi. 

"  The  vessels  and  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall,  in  all  times, 
have  a  free  and  uninterrupted  passage  by  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  by 
the  river  Colorado  below  its  confluence  with  the  Gila,  to  and  from  their 
possessions  situated  north  of  the  boundary  line  defined  in  the  preceding 
article  ;  it  being  understood  that  this  passage  is  to  be  by  navigating  the 
Gulf  of  California  and  the  river  Colorado,  and  not  by  land,  without  the 
express  consent  of  the  Mexican  Government. 

"  If,  by  the  examinations  which  may  be  made,  it  should  be  ascertained 
to  be  practicable  and  advantageous  to  construct  a  road,  canal,  or  railway, 
which  should  in  whole  or  in  part  run  upon  the  river  Gila,  or  upon  its 
right  or  its  left  bank,  within  the  space  of  one  marine  league  from  either 
margin  of  the  river,  the  Governments  of  both  Republics  will  form  an 
agreement  regarding  its  construction,  in  order  that  it  may  serve  equally 
for  the  use  and  advantage  of  both  countries. 

"ARTICLE  vn. 

"  The  river  Gila,  and  the  part  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  lying  below 
the  southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  being,  agreeably  to  the  fifth 
article,  divided  in  the  middle  between  the  two  Republics,  the  navigation 
of  the  Gila  and  of  the  Bravo  below  said  boundary  shall  be  free  and 
common  to  the  vessels  and  citizens  of  both  countries ;  and  neither  shall, 
without  the  consent  of  the  other,  construct  any  work  that  may  impede 
or  interrupt,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  exercise  of  this  right ;  not  even  for 
the  purpose  of  favoring  new  methods  of  navigation.  Nor  shall  any  tax 
or  contribution,  under  any  denomination  or  title,  be  levied  upon  vessels, 
or  persons  navigating  the  same,  or  upon  merchandise  or  effects  trans 
ported  thereon,  except  in  the  case  of  landing  upon  one  of  their  shores. 
If,  for  the  purpose  of  making  said  rivers  navigable,  or  for  maintaining 
them  in  such  state,  it  should  be  necessary  or  advantageous  to  establish 
any  tax  or  contribution,  this  shall  not  be  done  without  the  consent  of  both 
Governments. 

"  The  stipulations  contained  in  the  present  article  shall  not  impair  the 
territorial  rights  of  either  Republic  within  its  established  limits. 

"ARTICLE  vm. 

"  Mexicans  now  established  in  territories  previously  belonging  to 
Mexico,  and  which  remain  for  the  future  within  the  limits  of  the  United 


272  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

exhibition  of  military  enthusiasm,  unequalled  since 
the  days  of  the  crusades ;  and  they  will  pause  be 
fore  they  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  a  people  who 

States,  as  defined  by  the  present  treaty,  shall  be  free  to  continue  where 
they  now  reside,  or  to  remove  at  any  time  to  the  Mexican  Republic,  re 
taining  the  property  which  they  possess  in  the  said  territories,  or  disposing 
thereof,  and  removing  the  proceeds  wherever  they  please,  without  their 
being  subjected,  on  this  account,  to  any  contribution,  tax,  or  charge 
whatever. 

"  Those  who  shall  prefer  to  remain  in  the  said  territories,  may  either 
retain  the  title  and  rights  of  Mexican  citizens,  or  acquire  those  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States.  But  they  shall  be  under  the  obligation  to  make 
their  election  within  one  year  from  the  date  of  the  exchange  of  ratifica 
tions  of  this  treaty ;  and  those  who  shall  remain  in  the  said  territories 
after  the  expiration  of  that  year,  without  having  declared  their  intention 
to  retain  the  character  of  Mexicans,  shall  be  considered  to  have  elected  to 
become  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

"  In  the  said  territories,  property  of  every  kind,  now  belonging  to 
Mexicans  not  established  there,  shall  be  inviolably  respected.  The  pre 
sent  owners,  the  heirs  of  these  and  all  Mexicans  who  may  hereafter 
acquire  said  property  by  contract,  shall  enjoy  with  respect  to  it  guarantees 
equally  ample,  as  if  the  same  belonged  to  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 

"ARTICLE  ix. 

"  The  Mexicans  who,  in  the  territories  aforesaid,  shall  not  preserve 
the  character  of  citizens  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  conformably  with 
what  is  stipulated  in  the  preceding  article,  shall  be  incorporated  into  the 
Union  of  the  United  States,  and  be  admitted  at  the  proper  time  (to  be 
judged  of  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States)  to  the  enjoyment  of  all 
the  right?  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  according  to  the  principles  of 
the  constitution ;  and  in  the  meantime  shall  be  maintained  and  protected 
in  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  liberty  and  property,  and  secured  in  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion  without  restriction. 

"ARTICLE  x. 
[Stricken  out.] 

"ARTICLE  XL 

"  Considering  that  a  great  part  of  the  territories  which,  by  the  present 
treaty,  are  to  be  comprehended  for  the  future  within  the  limits  of  the 
United  States,  is  now  occupied  by  savage  tribes,  who  will  hereafter  be 

\ 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  273 

are  so  ready  to  wash  out  with,  blood  every  stain  up 
on  the  national  honor.  The  most  effectual  way  to 
prevent  aggressions,  is  not  only  to  possess  sufficient 

under  the  exclusive  control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and 
whose  incursions  within  the  territory  of  Mexico  would  be  prejudicial  in 
the  extreme,  it  is  solemnly  agreed  that  all  such  incursions  shall  be  forcibly 
restrained  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  whensoever  this  may 
be  necessary;  and  that  when  they  cannot  be  prevented,  they  shall  be 
punished  by  the  said  Government,  and  satisfaction  for  the  same  shall  be 
exacted  all  in  the  same  way,  and  with  equal  diligence  and  energy  as  if 
the  same  incursions  were  meditated  or  committed  within  its  own  territory, 
against  its  own  citizens. 

"  It  shall  not  be  lawful,  under  any  pretext  whatever,  for  any  inhabi 
tant  of  the  United  States  to  purchase  or  acquire  any  Mexican  or  any 
foreigner  residing  in  Mexico,  who  may  have  been  captured  by  Indians 
inhabiting  the  territory  of  either  of  the  two  Republics,  nor  to  purchase  or 
acquire  horses,  mules,  cattle,  or  property  of  any  kind,  stolen  within  Mex 
ican  territory  by  such  Indians. 

"  And  in  the  event  of  any  person  or  persons,  captured  within  Mexican 
territory  by  Indians,  being  carried  into  the  territory  of  the  United  States, 
the  Government  of  the  latter  engages  and  binds  itself  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  so  soon  as  it  shall  know  of  such  captives  being  within  its  ter 
ritory,  and  shall  be  able  so  to  do  through  the  faithful  exercise  of  its  in 
fluence  and  power,  to  rescue  them  and  return  them  to  their  country,  or 
deliver  them  to  the  agent  or  representative  of  the  Mexican  Government. 
The  Mexican  authorities  will,  as  far  as  practicable,  give  to  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  notice  of  such  captures  ;  and  its  agent  shall 
pay  the  expenses  incurred  in  the  maintenance  and  transmission  of  the 
rescued  captives ;  who,  in  the  meantime,  shall  be  treated  with  the  utmost 
hospitality  by  the  American  authorities  at  the  place  where  they  may  be ; 
but  if  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  before  receiving  such  notice 
from  Mexico,  should  obtain  intelligence  through  any  other  channel  of  the 
existence  of  Mexican  captives  within  its  territory,  it  will  proceed  forth 
with  to  effect  their  release  and  delivery  to  the  Mexican  agent  as  above 
stipulated. 

"  For  the  purpose  of  giving  to  these  stipulations  the  fullest  possible 
efficacy,  thereby  affording  the  security  and  redress  demanded  by  their  true 
spirit  and  intent,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  will  now  and  here 
after  pass,  without  unnecessary  delay,  and  always  vigilantly  enforce,  such 
laws  as  the  nature  of  the  subject  may  require.  And  finally,  the  sacred- 
ness  of  this  obligationtehall  never  be  lost  sight  of  by  the  said  Government 
18 


274  HISTOET     OF     THE 

ability,  but  the  requisite  amount  of  military  ardor 
to  resent  them.  It  is  true  that  the  war  cost  the 
United  States  a  large  amount  of  money ;  and  what 

when  providing  for  the  removal  of  the  Indians  from  any  portion  of  the  said 
territories,  or  for  its  being  settled  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  but  on 
the  contrary,  special  care  should  be  taken  not  to  place  its  Indian  occupants 
under  the  necessity  of  seeking  new  homes,  by  committing  those  invasions 
which  the  United  States  has  solemnly  obliged  themselves  to  restrain. 

"ARTICLE  xn. 

"  In  consideration  of  the  extension  acquired  by  the  boundaries  of  the 
United  States,  as  defined  in  the  fifth  article  of  the  present  treaty,  the  Go 
vernment  of  the  United  States  engages  to  pay  to  that  of  the  Mexican  Re 
public  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars. 

"  Immediately  after  this  treaty  shall  have  been  duly  ratified  by  the  Go 
vernment  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  the  sum  of  three  millions  of  dollars 
shall  be  paid  to  the  said  Government  by  that  of  the  United  States,  at  the 
city  of  Mexico,  in  the  gold  or  silver  coin  of  Mexico.  The  remaining 
twelve  millions  of  dollars  shall  be  paid  at  the  same  place  and  in  the  same 
coin,  in  annual  instalments  of  three  millions  of  dollars  each,  together  with 
interest  on  the  same,  at  the  rate  of  six  per  centum  per  annum.  This  in 
terest  shall  begin  to  run  upon  the  whole  sum  of  twelve  millions  from  the 
day  of  the  ratification  of  the  present  treaty  by  the  Mexican  Government, 
and  the  first  of  the  instalments  shall  be  paid  at  the  expiration  of  one  year 
from  the  same  day.  Together  with  each  annual  instalment  as  it  falls  due, 
the  whole  interest  accruing  on  such  instalment  from  the  beginning  shall 
also  be  paid. 


ARTICLE    XIII. 


"  The  United  States  engage,  moreover,  to  assume  and  pay  to  the  claim 
ants  all  the  amounts  now  due  them  and  those  hereafter  to  become  due,  by 
reason  of  the  claims  already  liquidated  and  decided  against  the  Mexican 
Republic,  under  the  conventions  between  the  two  Republics  severally 
concluded  on  the  eleventh  day  of  April,  eighteen  hundred  and  thirty-nine, 
and  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  January,  eighteen  hundred  and  forty-three ; 
so  that  the  Mexican  Republic  shall  be  absolutely  exempt,  for  the  future, 
from  all  expense  whatever  on  account  of  the  said  claims. 

"  ARTICLE    XIV. 

"  The  United  States  do  furthermore  discharge  the  Mexican  Republic 
from  all  claims  of  citizens  of  the  United  States,  not  heretofore  decided 
against  the  Mexican  Government,  which  may  have  arisen  previously  to 
the  date  of  the  signature  of  this  treaty ;  which  discnarge  shall  be  final  and 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  275 

is  of  far  more  importance,  the  lives  of  many  men.* 
That,  however,  was  the  inevitable  result  of  a  vindi 
cation  of  the  national  honor.  The  number  of  troops 

perpetual,  whether  the  said  claims  be  rejected  or  be  allowed  by  the  Board 
of  Commissioners  provided  for  in  the  following  article,  and  whatever  shall 
be  the  total  amount  of  those  allowed. 

"ARTICLE  xv. 

"  The  United  States,  exonerating  Mexico  from  all  demands  on  account 
of  the  claims  of  their  citizens  mentioned  in  the  preceding  article,  and  con- 

*  «  THE  REGULAR  ARMY. 

"  Statement  A  shows,  on  the  extreme  right,  in  the  first  line  of  figures, 
the  strength  of  the  army  at  the  commencement  of  hostilities  with  the  Re 
public  of  Mexico,  April,  1846,  7,244.  The  force  on  the  frontier  of  Texas, 
May,  1846,  present  and  absent,  3,554,  of  which  131  were  sick.  Troops 
sent  to  Mexico,  including  recruits,  23,136,  of  which  12,551  are  of  the  old 
establishment,  and  10,585  new  regiments,  which,  with  the  force  on  the  Rio 
Grande  in  May,  1846,  makes  the  whole  number  of  the  regular  army  em 
ployed  every  where  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  inclusive  of  December, 
1847,  about  26,690,  besides  a  battalion  of  marines,  (350.)  Twenty-nine 
thousand  men  have  been  recruited  since  the  13th  of  May,  1846,  and 
23,556  sent  to  Mexico,  which  exceeds  the  number  joined  as  reported  on 
the  rolls  and  returns,  many  of  which  are  wanting.  (See  the  Table  "  Re 
marks,"  paragraph  5.) 

"  The  statement  shows  that  the  regular  force  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico, 
and  California,  was,  in  December,  about  21,202  ;  and  since  the  1st  of  Ja 
nuary,  2,493  recruits  have  been  sent  to  the  army,  which  increases  the  re 
gular  troops  in  all  Mexico,  it  is  estimated,  to  about  23.695.  The  six  com 
panies  stationed  in  the  United  States,  (556,)  and  1,200  recruits  in  depot 
and  at  rendezvous,  (total  1,760,)  carry  up  the  regular  army  every  where, 
on  the  rolls,  to  about  25,445. 

Table  B  presents  a  detailed  view  of  the  number  of  officers  and  men  of 
the  regular  army,  killed  and  wounded  in  battle,  died  of  wounds  from  the 
first  conflict  of  the  reconnoitering  party,  under  Captain  Thornton,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande,  April  25,  1846,  to  the  close  of  the  campaign 
of  1847,  in  which  the  battles,  and  the  regiments  and  corps  engaged,  are 
specified." 

CASUALTIES. 

"Old  Establishment. — Discharges  by  expiration  of  service,  1,435; 
for  disability,  887  ;  by  order  and  civil  authority,  253.  Total,  2,575. 

"  Deaths.— Killed  in  battle,  45  officers,  434  men.     Died  of  wounds.  19 


276  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

which  were  called  into  service,  was  small,  when  we 
take  into  consideration  the  magnitude  of  the  strug 
gle  in  which  we  were  engaged.  Of  that  number, 

sidering  them  entirely  and  forever  cancelled,  whatever  their  amount  may 
be,  undertake  to  make  satisfaction  for  the  same,  to  an  amount  not  exceed 
ing  three  and  one  quarter  millions  of  dollars.  To  ascertain  the  validity 
and  amount  of  those  claims,  a  Board  of  Commissioners  shall  be  established 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  whose  awards  shall  be  final  and 

officers,  331  men.  Total  killed  and  died  of  wounds,  64  officers,  765  men ; 
ordinary  deaths,  44  officers,  1787  men.  Total  deaths,  108  officers,  2,552 
men.  Aggregate,  2,660.  Wounded  in  battle,  130  officers,  1,799  men. 
Aggregate,  1,929.  Resignations.  32,  in  1840  and  1847.  Desertions, 
1,637,  of  which  9  are  marines. 

"  Additional  Regiments. — Discharges  by  expiration  of  service,  2  ;  for 
disability,  248  ;  by  order  and  civil  authority,  56.  Total,  306.  Deaths. — 
Killed  in  battle,  6  officers,  62  men.  Died  of  wounds,  4  officers,  71 
men.  Total  killed  and  died  of  wounds,  10  officers,  133  men.  Ordinary 
deaths,  38  officers,  977  men.  Total  deaths,  38  officers,  1,110  men.  Ag 
gregate,  1,148.  Wounded  in  battle,  41  officers,  427  men.  Aggregate, 
468.  Resignations,  76  ;  desertions,  445. 

THE  VOLUNTEER  SERVICE. 

"  Statement  C  exhibits  in  detail,  by  States,  regiments,  and  corps,  the 
whole  number  of  volunteers  mustered  into  the  service  from  May,  1846 — 
of  which  15,911  are  mounted  men,  1,164  artillery,  and  54,234  infantry  ; 
making  an  aggregate  of  71,309,  including  3,087  commissioned  officers. 
From  this  number  it  is  proper  to  deduct  the  force  not  called  out  by  autho 
rity  of  the  War  Department,  nor  called  out  under  the  Act  of  May  13, 
1846,  and  also  the  number  mustered  ;  but  soon  after  discharged  as  super 
numerary.  This  class  is  embraced  in  the  three  and  six  months'  men, 
and  two  regiments  of  twelve  months'  men  from  Ohio  and  Missouri,  and 
one  company  from  Iowa,  amounting  to  14,383  ;  of  which  2,774  were  dis 
charged  a  few  days  after  being  mustered  into  service,  (except  the  com 
pany,)  not  being  required  to  proceed  to  the  seat  of  war.  Deducting  this 
class  of  volunteers  from  the  aggregate  mustered  and  paid,  (71,309,)  the 
force  enrolled  under  the  Act  of  May  13,  1846,  and  under  the  5th  section 
of  March  3,  1847,  which  authorizes  the  President  to  accept  the  services 
of  "  individual  volunteers,"  to  fill  vacancies,  &c.,  is  about  56.926  officers 
and  men.  But  this  number  was  farther  reduced  by  discharges,  &c..  be 
fore  the  battalions  had  left  the  United  States  ;  and  it  is  probable  the  num- 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION. 

but  a  small  portion  encountered  the  enemy  in  the 
field ;  and  that  gallant  band  in  less  than  seventeen 
months,  repulsed  an  arrogant  foe  from  our  soil,  fol- 

conclusive  :  provided,  that  in  deciding  upon  the  validity  of  each  claim,  the 
Board  shall  be  guided  and  governed  by  the  principles  and  rules  of  decision 
prescribed  by  the  first  and  fifth  articles  of  the  unratified  convention,  con 
cluded  at  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  twentieth  day  of  November,  one 

ber  exceeded  but  little,  if  any,  50,000  men,  when  put  en  route  for  the 
army. 

"  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from  the  latest  returns  received,  it 
appears  that  the  volunteer  force  for  the  war  and  for  twelve  months,  (2,017) 
now  employed  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  California,  (25,260)  and 
eleven  companies  (1,082)  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  the  sick 
included,  amounts  to  1,456  officers  and  24.886  men;  aggregate,  26,342, 
being  7,589  less  than  the  number  of  the  same  regiments  and  companies 
(war  men)  when  first  mustered  into  service.  But  this  difference  does 
not  show  the  actual  loss ;  first,  because  the  greater  number  of  the  indi 
vidual  volunteers  enrolled,  (i.  e.  recruited,)  among  which  there  is  much 
loss,  had  not  joined  their  regiments  at  the  date  of  the  last  returns,  and 
were  not,  of  course,  taken  up  on  the  rolls,  but  they  are  included  in  the 
table,  in  the  aggregate  "  received  into  service."  And  second,  the  casu 
alties,  i.  e.,  discharges  and  deaths  (ordinary)  exhibited  in  the  statement, 
must  be  considerably  under  the  actual  number,  owing  to  the  missing 
muster  rolls  yet  due  from  many  of  the  regiments,  from  which  the  infor 
mation  alone  can  be  obtained. 

"  Table  D  presents  a  detailed  view  of  the  volunteer  officers  and  men 
killed  and  wounded  in  battle,  and  died  of  wounds,  in  which  the  several 
battles,  the  regiments  engaged,  and  the  States  where  raised,  are  specified, 
and  may  be  regarded  as  supplemental  to  statement  C,  as  table  B  is  to 
statement  A,  with  respect  to  the  regular  forces. 

"  The  following  general  statement  presents  a  condensed  view  of  the 
various  objects  of  inquiry  respecting  the  volunteer  forces,  seen  in  detail 
in  the  tabular  statement  C. 

"  Three  months'  men  :  The  strength  when  mustered  into  service  was 
1,390,  when  discharged  1,269,  being  a  loss  of  121.  Discharges  before 
the  expiration  of  the  term,  82,  of  which  3  were  for  disability.  Deaths, 
18  ;  ordinary,  8  ;  killed  in  battle  and  died  of  wounds,  10.  Desertions,  22. 

"  Six  months'  men,  (but  held  only  for  three  months,  the  legal  term  :) 
Strength  when  mustered  into  service,  11,150,  and  when  discharged, 
9,559;  loss,  1,591.  Discharges  before  the  expiration  of  the  term,  826, 


278  HISTORY      OF     THE 

lowed  his  retreating  footsteps,  storming  his  cities, 
driving  him  from  his  strongholds,  and  defeating  his 
troops  in  the  open  field,  against  tremendous  odds, 

thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-three ;  and  in  no  case  shall  an  award  be 
made  in  favor  of  any  claim  not  embraced  by  these  principles  and  rules. 

"  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  said  Board  of  Commissioners  or  of  the  claim 
ants,  any  books,  records,  or  documents  in  the  possession  or  power  of  the 


of  which  370  were  for  disability.  Deaths,  127;  ordinary,  107;  killed  in 
battle  and  died  of  wounds,  6  ;  accidental,  14 ;  desertions,  524. 

"  Twelve  months'  men  :  Strength  when  mustered  into  service,  26,344; 
when  discharged,  18,724  ;  loss,  7,620,  including  loss  or  difference  between 
original  and  present  strength  of  21  companies  twelve  months'  men  still 
in  service,  2,017  strong  at  the  last  returns.  Discharges  before  the  expi 
ration  of  the  term,  4,391,  of  which  3,966  were  for  disability.  Deaths, 
2,111 ;  ordinary,  1,633  ;  killed  in  battle  and  died  of  wounds,  423;  acci 
dental,  55.  Desertions,  568. 

"Volunteers  for  the  wrar  :  There  are  now  31  regiments,  (or  equal  to  as 
many)  and  4  companies  in  service — the  aggregate  strength  of  which, 
when  mustered  under  calls  from  the  War  Department,  respectively  dated 
June  26,  1846,  (1  regiment,)  November  16,  1846,  (equal  to  8  regiments 
and  5  companies,)  April  19,  1847,  (equal  to  7  regiments  and  2  compa 
nies.)  August  26,  1847,  (5  regiments,)  October  8,  1847,  (2  regiments.) 
and  at  various  other  dates  (equal  to  7  regiments  and  7  companies,)  was 
31,914,  being  2,626  less  than  if  all  the  regiments  and  companies  had  been 
full  as  authorized  by  law.  Strength  at  the  last  returns,  officers,  1 ,357 ; 
men,  22,968  ;  aggregate,  24,325 ;  reduced  by  this  date  probably  less  than 
20,000.  Discharges,  1,339,  of  which  1,084  were  for  disability.  Deaths, 
1,691  ;  to  wit,  ordinary,  1,481  ;  killed  in  battle  and  died  of  wounds,  171  ; 
accidental,  39.  Desertions,  1,770. 

i:  The  casualties  incident  to  the  whole  number  of  volunteers,  under 
various  periods  of  service,  so  far  as  can  be  ascertained  from  the  rolls  re 
ceived,  are  as  follows,  viz. — Discharges  for  the  expiration  of  the  term, 
6,638,  of  which  5,423  were  for  disability.  Deaths,  3,947,  to  wit,  ordi 
nary,  3,229;  killed  in  battle,  47  officers  and  419  men;  died  of  wounds, 
167  officers  and  men,  as  far  as  now  ascertained,  108 ;  accidentally  wounded, 
129  officers.  1,217  men.  Resignations,  275.  Desertions,  2,884. 

"  Table  E  presents  a  detailed  statement  of  the  volunteers  on  the  rolls 
for  service  in  Mexico,  New  Mexico,  and  California,  including  eleven  com 
panies  (1,082)  within  the  United  States,  according  to  the  latest  returns, 
to  wit,  5,527  horse,  297  artillery,  20,518  infantry,  making  a  total  of 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  279 

until  the  capital  and  Republic  of  Mexico  were  at 
the  mercy  of  our  victorious  arms.  A  peace  ensued, 
which  produced  a  dismemberment  of  the  Mexican 

Government  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  shall  be  deemed  necessary  to  the 
just  decision  of  any  claim,  the  commissioners,  or  the  claimants  through 
them,  shall,  within  such  period  as  Congress  may  designate,  make  an  ap 
plication  in  writing  for  the  same,  addressed  to  the  Mexican  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  to  be  transmitted  by  the  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United 
States ;  and  the  Mexican  Government  engages,  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  after  the  receipt  of  such  demand,  to  cause  any  of  the  books,  re 
cords,  or  documents,  so  specified,  which  shall  be  in  their  possession  or 
power  (or  authenticated  copies  or  extracts  of  the  same,)  to  be  transmitted 
to  the  said  Secretary  of  State,  who  shall  immediately  deliver  them  over 
to  the  said  Board  of  Commissioners :  provided,  that  no  such  application 
shall  be  made  by,  or  at  the  instance  of,  any  claimant,  until  the  facts  which 
it  is  expected  to  prove  by  such  books,  records,  or  documents,  shall  have 
been  stated  under  oath  or  affirmation. 

"ARTICLE  xvi. 

"  Each  of  the  contracting  parties  reserves  to  itself  the  entire  right  to 
fortify  whatever  point  within  its  territory  it  may  judge  proper  so  to  fortify, 
for  its  security. 

24,886  men,  and  1,456  commissioned  officers;  aggregate,  26,342,  of 
which  2,017  are  twelve  months'  volunteers.  This  view  includes  absent 
men  recruited  under  the  law  of  1847,  many  of  whom  will  never  join,  and 
as  is  already  remarked,  it  is  believed  that  the  actual  strength  of  regiments 
and  companies  in  the  field  does  not  exceed  20,000  men,  including  a 
numerous  invalid  list.  The  forces  called  out  by  regiments,  and  separate 
or  independent  companies,  and  now  in  service,  equal  33  regiments  and 
1  battalion,  and  require  not  less  than  15,000  men  to  complete  the  estab 
lishment. 

"  General  and  staff  officers  provided  for  the  volunteer  troops  : — The 
number  of  general  and  staff  officers  appointed  for  the  volunteer  forces  under 
the  acts  of  July  5,  1838,  June  18,  and  June  26,  1846,  is  289,  of  which 
number  11  are  generals,  26  majors,  104  captains,  124  surgeons  and  assist 
ant  surgeons,  and  24  additional  paymasters.  Thirty-seven  of  the  persons 
appointed  declined  acceptance,  47  were  discharged  as  supernumeraries, 
44  resigned,  18  appointed  in  other  corps,  15  died,  and  128  are  now  in  ser 
vice." — Report  of  the  Adjutant  General  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  April 
5th,  1848.  Volume  8  Executive  Documents,  1st  session  3Qth  Congress, 
Document  62. 


280  HISTORY     OF     THE 

territory,  and  indemnity  for  the  past  was  obtained, 
in  the  cession  of  New  Mexico  and  California.* 

"  ARTICLE    XVII. 

"  The  treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation,  concluded  at  the  city 
of  Mexico  on  the  fifth  day  of  April,  A.  D.  1831,  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  the  United  Mexican  States,  except  the  additional 

*  "  The  country  ceded  to  the  United  States,  lying  west  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  to  which  Texas  has  no  title,  is  estimated  by  the  Commissioner 
of  the  General  Land  Office,  to  contain  526,078  square  miles,  or 
366,689.920  acres. 

"  The  period  since  the  exchange  of  ratifications  of  the  Treaty,  has 
been  too  short  to  enable  the  Government  to  have  access  to,  or  to  procure 
abstracts  or  copies  of,  the  land  title  issued  by  Spain,  or  by  the  Republic  of 
Mexico.  Steps  will  be  taken  to  procure  this  information  at  the  earliest 
practicable  period.  It  is  estimated,  as  appears  from  the  accompanying 
Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  that  much  the  larger  portion  of 
the  land  within  the  territories  ceded,  remains  vacant  and  unappropriated, 
and  will  be  subject  to  be  disposed  of  by  the  United  States.  Indeed,  a  very 
inconsiderable  portion  of  the  land  embraced  in  the  cession,  it  is  believed, 
has  been  disposed  of  or  granted  either  by  Spain  or  Mexico. 

"  What  amount  of  money  the  United  States  may  be  able  to  realize 
from  the  sales  of  these  vacant  lands,  must  be  uncertain  ;  but  it  is  confi 
dently  believed,  that  with  prudent  management,  after  making  liberal  grants 
to  emigrants  and  settlers,  it  will  exceed  the  cost  of  the  war,  and  all  the 
expenses  to  which  we  have  been  subjected  in  acquiring  it. 

"  The  resolutions  also  called  for  the  '  evidence,  or  any  part  thereof,' 
that  the  '  extensive  and  valuable  territories  ceded  by  Mexico  to  the  United 
States,  constitute  indemnity  for  the  past.' 

"  The  immense  value  of  the  ceded  country  does  not  consist  alone  in 
the  amount  of  money  for  which  the  public  lands  may  be  sold.  If  not  a 
dollar  could  be  realized  from  the  sale  of  these  lands,  the  cession  of  the  ju 
risdiction  over  the  country,  and  the  fact  that  it  has  become  a  part  of  our 
Union,  and  cannot  be  made  subject  to  European  power,  constitutes  ample 
*  indemnity  for  the  past,'  in  the  immense  value  and  advantages  which  its 
acquisition  must  give  to  the  commercial,  navigating,  manufacturing,  and 
agricultural  interests  of  our  country. 

"  The  value  of  the  public  lands  embraced  within  the  limits  of  the  ceded 
territory,  great  as  that  value  may  be,  is  far  less  important  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  than  the  sovereignty  over  the  country.  Most  of  our 
States  contain  no  public  lands  owned  by  the  United  States  ;  and  yet  the 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  281 

During  the  war  with  Mexico,  the  prosperity  of 
our  country  was  unimpaired.  The  national  credit 
was  high  ;  our  sails  whitened  every  sea  ;  and  while 

article,  and  except  so  far  as  the  stipulations  of  the  said  treaty  may  be  in 
compatible  with  any  stipulation  contained  in  the  present  treaty,  is  hereby 
revived  for  the  period  of  eight  years  from  the  day  of  the  exchange  of  rati 
fications  of  this  treaty,  with  the  same  force  and  virtue  as  if  incorporated 
therein  ;  it  being  understood  that  each  of  the  contracting  parties  reserves 
to  itself  the  right,  at  any  time  after  the  said  period  of  eight  years  shall 
have  expired,  to  terminate  the  same  by  giving  one  year's  notice  of  such 
intention  to  the  other  party. 

"ARTICLE  xvm. 

"  All  supplies  whatever  for  troops  of  the  United  States  in  Mexico,  ar 
riving  at  ports  in  the  occupation  of  such  troops  previous  to  the  final  evac 
uation  thereof,  although  subsequently  to  the  restoration  of  the  custom 
houses  at  such  ports,  shall  be  entirely  exempt  from  duties  and  charges  of 
any  kind ;  the  Government  of  the  United  States  hereby  engaging  and 
pledging  its  faith  to  establish,  and  vigilantly  to  enforce,  all  possible  guards 
for  securing  the  revenue  of  Mexico,  by  preventing  the  importation,  under 
cover  of  this  stipulation,  of  any  articles  other  than  such,  both  in  kind  and 
quantity,  as  shall  really  be  wanted  for  the  use  and  consumption  of  the 

sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  over  them  is  of  incalculable  importance  to  the 
nation.  In  the  State  of  New- York,  the  United  States  is  the  owner  of  no 
public  lands,  and  yet  two-thirds  of  our  whole  revenue  is  collected  at  the 
great  port  of  that  State  ;  and  within  her  limits  is  found  about  one-seventh 
of  our  entire  population.  Although  none  of  the  future  cities  on  our  coast 
of  California  may  ever  rival  the  city  of  New- York  in  wealth,  population, 
and  business  ;  yet,  that  important  cities  will  grow  up  on  the  magnificent 
harbors  of  that  coast,  with  a  rapidly  increasing  population,  and  yielding  a 
large  revenue,  would  seem  to  be  certain.  By  the  possession  of  the  safe 
and  spacious  harbors  on  the  California  coast,  we  shall  have  great  advan 
tages  in  securing  the  rich  commerce  of  the  East,  and  shall  thus  obtain  for 
our  products  new  and  increased  markets,  and  greatly  en-large  our  coasting 
and  foreign  trade,  as  well  as  augment  our  tonnage  and  revenue. 

"  These  great  advantages,  far  more  than  the  simple  value  of  the  public 
lands  in  the  ceded  territory,  '  constitute  our  indemnity  for  the  past.' 

"  JAMES  K.  POLK." 

Message  of  James  K.  Polk  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  July 
24,  1848. 


282  HISTORY     OF     THE 

we  were  with  one  hand  chastising  an  insolent  and 
unscrupulous  enemy,  with  the  other  we  were  giv 
ing  bread  to  a  starving  nation.  By  the  terms  of 

forces  of  the  United  States  during  the  time  they  may  remain  in  Mexico. 
To  this  end,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  officers  and  agents  of  the  United 
States  to  denounce  to  the  Mexican  authorities  at  the  respective  ports  any 
attempt  at  a  fraudulent  abuse  of  this  stipulation  which  they  may  know  of, 
or  may  have  reason  to  suspect,  and  to  give  to  such  authorities  all  the  aid 
in  their  power  with  regard  thereto ;  and  every  such  attempt,  when  duly 
proved  and  established  by  sentence  of  a  competent  tribunal,  shall  be  pun 
ished  by  the  confiscation  of  the  property  so  attempted  to  be  fraudulently 
introduced. 

"  ARTICLE    XIX. 

"  With  respect  to  all  merchandise,  effects  and  property  whatsoever,  im 
ported  into  ports  of  Mexico  whilst  in  the  occupation  of  the  forces  of  the 
United  States,  whether  by  citizens  of  either  Republic,  or  by  citizens  or 
subjects  of  any  neutral  nation,  the  following  rules  shall  be  observed  : 

"  1st.  All  such  merchandise,  effects  and  property,  if  imported  pre 
viously  to  the  restoration  of  the  custom-houses  to  the  Mexican  authorities, 
as  stipulated  for  in  the  third  article  of  this  treaty,  shall  be  exempt  from 
confiscation,  although  the  importation  of  the  same  be  prohibited  by  the 
Mexican  tariff. 

"  2d.  The  same  perfect  exemption  shall  be  enjoyed  by  all  such  mer 
chandise,  effects  and  property,  imported  subsequently  to  the  restoration  of 
the  custom-houses,  and  previously  to  the  sixty  days  fixed  in  the  following 
article  for  the  coming  into  force  of  the  Mexican  tariff  at  such  ports  re 
spectively  ;  the  said  merchandise,  effects  and  property  being,  however,  at 
the  time  of  their  importation,  subject  to  the  payment  of  duties,  as  provided 
for  in  the  s.^id  following  article. 

"  3d.  All  merchandise,  effects  and  property  described  in  the  two  rules 
foregoing  shall,  during  their  continuance  at  the  place  of  importation,  and 
upon  their  leaving  such  place  for  the  interior,  be  exempt  from  all  duty,  tax, 
or  impost  of  every  kind,  under  whatsoever  title  or  denomination.  Nor 
shall  they  be  there  subjected  to  any  charge  whatsoever  upon  the  sale 
thereof. 

"  4th.  All  merchandise,  effects  and  property,  described  in  the  first  and 
second  rules,  which  shall  have  been  removed  to  any  place  in  the  interior 
whilst  such  place  was  in  the  occupation  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States, 
shall,  during  their  continuance  therein,  be  exempt  from  all  tax  upon  the 
sale  or  consumption  thereof,  and  from  every  kind  of  impost  or  contribu 
tion,  under  whatsoever  title  or  denomination. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  283 

the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  tlie  Government 
of  the  United  States  agreed  to  pay  to  Mexico,  as 
part  consideration  for  the  cession  of  New  Mexico 

"  5th.  But  if  any  merchandise,  effects  or  property,  described  in  the 
first  and  second  rules,  shall  be  removed  to  any  place  not  occupied  at  the 
time  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  they  shall,  upon  their  introduction 
into  such  place,  or  upon  their  sale  or  consumption  there,  be  subject  to  the 
same  duties  which,  under  the  Mexican  laws,  they  would  be  required  to 
pay  in  such  cases  if  they  had  been  imported  in  time  of  peace,  through  the 
maritime  custom-houses,  and  had  there  paid  the  duties  conformably  with 
the  Mexican  tariff. 

"  6th.  The  owners  of  all  merchandise,  effects  or  property,  described 
in  the  first  and  second  rules,  and  existing  in  any  port  of  Mexico,  shall 
have  the  right  to  reship  the  same,  exempt  from  all  tax,  impost,  or  contri 
butions  whatever. 

"  With  respect  to  the  metals  or  other  property,  exported  from  any 
Mexican  port  whilst  in  the  occupation  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States, 
and  previously  to  the  restoration  of  the  custom-houses  at  such  port,  no 
person  shall  be  required  by  the  Mexican  authorities,  whether  general  or 
state,  to  pay  any  tax,  duty,  or  contribution  upon  any  such  exportation,  or 
in  any  manner  to  account  for  the  same  to  the  said  authorities. 

"ARTICLE  xx. 

"  Through  consideration  for  the  interests  of  commerce  generally,  it  is 
agreed,  that  if  less  than  sixty  days  should  elapse  between  the  date  of  the 
signature  of  this  treaty  and  the  restoration  of  the  custom-houses,  con 
formably  with  the  stipulation  in  the  third  article,  in  such  case  all  merchan 
dise,  effects  and  property  whatsoever,  arriving  at  the  Mexican  ports  after 
the  restoration  of  the  said  custom-houses,  and  previously  to  the  expiration 
of  sixty  days  after  the  date  of  the  signature  of  this  treaty,  shall  be  admit 
ted  to  entry  ;  and  no  other  duties  shall  be  levied  thereon  than  the  duties 
established  by  the  tariff  found  in  force  at  such  custom-houses  at  the  time 
of  the  restoration  of  the  same.  And  to  all  such  merchandise,  effects  and 
property,  the  rules  established  by  the  preceding  article  shall  apply. 

"ARTICLE  xxi. 

"  If  unhappily  any  disagreement  should  hereafter  arise  between  the 
Governments  of  the  two  Republics,  whether  with  respect  to  the  interpre 
tation  of  any  stipulation  in  this  treaty,  or  with  respect  to  any  other  partic 
ular  concerning  the  political  or  commercial  relations  of  the  two  nations, 
the  said  Governments,  in  the  name  of  those  nations,  do  promise  to  each 


284  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

and  California,*  the  sum  of  fifteen  millions  of  dol 
lars,  and  to  assume  the  payment  of  certain  claims 
due  our  citizens  by  the  Mexican  Government. 

other  that  they  will  endeavor,  in  the  most  sincere  and  earnest  manner,  to 
settle  the  differences  so  arising,  and  to  preserve  the  state  of  peace  and 
friendship  in  which  the  two  countries  are  now  placing  themselves  ;  using, 
for  this  end,  mutual  representations  and  pacific  negotiations.  And  if,  by 
these  means,  they  should  not  be  enabled  to  come  to  an  agreement,  a  resort 
shall  not,  on  this  account,  be  had  to  reprisals,  aggression,  or  hostility  of 
any  kind,  by  the  one  Republic  against  the  other,  until  the  Government  of 
that  which  deems  itself  aggrieved  shall  have  maturely  considered,  in  the 
spirit  of  peace  and  good  neighborship,  whether  it  would  not  be  better  that 
such  difference  should  be  settled  by  the  arbitration  of  commissioners  ap 
pointed  on  each  side,  or  by  that  of  a  friendly  nation.  And  should  such 
course  be  proposed  by  either  party,  it  shall  be  acceded  to  by  the  other, 
unless  deemed  by  it  altogether  incompatible  with  the  nature  of  the  differ 
ence  or  the  circumstances  of  the  case. 

"  ARTICLE    XXII. 

"If  (which  is  not  to  be  expected,  and  which  God  forbid  !)  war  should 
unhappily  break  out  between  the  two  Republics,  they  do  now,  with  a  view 
to  such  calamity,  solemnly  pledge  themselves  to  each  other  and  to  the 
world,  to  observe  the  following  rules  ;  absolutely,  where  the  nature  of  the 

*  "  The  boundary  line  between  the  two  republics  shall  commence  in  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  three  leagues  from  land,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  otherwise  called  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  opposite  the  mouth  of  its 
deepest  branch,  if  it  should  have  more  than  one  branch  emptying  directly 
into  the  sea  ;  from  thence  up  the  middle  of  that  river,  following  the  deepest 
channel,  where  it  has  more  thnn  one,  to  the  point  where  it  strikes  the 
southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico;  thence,  westwardly,  along  the  whole 
southern  boundary  of  New  Mexico,  (which  runs  north  of  the  town  called 
Paseo.)  to  its  western  termination  ;  thence,  northward,  along  the  western 
line  of  New  Mexico,  until  it  intersects  the  first  branch  of  the  river  Gila ; 
(or  if  it  should  not  intersect  any  branch  of  that  river,  then  to  the  point  on 
the  said  line  nearest  to  such  branch,  and  thence  in  a  direct  line  to  the 
same  ;)  thence  down  the  middle  of  the  said  branch  and  of  the  said  river,  un 
til  it  empties  into  the  Rio  Colorado  ;  thence  across  the  Rio  Colorado,  fol 
lowing  the  division  line  between  Upper  and  Lower  California,  to  the  Pa 
cific  Ocean." — ART.  5,  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  285 

There  was  also  a  clause  in  the  Treaty,  requiring  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  to  liberate  any 
prisoners  which  might  thereafter  be  captured  by 

subject  permits,  and  as  closely  as  possible  in  all  cases  where  such  abso 
lute  observance  shall  be  impossible  : 

"  I.  The  merchants  of  either  Republic  then  residing  in  the  other, 
shall  be  allowed  to  remain  twelve  months  (for  those  dwelling  in  the  inte 
rior)  and  six  months  (for  those  dwelling  at  the  seaports),  to  collect  their 
debts  and  settle  their  affairs,  during  which  periods  they  shall  enjoy  the 
same  protection,  and  be  on  the  same  footing,  in  all  respects,  as  the  citizens 
or  subjects  of  the  most  friendly  nations ;  and,  at  the  expiration  thereof,  or 
any  time  before,  they  shall  have  full  liberty  to  depart,  carrying  off  all 
their  effects  without  molestation  or  hindrance  ;  conforming  therein  to  the 
same  laws  which  the  citizens  or  subjects  of  the  most  friendly  nations  are 
required  to  conform  to.  Upon  the  entrance  of  the  armies  of  either  nation 
into  the  territories  of  the  other,  women  and  children,  ecclesiastics,  scholars 
of  every  faculty,  cultivators  of  the  earth,  merchants,  artisans,  manufac 
turers,  and  fishermen,  unarmed  and  inhabiting  unfortified  towns,  villages, 
or  places,  and  in  general  all  persons  whose  occupations  are  for  the  com 
mon  subsistence  and  benefit  of  mankind,  shall  be  allowed  to  continue 
their  respective  employments  unmolested  in  their  persons.  Nor  shall 
their  houses  or  goods  be  burned  or  otherwise  destroyed,  nor  their  cattle 
taken,  nor  their  fields  wasted,  by  the  armed  force  into  whose  power,  by 
the  events  of  war,  they  may  happen  to  fall ;  but  if  the  necessity  arise  to 
take  any  thing  from  them  for  the  use  of  such  armed  force,  the  same  shall 
be  paid  for  at  an  equitable  price.  All  churches,  hospitals,  schools,  col 
leges,  libraries,  and  other  establishments  for  charitable  and  beneficent 
purposes,  shall  be  respected,  and  all  persons  connected  with  the  same  pro 
tected  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  and  the  pursuit  of  their  vocations. 

"  II.  In  order  that  the  fate  of  prisoners  of  war  may  be  alleviated,  all 
such  practices  as  those  of  sending  them  into  distant,  inclement,  or  unwhole 
some  districts,  or  crowding  them  into  close  and  noxious  places,  shall  be 
studiously  avoided.  They  shall  not  be  confined  in  dungeons,  prison- 
ships,  or  prisons,  nor  be  put  in  irons,  or  bound,  or  otherwise  restrained  in  the 
use  of  their  limbs.  The  officers  shall  enjoy  liberty  on  their  paroles,  within 
convenient  districts,  and  have  comfortable  quarters;  and  the  common 
soldiers  shall  be  disposed  in  cantonments,  open  and  extensive  enough  for 
air  and  exercise,  and  lodged  in  barracks  as  roomy  and  good  as  are  pro 
vided  by  the  party  in  whose  power  they  are  for  its  own  troops.  But  if 
any  officer  shall  break  his  parole  by  leaving  the  district  so  assigned  him,  or 
any  other  prisoner  shall  escape  from  the  limits  of  his  cantonment,  after 


286  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Indians  residing  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States.  There  was  a  precedent  for  the  last  clause, 
in  the  policy  of  the  Cabinet  of  John  Quincy  Ad- 

they  shall  have  been  designated  to  him,  such  individual,  officer,  or  other 
prisoner,  shall  forfeit  so  much  of  the  benefit  of  this  article  as  provides  for 
his  liberty  on  parole  or  in  cantonment.  And  if  any  officer  so  breaking 
his  parole,  or  any  common  soldier  so  escaping  from  the  limits  assigned 
him,  shall  afterwards  be  found  in  arms,  previously  to  his  being  regularly 
exchanged,  the  person  so  offending  shall  be  dealt  with  according  to  the 
established  laws  of  war.  The  officers  shall  be  daily  furnished  by  the 
party  in  whose  power  they  are  with  as  many  rations,  and  of  the  same 
articles,  as  are  allowed,  either  in  kind  or  by  commutation,  to  officers  of 
equal  rank  in  its  own  army ;  and  all  others  shall  be  daily  furnished  with 
such  ration  as  is  allowed  to  a  common  soldier  in  its  own  service  ;  the 
value  of  all  which  supplies  shall,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  or  at  periods  to 
be  agreed  upon  between  the  respective  commanders,  be  paid  by  the  other 
party,  on  a  mutual  adjustment  of  accounts  for  subsistence  of  prisoners ; 
and  such  accounts  shall  not  be  mingled  with  or  set  off  against  any  others, 
nor  the  balance  due  on  them  be  withheld,  as  a  compensation  or  reprisal 
for  any  cause  whatever,  real  or  pretended.  Each  party  shall  be  allowed 
to  keep  a  commissary  of  prisoners,  appointed  by  itself,  with  every  canton 
ment  of  prisoners,  in  possession  of  the  other ;  which  commissary  shall 
see  the  prisoners  as  often  as  he  pleases ;  shall  be  allowed  to  receive, 
exempt  from  all  duties  or  taxes,  and  to  distribute  whatever  comforts  may 
be  sent  to  them  by  their  friends ;  and  shall  be  free  to  transmit  his  reports 
in  open  letters  to  the  party  by  whom  he  is  employed. 

"  And  it  is  declared  that  neither  the  pretence  that  war  dissolves  all 
treaties,  nor  any  other  whatever,  shall  be  considered  as  annulling  or  sus 
pending  the  solemn  covenant  contained  in  this  article.  On  the  contrary, 
the  state  of  war  is  precisely  that  for  which  it  is  provided ;  and  during 
which,  its  stipulations  are  to  be  as  sacredly  observed  as  the  most  acknow 
ledged  obligations  under  the  law  of  nature  or  nations. 

"ARTICLE  xxm. 

"  This  treaty  shall  be  ratified  by  the  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  thereof,  and 
by  the  President  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  with  the  previous  approbation 
of  its  general  Congress ;  and  the  ratifications  shall  be  exchanged  in  the 
city  of  Washington,  or  at  the  seat  of  Government  in  Mexico,  in  four 
months  from  the  date  of  the  signature  thereof,  or  sooner  if  practicable. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  287 

ams.*  The  territory  acquired  was  immense  in 
extent  and  importance.  It  embraced  nearly  ten 
degrees  of  latitude  upon  the  Pacific  coast,  and  ex- 

"  In  faith  whereof,  we,  the  respective  plenipotentiaries,  have  signed  this 
treaty  of  peace,  friendship,  limits,  and  settlement,  and  have  hereunto 
affixed  our  seals  respectively.  Done  in  quintuplicate,  at  the  city  of 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  on  the  second  day  of  February,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight. 

"N.  P.  TRIST,  [L.S.] 

"  LUIS  G.  CUEVAS,  [L.  s.] 
"  BERNARDO  COUTO,  [L.  s.] 
«  MIGL.  ATRISTAIN.  [L.  s.] 

"  And  whereas,  the  said  treaty,  as  amended,  has  been  duly  ratified  on 
both  parts,  and  the  respective  ratifications  of  the  same  were  exchanged  at 
Queretaro  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  May  last,  by  Ambrose  H.  Sevier  and 
Nathan  Clifford,  Commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  and  by  Sefior  Don  Louis  de  la  Rosa,  Minister  of  Relations 
of  the  Mexican  Republic,  on  the  part  of  that  Government ; 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  it  known,  that  I,  James  K.  Polk,  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  have  caused  the  said  treaty  to  be  made  public, 
to  the  end  that  the  same,  and  every  clause  and  article  thereof,  may  be 
observed  and  fulfilled  with  good  faith  by  the  United  States  and  the  citizens 
thereof. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  caused  the  seal 
of  the  United  States  to  be  affixed. 

"  Done  at  the  city  of  Washington,  this  fourth  day  of  July,  one 
[L.  s.]     thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-eight,  and  of  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States  the  seventy-third. 

«  JAMES  K.  POLK. 
"  By  the  President : 

"  JAMES  BUCHANAN,  Secretary  of  State." 
Executive  Documents,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  Vol.  8,  Doc.  No.  69. 

*  "  If  the  line  were  so  changed,  the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of 
the  powerful,  warlike,  and  turbulent  Indian  nation  of  the  Camanchcs, 
would  be  thrown  on  the  side  of  the  United  States  ;  and  as  an  equivalent 
for  the  proposed  cession  of  territory,  they  would  stipulate  to  restrain,  as 
far  as  practicable,  the  Camanches  from  committing  hostilities  and  depreda 
tions  upon  the  territories  and  people,  whether  Indians  or  otherwise,  of 
Mexico." — Letter  of  Henry  Clay,  Secretary  of  State,  to  Mr.  Poinsett, 
United  States  Minister  in  Mexico,  March  26th,  1825. 


288  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

tended  from  that  ocean  to  the  Rio  Grande,  a  dis 
tance  of  nearly  one  thousand  miles.  Included  with 
in  the  new  boundaries,  are  the  harbors  of  Monterey, 
Santiago,  and  San  Francisco,  which  give  us  three 
commercial  fronts.  One  upon  the  Pacific,  another 
upon  the  Atlantic,  and  the  third  upon  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  being  in  extent  more  than  5,000  miles  of 
sea-coast. 

Of  all  the  harbors  in  the  world,  none  surpass 
the  celebrated  Bay  of  San  Francisco.  It  lies  in 
latitude  38  degrees  north — about  four  degrees  from 
the  southern  boundary  of  Oregon,  and  about  five 
or  six  degrees  from  the  southern  boundary  of  our 
possessions  in  California.  This  harbor  maybe  re 
garded  as  a  most  fortunate  acquisition,  and  which, 
taken  in  connection  with  the  rest  of  the  territory 
ceded,  and  the  commercial  advantages  resulting 
therefrom,  is  of  vast  importance  to  the  Republic. 

In  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  -  the  combined  na 
vies  of  the  world  could  ride  in  safety.  The  ac 
cess  to  it  is  easy,  and  yet  it  could  be  defended 
readily  from  its  bold  and  rocky  shores.  The  en 
trance  opens  into  the  Bay,  which  is  about  forty 
miles  in  length,  protected  from  the  winds  coming 
from  every  direction.  Two  beautiful  rivers  which 
drain  a  country  five  hundred  miles  in  extent,  pour 
their  waters  into  the  Bay.  The  climate  along  the 
valley  of  the  Sacramento,  and  San  Joaquin  rivers 
is  delightful.  The  soil  is  rich  and  productive,  fa 
vorable  to  wheat,  Indian  corn,  rye,  oats,  tobacco  and 
cotton.  Grapes,  olives,  bananas,  cocoanuts,  sugar 
cane,  apples,  pears,  &c.,  were  formerly  found  in  lati- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  289 

tude  34  degrees  north.  A  rare  union  of  the  pro 
ductions  of  the  temperate  and  tropical  climates. 

In  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  will  converge  the 
commerce  of  Asia  and  the  model  Republic.  It 
possesses  advantages  over  every  other  harbor  upon 
the  western  coast  of  North  or  South  America. 
Whether  a  railroad  is  constructed  across  the  Isth 
mus  of  Panama  to  the  Columbia  river,  or  to  San 
Francisco,  that  point  will  become  the  New- York  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  vast  and  increasing  com 
merce  of  Asia,  and  the  islands  of  the  East,  is  now 
open  to  our  adventurous  seamen.  It  is  difficult  to 
conceive  the  importance  which  this  country  is  des 
tined  to  occupy  as  a  commercial  nation.  In  the 
first  place,  it  can  be  safely  asserted  that  no  people 
upon  the  earth  are  so  well  calculated  to  develope 
the  resources  of  our  country,  as  the  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  while  at  the  same  time  the  liberal 
principles  upon  which  our  commercial  relations  are 
conducted  with  the  nations  of  the  earth,  afford  am 
ple  opportunities  for  a  display  of  that  energy  and 
enterprise,  for  which  the  American  merchant  is  so 
justly  celebrated,  notwithstanding  the  importance 
to  which  the  commerce  of  England  has  attained ; 

o 

yet  her  citizens  have  very  many  disadvantages  to 
encounter,  which  are  fast  disappearing  from  our 
path.  It  will  be  seen  by  an  examination  of  a  globe, 
that  the  locality  of  England  is  most  unfortunate  for 
commercial  purposes. 

Upon  the  northwestern  part  of  Europe,  with 
the  broad  Atlantic  separating  her  from  her  Cana 
dian  provinces  and  from  the  West  Indies,  she  is 
19 


290  HISTORY     OF     THE 

forced  to  double  either  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  or 
Cape  Horn,  to  reach  China  and  her  possessions  in 
the  East.  Taking  in  connection  the  fact,  that  it  re 
quires  sixty-five  days  for  the  overland  mail  to  reach 
London  from  Canton,  and  we  have  some  idea  of  the 
commercial  difficulties  encountered  by  the  merchants 
of  England  * 

*  From  Mr.  Whitney's  Calculations. 

From  London  to  Panama,  81°  of  longitude,  and  44°  of  lati 
tude  must  be  overcome,  and  which,  on  a  straight  line, 
would  vary  little  from 5,868  miles. 

From  Panama  to  Canton  is  170°  of  longitude,  measuring 

full  60  miles  to  the  degree,  is 10,200  " 

Making  from  London  to  Canton,  on  a  line,         .         .        .  16,068  " 
Now  from  Canton  to  England,  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
during  the  northeast  monsoon,  is        .... 
From  Canton  through  the  China  Sea,  to  the  Equator,        .  1,320  " 
From  the  Equator  to  Sunda  Straits,  to  12°  south  latitude,  750  " 
Through  the  region  of  southeast  trades  to  27°  south  lati 
tude,  and  50°  east  longitude, 3,200  " 

Thence  to  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,          ....  1,560  " 

And  from  the  Cape  to  London 6,900  " 

13,730  " 
Again — from  Canton  to  London,  via  the  Cape  of  Good 

Hope,  during  the  southwest  monsoon,  is     ...  <; 

From  Canton  to  the  Straits  of  Formosa,            .         .         .  480  " 

Thence  to  Pitt's  Straits,  passing  near  the  Pillow  Islands,  1,300  " 

Thence  to  Alias' Straits, 1,200  " 

Thence  to  27°  south  latitude,  and  50°  east  longitude,       .  3,900  " 

Thence  to  the  Cape, L560  " 

And  thence  to  London, 6,900  " 

15,340     " 
In  the  first  instance,  the  route  by  canal  would  increase  the 

distance  between  London  and  Canton,         .         .         .       2,338     " 

And  in  the  latter,  728     " 

The  distances,  both  for  a  canal  and  via  the  Cape,  are  cal 
culated  for  a  straight  line  from  point  to  point,  but  ow 
ing  to  trades  and  currents,  a  sail-vesse]  could  not  make 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION-.  291 

The  route  to  London  from  Canton  is  over  1,000 
miles  nearer,  via.  Puget's  Sound  and  New- York,  than 
to  double  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  To  proceed 
still  further  south  by  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  and 
New- York  to  London,  would  be  3,000  miles  nearer 
than  the  old  route.* 

In  speaking  of  the  distance  to  China  from  our 
western  possessions,  it  should  be  remembered,  that 
it  is  not  necessary  to  pursue  the  track  by  the  Sand 
wich  Islands.  It  is  much  nearer  to  pass  on  a  great 
arc  to  the  northwest,  crossing  from  the  Western  to 
the  Eastern  Continent,  where  the  degrees  of  longi 
tude  converging  to  the  North  Pole,  are  only  about 
half  so  far  across  as  they  are  between  the  tropics. 
The  new  route  will  be  far  preferable  by  steam,  as 

either  voyage  on  a  straight  line  ;  and  the  voyage  from 
London  to  China  is  estimated  at  not  less  than  17,000 
miles,  and  it  would  be  increased  in  the  same  manner 
and  proportion  for  any  canal  route. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  the  distance  from  Shanghae  in 

China  to  Puget's  Sound,  is  .....  5,405  miles. 

From  Puget's  Sound  to  New- York,  by  railroad,  via  Lake 

Michigan 3.963  " 

8,368      " 
Making  8,368  miles  from  our  Atlantic   coast  to  China, 

about  half  the  distance  from  London  to  China. 

From  New-York  to  London, 3,330      " 

Total  distance  from  China  to  London,  via  Puget's  Sound 

and  New-York, 11,698     " 

*  "  The  transit  of  intelligence,  merchandise  and  passengers  from  Chi 
na  to  Europe,  by  way  of  New-York,  can  be  effected,  when  these  several 
lines  shall  be  in  operation  in  connection  with  the  line  from  that  city  to 
Liverpool,  in  less  than  one  half  the  time  now  occupied  in  the  voyage  be 
tween  those  countries." — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  December  4th, 
1848. 


292  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

the  same  necessity  will  not  exist  for  pursuing  the 
old  one,  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding  the  trade  winds. 

Now  let  us  turn  our  attention  to  the  position 
occupied  upon  the  globe  by  the  United  States. 
Conveniently  situated  to  carry  on  a  trade  with  Eu 
rope  and  Canada,  with  the  West  India  Islands,  and 
the  powers  of  South  America,  the  great  difficulty 
to  be  surmounted  was  the  distance  to  Asia  and  the 
East  Indies.  With  that  portion  of  the  earth  our 
trade  is  fast  increasing,  notwithstanding  the  long 
route  from  our  eastern  shores  to  China  and  the  isles 
of  the  East,  either  by  passing  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope,  or  the  southern  extremity  of  South  America. 
To  perform  a  voyage  from  New- York  to  Canton 
and  back,  generally  required  twelve  months.  All 
these  difficulties  will  soon  be  obviated  by  a  develop 
ment  of  our  resources  in  Oregon  and  California. 

It  is  a  matter  of  vast  importance  to  our  com 
merce,  which  will  soon  hover  upon  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  that  spacious  and  convenient  harbors  should 
be  obtained  for  our  shipping.  This,  for  two  reasons. 
First,  because  it  is  necessary  for  its  protection  in 
time  of  war,  and  for  repairs  in  time  of  peace ;  and, 
secondly,  that  a  point  may  be  obtained  from  whence 
the  produce  of  the  United  States  may  be  sent 
abroad,  and  foreign  produce  or  fabrics  may  be 
landed,  and  taken  into  the  interior,  without  making 
the  circuitous  route  of  Cape  Horn. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  route  from  Japan  and 
China  via  Oregon  and  California,  is  not  only  the 
nearest  to  Charleston,  New- York  and  Boston,  but 
also  to  London ;  and  we  may  not  only  expect  that 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  293 

the  transmission  of  intelligence  may  be  made  by 
that  route,  but  that  it  will  be  the  great  highway 
for  many  articles  of  merchandise  and  produce  con 
veyed  to  and  from  Europe. 

In  this  connection  I  will  refer  to  the  proposed 
canals  at  Panama,  Nicaragua,  and  Tehuantepec. 

The  great  objection  to  these  routes  to  Asia  and 
the  East,  is,  that  we  have  to  diverge  from  the  direct 
route  ;  the  distance  being  about  2,000  miles  further 
from  the  Mississippi  valley  to  China,  even  by  Te 
huantepec,  than  by  California,  and  much  further 
via  Panama.  I  shall  now  proceed  to  notice  the 
harbors  in  Oregon,  and  that  portion  of  California 
which  we  have  acquired  from  Mexico  by  the  recent 
treaty.  Along  the  coast  of  Oregon,  there  is  but 
one  large  and  convenient  harbor,  and  that  is  nearly 
in  latitude  49°.  There  is  one  circumstance,  too, 
connected  with  the  harbor  of  Puget's  Sound,  and 
that  is  contained  in  the  treaty  of  1846  with  Eng 
land,  settling  the  boundary  of  Oregon.  The  en 
trance  to  that  sound  is  through  the  Straits  of 
Fuca.  The  navigation  of  these  straits,  by  the  terms 
of  the  treaty,  is  open  to  the  commerce  of  both  na 
tions.  This  is  one  objection  to  the  erection  of  a 
commercial  city  upon  Puget's  Sound,  Another  is, 
the  fact  that  the  Straits  of  Fuca  are  commanded  by 
the  southern  part  of  Vancouver's  Island,  which  be 
longs  to  Great  Britain.  These  would  be  objections 
in  time  of  a  war  between  the  two  countries,  which 
it  is  not  unlikely  will  occur  in  the  next  half  cen 
tury. 

The  immense  commerce  carried  on  between  this 


294  HISTORY     OF     THE 

country  and  Asia,  which  will  concentrate  at  some 
point  upon  our  western  coast,  must  be  under  the 
command  of  our  own,  instead  of  British  guns. 

It  will  be  discovered  from  this  view  of  the  sub 
ject,  that  the  harbors  acquired  from  Mexico  by  the 
Treaty  of  1848,  are  of  very  great  value  to  this 
country. 

The  bay,  or  roadstead,  of  Monterey,  is  a  half 
circle,  protected  from  the  storms  coming  from  the 
west  or  southwest,  but  exposed  to  the  northwestern 
winds.  It  can  be  rendered  a  very  important  harbor, 
by  the  erection  of  a  breakwater.  San  Diego  is  an 
important  acquisition ;  lying  a  short  distance  from 
the  new  line  established  between  the  United  States 
and  Mexico. 

England  has  hitherto  obtained  more  advantages 
from  the  China  trade  than  any  other  nation ;  yet  it 
is  very  evident  the  elements  of  commercial  inter 
course  are  possessed  to  a  far  greater  extent  by  the 
United  States  and  China,  than  by  that  country  and 
Great  Britain.  The  popular  idea,  long  entertained, 
that  trade  to  be  beneficial  to  one  nation,  must  have 
a  balance  in  its  favor,  to  be  liquidated  by  the  pre 
cious  metals,  is  now  exploded.  Commerce  between 
nations,  based  upon  mutual  benefits,  mast  consist  in 
an  interchange  of  commodities.  The  dishonest  in 
tention  of  overreaching  the  nation  with  whom  we 
trade,  by  obtaining  a  balance  in  our  favor,  to  be 
discharged  by  abstracting  from  them,  and  drawing 
into  our  own  coffers  the  precious  metals  necessary 
for  their  commercial  prosperity,  should  be  aban- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  295 

doned.  The  effect  of  the  latter  policy  is  already 
felt  by  England.* 

The  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  in  their  report,  alluding  to  the  cause  of  the 
declension  in  the  British  trade  with  China,  assign  as 
a  reason  for  that  result,  that  the  sole  difficulty  is  in 
finding  a  return  for  the  articles  supplied  to  China.f 
Thus  we  discover  that  the  drain  of  specie  upon 
China  to  discharge  the  balance  against  her,  is  too 
great,  and  the  trade  between  the  two  countries  is 
falling  off. 

The  trade  between  the  United  States  and  China, 
although  now  very  extensive,  can  be  still  increased. 
There  is  a  heavy  balance  against  us,  however,  which 
might  be  liquidated  by  the  demand  in  that  country 
for  cotton.  J  There  is  no  reason  why  this  amount 

*  The  total  of  British  imports  into  China,  in  1844,  was     $35,929,132 
The    exports  from  China  on  English   account,  for  the 

same  period,  amounted  to  17,925.360 

Leaving  a  balance  against  China,  ...  -  $18,003.772 
f  "  In  reporting  on  the  condition  of  our  commercial  relations  with  Chi 
na  your  Committee  regret  to  state,  on  undoubted  evidence,  that  the  trade 
with  that  country  has  been  for  some  time  in  a  very  unsatisfactory  posi 
tion,  and  that  the  result  of  our  extended  intercourse  has  by  no  means  real 
ized  the  just  expectations  which  had  been  naturally  founded  on  a  freer  ac 
cess  to  so  magnificent  a  market." 

"  We  find  that  the  difficulties  of  the  trade  do  not  arise  from  any  want 
of  demand  in  China  for  articles  of  British  manufacture,  or  from  the  increas 
ing  competition  of  other  nations.  There  is  no  evidence  that  foreign  com 
petition  is  to  be  seriously  apprehended  in  the  articles  of  general  demand. 
The  sole  difficulty  is  in  providing  a  return."— Report  of  the  Select  Com 
mittee  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

J  The  imports  of  merchandise  into  China  from  the  United 

States,  in  1844,  amounted  to     -  $1,320,170 

The  export  from  China  on  American  account,  was     -        6,686,171 


Leaving  a  balance  against  the  United  States  of    -  $5,366,001 


296  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

of  imports  in  China  should  not  be  furnished  by  the 
United  States.  We  can  raise  cotton  cheaper,  and 
of  a  better  quality,  than  any  other  people.  We  can 
manufacture  coarse  cotton  goods  cheaper;  and  the 
route  to  its  destination  will  be  much  nearer,  by 
means  of  the  great  highway  via  California  and  the 
Pacific.  It  must  be  recollected,  that  England  and 
the  United  States  are  the  great  competitors  for  the 
trade  with  that  country.  There  is  no  reason,  how 
ever,  that  the  commerce  with  China  should  not  in 
crease  very  largely.  We  can  not  only  supply  them 
with  cotton,  raw  and  manufactured,  but  with,  lead, 
ginseng,  wheat,  and  corn ;  for  which  we  can  receive 
whatever  necessaries  and  luxuries  they  may  have  to 
exchange. 

The  empire  of  China  contains  at  least  three 
hundred  millions  of  people.  The  density  of  the 
population  is  most  remarkable,  so  much  so,  that  it 
is  exceedingly  difficult  to  obtain  a  living.  What 
benefits  will  not  be  extended  to  them  by  the  utmost 
freedom  of  commercial  intercourse  ?  Not  only  can 
we  supply  them  with  raiment,  but  with  food,  in  ex 
change  for  which  we  can  receive  whatever  their 
climate  or  their  ingenuity  may  enable  them  to  fur 
nish  us.  In  this  way  the  vast  amount  of  surplus 
produce,  which  the  fertility  of  our  soil  and  the  in- 


Have  we  the  means  of  discharging  this  balance,  other  than  by  a  pay 
ment  of  specie  ? 

Value  of  raw  cotton  imported  into  China  in  1844,         -        6;983.347 
Cotton  fabrics. 5,383,093 


Total,  cotton  and  cotton  fabrics,  ....  $12.366,440 


POLK     ABMINISTEATION.  297 

dustry  of  our  people  places  m  at  our  disposal,  will 
banish  from  the  firesides  of  millions  the  gaunt 
spectre  of  famine  which  stalks  through  the  hovels 
of  the  poor. 

We  should  not  overlook  the  advantages  which 
will  certainly  result  from  the  establishment  of  libe 
ral  commercial  relations  with  the  Empire  of  Japan. 
The  population  of  these  islands  is  variously  estimated 
at  from  50  to  100,000,000  inhabitants.  They  live 
still  nearer  our  possessions  upon  the  Pacific  than 
China,  being  between  32°  and  45°  north  latitude. 

The  first  American  ship  which  attempted  to 
trade  with  the  Japanese  was  in  1797.  It  was  a 
long  time  before  the  authorities  could  be  made  to 
distinguish  between  English  and  American  sailors. 
The  owner,  however,  of  this  ship,  the  Eliza,  sailing 
under  Dutch  colors,  was  suffered  to  trade  with 
them. 

But  returning  in  1803,  under  the  American  flag, 
he  was  compelled  to  depart.  The  Dutch,  who  alone 
were  suffered  to  trade  with  them,  artfully  aroused 
their  suspicions,  that  no  rival  might  divide  the 
trade  with  themselves.  Another  attempt  was  made 
in  1807,  with  no  better  success.  Similar  efforts 
have  been  made  by  England  and  Russia  up  to 
1837,  but  unsuccessfully.  The  Americans  are  re 
garded  with  much  more  favor  than  either  the  Eng 
lish  or  Russians.  The  hope  may  be  confidently 
entertained  that  at  no  distant  day  commercial  rela 
tions  will  be  established  with  those  islands,  mutu 
ally  beneficial  to  both  countries. 

It  is  remarkable  that  China  and  Japan  have 


298  HISTORY     OF     THE 

almost  insurmountable  objections  to  the  admission 
of  foreigners  within  their  dominions.  The  conse 
quences  are  the  absence  of  that  intelligence  and 
morality  which  characterizes  other  countries. 

As  the  eye  glances  along  the  map  of  the  world 
to  the  west,  passing  over  Asia  and  Europe,  the 
pleasing  reflection  crosses  the  mind  of  the  observer, 
that  with  each  degree  of  longitude  increases  the 
regard  for  liberality  of  intercourse  between  neigh 
boring  powers.  And  when  we  look  at  our  own 
country,  we  find  that  Christianity  wields  a  con 
trolling  influence — the  arts  and  sciences  have  reach- 

o 

ed  a  greater  degree  of  perfection — the  people  have 
enlarged  and  enlightened  views,  and  the  female  sex 
are  treated  with  much  of  that  deference  and  respect 
which  distinguished  the  age  of  chivalry. 

In  whatever  light  we  regard  the  intercourse  be 
tween  the  nations  of  the  earth,  benefits  must  be  the 
result.  Commercial  advantages,  the  extension  of 
liberal  principles,  the  diffusion  of  the  doctrines  of 
the  Bible,  will  flow  from  the  most  unrestrained 
commercial  regulations. 

As  the  tide  of  emigration  flows  westward,  it  is  to 
be  hoped  that  a  disposition  will  be  manifested  still 
further  to  remove  restrictions  upon  our  commerce, 
and  thus  accelerate  the  moment  when  our  new  pos 
sessions  upon  the  Pacific  will  become  the  centre  of  a 
flourishing  and  extensive  commerce. 

California  is,  undoubtedly,  the  richest  mineral 
country  upon  the  Globe.  Not  only  does  gold 
abound  in  such  quantities  that  thousands  have  be 
come  enriched  by  it  without  incurring  the  expense 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  299 

of  mining  operations,  but  there  is  also  vast  quanti 
ties  of  silver  and  quicksilver.  The  amount  of  gold 
dust  which  has  been  brought  from  California  since 
July,  1849,  to  the  present  time,*  has  been  estimated 
in  value  at  9,000,000  of  dollars,  and  still  the  supply 
appears  inexhaustible.  As  fast  as  the  quantity 
seems  to  diminish  at  one  placer  another  is  easily 
found,  where,  with  the  sifter,  the  gold  is  easily 
separated  from  the  sand,  and  in  a  short  time  wealth 
crowns  the  efforts  of  the  laborer.  Where  such  vast 
quantities  are  found  in  the  sand,  still  more  can  un 
doubtedly  be  obtained  by  mining  operations,  and 
from  the  hills  and  mountains  of  Upper  California, 
the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States 
will  obtain  immense  quantities  of  the  precious  me 
tals,  f  The  number  of  persons  who  have  thronged 
to  California  since  its  acquisition  by  the  United 
States  is  almost  inconceivable.  They  have  poured 
into  that  country  from  almost  every  land,  and  there 
may  be  found  congregated  together,  the  South 
American,  the  Asiatic,  the  European,  the  African, 
and  the  Mexican,  and  from  the  United  States  a 
ceaseless  tide  of  emigration  has  continued  to  roll 
thither.  New  routes  have  been  explored,  and  so 

*  March,  1850. 

f  "  Thus  it  appears  that  the  deposits  of  gold,  wherever  found  in  the 
Territory,  are  the  property  of  the  United  States.  Those,  however,  which 
are  known  to  exist  upon  the  lands  of  individuals  are  of  small  comparative 
importance,  by  far  the  larger  part  being  upon  the  unclaimed  public  lands. 
Still  our  information  respecting  them  is  yet  extremely  limited  ;  what  we 
know  in  general  is,  that  they  are  of  great  extent  and  extraordinary  pro 
ductiveness,  even  though  rudely  wrought.  The  gold  is  found  sometimes 
in  masses,  the  largest  of  which  brought  to  the  mint  weighed  eighty-nine 
ounces." — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  December  3d,  1849. 


300  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

frequently  traversed  that  the  hitherto  trackless  re 
gions  of  the  West  have  become  a  great  highway, 
and  the  burning  sun  of  the  torrid  zone  has  pre 
sented  no  obstacle  to  the  thousands  who  throng  to 

o 

the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  while  the  threatening  dan- 
gerns  of  Cape  Horn  have  presented  no  terrors 
to  those  who  have  left  their  homes  in  search  of 
gold. 

The  early  and  rapid  development  of  the  re 
sources  of  California  is  mainly  attributable  to  the 
precious  metals,  but  it  is  very  questionable  whether 
they  equal  in  importance  the  commercial  and  agri 
cultural  advantages  which  must  inevitably  flow  from 
their  possession.  Of  the  former  I  have  already 
spoken.  With  regard  to  the  latter,  little  has  been 
done  to  test  the  capacity  of  the  soil.  When  the 
existence  of  gold  was  first  discovered,  people  of 
every  occupation  at  once  took  their  departure  for 
the  gold  regions.  Farmers  left  the  plough,  the  me 
chanic  his  workshop,  the  doctor  his  patient,  the 
lawyer  his  clients,  the  sailor  deserted  his  ship,  and 
the  soldier  his  colors,  and  all  sought  for  the  glitter 
ing  dust.  The  emigrants  have  relied  upon  foreign 
supply  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  very  few  of 
the  inhabitants  of  California  have  turned  their  at 
tention  to  the  cultivation  of  the  earth.  It  is  true 
that  the  want  of  rain  during  a  portion  of  the  year 
is  one  disadvantage,  but  that  has  been  greatly  ex 
aggerated.  There  can  undoubtedly  be  produced  in 
California,  wheat,  rye,  oats,  buckwheat,  vegetables, 
and  fruits,  of  as  fine  quality  as  in  any  part  of  the 
United  States  territory,  and  it  only  remains  for 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  301 

enterprise  and  industry  to  develope  the  resources 
of  California,  to  render  it  one  of  the  richest  and 
most  productive  States  in  the  Union. 

After  years  will  fully  illustrate  the  three  great 
results  which  must  flow  from  the  acquisition  of  that 
territory:  its  mineral  wealth,  and  its  agricultural 
and  commercial  advantages.* 

*  "  The  prospects  of  California  were  never  brighter  than  now.  Skep 
ticism  as  to  its  immense  mineral  resources  is  gradually  yielding  to  the 
solid  and  radiant  proofs  now  abundantly  made  manifest.  Three  millions 
of  dollars'  worth  of  native  gold  shipped  by  a  single  steamer,  following 
and  to  be  followed  by  others,  at  intervals  of  barely  two  weeks,  ought  to 
vanquish  the  most  stubborn  incredulity.  An  intelligent  friend  who  en 
joyed  good  opportunities  for  information  in  San  Francisco,  estimates  the 
amount  of  gold  in  the  hands  of  the  gamblers  alone,  of  that  city,  on  the 
1st.  of  January,  (our  latest  date.)  at  fourteen  millions  of  dollars." — Edito 
rial  of  the  New-York  Tribune,  February  llth,  1850. 

"  SAN  FRANCISCO,  December  15th,  1849. 
"  Messrs.  Greeley  $  McElrath : 

"Of  all  the  marvellous  phases  of  the  history  of  the  present,  the 
growth  of  San  Francisco  is  the  one  which  will  most  tax  the  belief  of  the 
future.  Its  parallel  was  never  known,  and  shall  never  be  beheld  again. 
I  speak  only  of  what  I  have  seen  with  my  own  eyes.  When  I  landed 
here,  not  quite  four  mouths  ago,  I  found  a  scattering  town  of  tents  and 
canvas  houses,  with  a  show  of  frame  buildings  on  one  or  two  streets,  and 
a  population  of  about  six  thousand.  Now  I  see  around  me  an  actual  me 
tropolis,  displaying  street  after  street  of  well-built  edifices,  filled  with  an 
active  and  enterprising  people,  and  exhibiting  every  mark  of  permanent 
commercial  prosperity.  Then,  the  town  was  limited  to  the  curve  of  the 
bay  fronting  the  anchorage  and  the  bottoms  of  the  hills.  Now,  it  stretches 
to  the  topmost  heights,  follows  the  shore  around  point  after  point,  and, 
sending  back  a  long  arm  through  a  gap  in  the  hills,  takes  hold  of  the 
Golden  Gate,  and  builds  its  warehouses  on  the  open  strait  and  almost 
fronting  the  blue  horizon  of  the  Pacific.  Then,  the  gold-seeking  so- 
journer  lodged  in  muslin  rooms  and  canvas  garrets,  with  a  philosophic 
Jack  of  furniture,  and  ate  his  simple  though  substantial  fare  from  pine 
boards.  Now,  lofty  hotels,  gaudy  with  verandahs  and  balconies,  are  met 
with  in  all  quarters,  furnished  with  home  luxury,  and  aristocratic  restau 
rants  present  daily  their  long  bills  of  fare,  rich  with  the  choicest  techni- 


302  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

When  we  reflect  upon  the  extension  of  the  terri 
torial  limits  of  this  country,  since  its  first  settlement, 
we  can  scarcely  realize  where  our  ultimate  bounda- 

calities  of  the  Parisian  cuisine.  Then,  vessels  were  coming  in  day  after 
day,  to  lie  deserted  and  useless  at  their  anchorage.  Now,  scarce  a  day 
passes,  but  some  cluster  of  sails,  bound  outward  through  the  Golden 
Gate,  take  their  way  to  all  the  corners  of  the  Pacific.  Like  the  magic 
seed  of  the  Indian  juggler,  which  grew,  blossomed,  and  bore  fruit  before 
the  eyes  of  his  spectators,  San  Francisco  seems  to  have  accomplished  in 
a  day  the  growth  of  half  a  century. 

"  When  I  first  landed  here,  bewildered  and  amazed  by  what  seemed 
an  unnatural  standard  of  prices,  I  expressed  the  opinion  that  there  would 
be  before  long  a  great  crash  in  speculation.  Things,  it  appeared  then, 
had  reached  their  crisis,  and  it  was  pronounced  impossible  that  they  could 
remain  stationary.  This  might  have  been  a  very  natural  idea  at  the  time, 
but  the  subsequent  course  of  affairs  has  shown  it  to  be  incorrect.  Land, 
rents,  goods,  subsistence,  &c.,  have  continued  steadily  to  advance  in  cost, 
and  as  the  credit  system  has  been  meanwhile  prudently  contracted,  the 
character  of  the  business  now  done  is  the  more  real  and  substantial.  Two 
or  three  years  will  pass,  in  all  probability,  before  there  is  a  positive  abate 
ment  of  the  standard  of  prices.  There  will  be  fluctuations  in  the  mean 
time,  occasioning  great  gains  and  losses,  but  the  fall  in  rents  and  rsal 
estate,  when  it  comes,  as  it  inevitably  must  in  the  course  of  two  or  three 
years,  will  not  be  so  crushing  as  I  at  first  imagined.  I  doubt  whether  it 
will  seriously  injure  the  commercial  activity  of  the  place.  Prices  will 
never  fall  to  the  same  standard  as  in  the  Atlantic  States.  Fortunes  will 
always  be  made  here  by  the  sober,  intelligent,  industrious,  and  energetic ; 
but  no  one  who  is  either  too  careless,  too  spiritless,  or  too  ignorant  to 
succeed  at  home,  need  trouble  himself  about  emigrating.  The  same 
general  rule  holds  good,  as  well  here  as  elsewhere,  and  it  is  all  the  better 
for  human  nature  that  it  does. 

"  Not  only  is  the  heaviest  part  of  the  business  here  conducted  on  cash 
principles,  but  all  rents,  even  to  lodgings  in  hotels,  are  paid  in  advance. 
A  single  bowline-alley,  in  the  basement  story  of  the  Ward  House — a  new 
Hotel  on  Portsmouth-square  —  prepays  $5,000  monthly.  The  firm  of 
Findley,  Johnson  &  Co.,  recently  sold  their  real  estate,  purchased  a  year 
ago  for  $20,000,  at  $300,000 ;  $25,000  down,  and  the  rest  in  monthly 
instalments  of  $12.500.  The  purchaser.  Mr.  Steinberger,  has  since 
been  offered  $12.500  monthly,  in  advance,  for  the  rent  alone,  which  would 
thus  pay  at  once  the  first  cost  of  the  property,  This  is  a  fair  specimen 
of  the  speculations  daily  made  here.  Those  on  a  lesser  scale  are  fre- 


POLK      ADMINISTEATION.  303 

ries  are  to  be.  From  the  landing  of  the  pilgrims, 
successive  years  have  witnessed  the  triumph  of  our 
ancestors  over  the  Indians  and  French,  to  be  quickly 
followed  by  the  obstinate  encounter  with,  and  the 
final  overthrow  of  the  British  power  within  these 
States.  The  steady  progress  of  civilization  succeed 
ed  ;  the  Alleghanies  were  passed,  and  thriving  cities 
studded  the  shores  of  the  father  of  waters.  Flor 
ida,  Louisiana  and  Texas  have  been  acquired ;  and 
a  neighboring  nation,  against  whom  a  brilliant  war 
has  been  waged,  has  consented  to  yield  one  half 
of  her  immense  territory.  And  still  our  vast  re 
sources  are  undeveloped.  The  oak  and  the  pine, 
spreading  far  westward  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  are  yet 
waving  their  towering  forms  undisturbed  by  the 
woodman's  axe,  while  each  year  illustrates  our  pow 
er,  and  proves  that  our  destiny  is  not  yet  fulfilled.* 

quently  of  a  very  amusing  character,  but  the  claims  on  one's  astonishment 
are  so  constant,  that  the  faculty  soon  wears  out,  and  the  most  unheard  of 
operations  are  looked  upon  as  matters  of  course.  The  greatest  gains  are 
still  made  by  the  gambling  tables  and  eating-houses.  Every  device  that 
art  can  suggest  is  used  to  swell  the  custom  of  the  former.  The  latter 
find  abundant  support  in  the  necessities  of  a  large  floating  population,  in 
addition  to  the  swarm  of  permanent  residents.  Rowe's  Circus,  which  is 
still  here,  does  an  immense  business,  and  a  large  and  handsome  theatre  is 
about  to  be  erected  on  the  upper  side  of  Portsmouth-square.  If  con 
ducted  with  becoming  order  and  decency,  the  latter  establishment  will 
have  a  decidedly  moral  effect,  by  diminishing  the  influence  of  a  much 
greater  evil." — Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Bayard  Taylor. 

*  The  inhabitants  of  California,  through  their  delegates,  in  1849, 
framed  a  constitution,  which  was  ratified  by  the  people.  Members  of  Con 
gress  and  Senators  were  elected,  who  took  their  departure  for  Washing 
ton.  The  question  of  the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union  has  oc 
cupied  much  of  the  attention  of  the  31st  Congress.  Clay,  Calhoun  and 
Webster  have  given  their  views,  but  the  sequel  no  one  can  with  certainty 
divine. 


304  HISTORY      OF     THE 

While  new  improvements  are  made  in  the  arts, 
and  new  discoveries  are  made  in  science ;  while  the 
moral  tone  of  society  is  becoming  more  and  more 
healthy,  and  each  year  adds  to  our  veneration  and 
regard  for  the  Constitution,  who  can  proclaim  the 
extent  of  our  greatness  as  a  nation  ? 

What  ground  is  there,  then,  for  the  senseless 
cry  that  our  brilliant  destiny  has  reached  its  merid 
ian  ?  What  is  there  to  produce  so  melancholy  a 
result  ?  The  treachery  of  individuals  cannot  effect 
it.  There  is  no  approaching  danger  from  without. 
No  internal  dissensions  of  so  alarming  a  character, 
as  to  threaten  so  terrible  a  disaster. 

The  fears  of  those  w^ho  dread  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union  are  as  idle  as  the  wishes  of  the  dissatis 
fied  and  depraved,  who  would  gladly  produce  so 
disastrous  a  result  to  gratify  their  own  selfish  views. 
Such  an  event  might  have  occurred  in  the  infancy 
of  this  republic,  when  patriots  doubted  the  capacity 
of  the  people  for  self-government.  But  now,  when 
that  problem  has  been  solved,  when  the  public  heart 
beats  with  almost  idolatrous  love  for  that  Constitu- 


Wbat  will  be  the  result  of  the  settlement  of  the  country  bordering  upon 
the  Pacific  ?  Hitherto  our  enterprising  citizens  have  gone  westward  until 
the  farthest  west  is  occupied.  Will  California  and  Oregon  arrest  the  onward 
movement  of  the  Americans  ?  No !  They  will  diverge  to  the  south  and 
overrun  Mexico ;  not,  it  is  true,  as  the  Goths  and  Vandals  ravaged  the 
possessions  of  the  Romans ;  and  then,  if  the  citizens  of  Japan  still  refuse 
to  enter  into  commercial  regulations,  a  little  of  that  persuasion  will  be  em 
ployed  which  so  effectually  moderated  the  tone  of  the  Chinese  towards  the 
English.  It  will  not  be  extraordinary  if  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
before  the  lapse  of  another  century,  should  gain  a  foothold  upon  Asia,  and 
either  overawe  and  control  the  natives,  or  drive  them  back  upon  the  Eu 
ropeans. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  305 

tion  which,  for  more  than  half  a  century,  has  proved 
the  palladium  of  our  liberties,  who  can  be  guilty  of 
such  folly  as  to  suppose  that  the  masses  will  submit 
to  its  destruction  ? 

The  people  understand  fully  the  object  of  a  few 
disorganizers  at  the  north  and  south.  They  appre 
ciate  to  the  full  value,  and  no  more,  the  threats  at 
encroachment  or  dissolution  which  are  so  freely 
used.  They  can  listen  to  this  with  some  patience ; 
but  let  threats  be  followed  by  a  single  overt  act,  and 
they  will  hang  the  traitors  as  high  as  Haman  was 
hung. 

The  thanks  of  Congress  were  voted  repeatedly 
to  the  army  for  their  gallant  conduct  in  the  face  of 
the  enemy.  On  the  16th  of  July,  1846,  a  joint 
resolution,  presenting  the  thanks  of  Congress  to 
General  Taylor,  his  officers  and  men,  for  their  forti 
tude,  skill,  enterprise  and  courage  upon  the  Rio 
Grande,  was  approved  by  the  President.  Similar 
resolutions  passed  Congress  March  2d,  1847,  March 
9th,  1848,  and  August  7th,  1848,  tendering  the 
thanks  of  Congress  to  General  Taylor  and  his  men 
for  the  victory  of  Monterey  and  Buena  Vista  ;  and 
to  General  Scott,  his  officers  and  men,  for  the  bril 
liant  campaign  of  1847  ;  and  to  the  officers,  sailors 
and  marines,  for  their  zeal  and  ability  before  the 
walls  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulloa* 


*  "  An  exciting  scene  characterized  an  attempt  to  pass  a  resolution 
tendering  the  thanks  of  Congress  to  several  general  officers.     Mr.  Chase 
of  Tennessee,  on  the  21st  of  February,  1848,  introduced  certain  resolu 
tions  for  that  purpose.     The  question  before  the  House  was,  '  Shall  the 
20 


306  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

This  was  not  only  done,  but  substantial  benefits 
were  conferred,  with  great  liberality,  upon  the  pri 
vate  soldiers,  in  the  shape  of  bounties  and  bounty 
lands. 

main  question  be  now  put  ?'  when  Mr.  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  the  attempt 
to  address  the  Speaker,  was  seized  apparently  with  the  agonies  of  death, 
and  was  borne  to  the  Rotunda,  and  thence  to  the  Speaker's  room,  where 
after  lingering  a  few  days  he  expired." — Congressional  Globe,  1st  session 
3(K/i  Congress,?.  381. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  307 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Tariff. — Opinions  of  Messrs.  Clay  and  Polk  upon  that  question. — Mes 
sage  of  Mr.  Polk. — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. — Passage  of 
the  Tariff  of  1846. — Arguments  of  the  friends  and  opponents  of  free  trade. 
— The  Constitutional  Treasury  established. — Discussions  in  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  — Public  Debt  of  the  United  States. — Proposed  Tax 
upon  Tea  and  Coffee. 

THE  tariff  was  a  prominent  question  in  the  presiden 
tial  contest  of  1844.  The  act  of  1842  had  violated 
the  principles  of  the  compromise  of  1833,*  and  the 
exciting  subject,  instead  of  being  put  "to  rest  for 
ever,"  was  again  to  be  decided  by  the  American 
people.  The  principles  of  the  two  candidates  upon 
this  interesting  and  difficult  question,  were  well  de 
fined  prior  to  the  termination  of  their  congressional 
career.  Mr.  Polk  was  thoroughly  committed  to  the 
policy  of  a  revenue  tariff,  and  Mr.  Clay,  when  the 
compromise  act  was  under  discussion,  pledged  the 
party  favorable  to  protection,  to  a  reduction  of  the 
tariff  to  a  revenue  standard.f  Previous  to  his  nomi- 

*  "  The  present  tariff  law  is  sufficiently  discriminating  ;  holds  to  com 
mon  sense,  and  rejects  the  principles  of  the  Compromise  Act,  I  hope,  for 
ever."— Mr.  Webster's  Speech  at  Faneuil  Hall,  September,  1842. 

f  "  I  am  anxious  to  find  out,  some  principles  of  mutual  accommodation, 
to  satisfy,  as  far  as  practicable,  both  parties ;  to  increase  the  stability  of 
our  legislation ;  and,  at  some  distant  day — but  not  too  distant,  when  we 
take  into  view  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  which  are  involved — to  bring 
down  the  rate  of  duties  to  that  revenue  standard  for  which  our  opponents 


308  HISTORY      OF     THE 

nation  for  the  presidency,  Mr.  Clay  made  a  speech 
at  Raleigh,  in  which  he  advocated  discriminating 
duties  for  the  protection  of  domestic  industry.* 
This  was  followed  by  his  letter,  in  September,  1844, 
to  a  whig  committee  in  Pennsylvania,  in  which  he 
gave  in  his  adhesion  to  the  tariff  of  1842.  Alarmed 
at  the  prospect  of  losing  votes  in  the  Southern 
States,  by  his  opposition  to  the  annexation  of  Texas, 
he  saw  certain  defeat  in  the  future,  unless  he  could 
rally  to  his  support  the  people  of  the  North.  This 
produced  one  concession  after  another,  until  he  had 
abandoned  the  ground  which  he  occupied  in  1833.f 
No  excuse  can  be  offered  for  this  palpable  aban 
donment  of  principles  which  had  been  so  solemnly 
proclaimed;  and  the  words  which  he  uttered  in 
1833,  are  a  withering  rebuke  upon  the  course  which 
he  subsequently  pursued,  and  stamp  in  letters  of 
living  fire  upon  his  own  forehead,  the  anathemas 
which  he  fulminated  in  advance  against  others. 

The  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Polk  during  that 
campaign,  is  by  no  means  free  from  a  just  criticism. 

have  so  long  contended." — Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate  on  a  Com 
promise  Act,  1833. 

*  "  Here  is  a  basis  for  accommodation  and  mutual  satisfaction.  Let 
the  amount  which  is  requisite  for  an  economical  administration  of  the 
Government,  when  we  are  not  engaged  in  a  war,  be  raised  exclusively  on 
foreign  imports  ;  and  in  adjusting  a  tariff' for  that  purpose,  let  such  discrim 
inations  be  made  as  will  foster  and  encourage  our  own  domestic  industry . 
All  parties  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  a  tariff  for  revenue,  and  discrimina 
tions  for  protection." — Mr.  Clay's  Raleigh  Speech. 

f  "  When  this  was  known,  what  Congress,  what  Legislature,  would 
mar  the  guaranty  ?  What  man,  who  is  entitled  to  deserve  the  character 
of  an  American  statesman,  would  stand  up  in  his  place  in  either  House  of 
Congress,  and  disturb  the  treaty  of  peace  and  amity?" — Mr.  Clay's 
Speech,  February  12,  1833. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  309 

Several  letters  were  addressed  to  him,  soliciting  bis 
views  upon  the  tariff  question ;  and  the  answer 
which  he  gave  to  one  of  them,  was  the  subject  of 
much  discussion  in  every  section  of  the  Union.* 
While  it  was  admitted  in  several  of  the  Southern 
States,  that  Mr.  Clay  was  in  favor  of  discriminations 
for  the  protection  of  home  industry,  it  was  at  the 
same  time  insisted  that  Mr.  Polk  entertained  the  same 
views.f  In  Pennsylvania,  it  was  argued  by  the 
democratic  party,  that  the  two  candidates  occupied 
the  same  platform  upon  the  tariff  question.^  If  the 
principles  which  Mr.  Polk  really  entertained  were 
misunderstood,  owing  to  the  phraseology  of  his  Kane 
letter,  he  was  not  himself  altogether  blameless  for 

*  "  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  received  recently  several  letters,  in  reference 
to  my  opinions  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  and,  among  others,  yours  of  the 
30th  ultimo.  My  opinions  on  this  subject  have  been  often  given  to  the 
public.  They  are  to  be  found  in  my  public  acts,  and  in  the  public  discus 
sions  in  which  I  have  participated. 

"  I  am  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for  revenue,  such  a  one  as  will  yield  a  suffi 
cient  amount  to  the  treasury  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  Government, 
economically  administered.  In  adjusting  the  details  of  a  revenue  tariff,  I 
have  heretofore  sanctioned  such  moderate  discriminating  duties  as  would 
produce  the  amount  of  revenue  needed,  and  at  the  same  time  afford  reason 
able  incidental  protection  to  our  home  industry.  I  am  opposed  to  a  tariff 
for  protection  merely  and  not  for  revenue." — Letter  of  Mr.  Polk  to  John 
K.  Kane,  dated  Columbia,  Tennessee,  June  19,  1844. 

f  The  author  was  upon  the  democratic  electoral  ticket  in  Tennessee, 
in  1844.  and  his  opponent,  while  he  admitted  that  Mr.  Clay  was  in  favor 
of  discriminating  duties  for  the  protection  of  home  industry,  would  insist, 
from  the  language  of  the  Kane  letter,  that  Mr.  Polk  was  a  protectionist  to 
the  same  extent  as  Mr.  Clay. 

J  "  We  therefore  insisted  that  the  one  was  as  good  a  tariff  man  as  the 
other." — Speech  of  James  Thompson  of  Penn.,  July  1,  1846.  Congres 
sional  Globe,  Appendix,  1st  session  29//1  Congress. 

Mr.  Thompson  was  explaining  the  course  pursued  in  that  State  in  the 
contest  between  Messrs.  Clay  and  Polk. 


310  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

the  error  which  was  committed  by  his  supporters. 
It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  the  English  language 
was  of  sufficient  scope  and  flexibility  to  enable  him 
to  define  his  opinions  with  more  clearness  and 
greater  precision.  If  he  had  stated  that  he  was  in 
favor  of  a  tariff  discriminating  alone  in  favor  of  re 
venue,  there  would  have  been  no  misconception  of 
his  views.  Or  if  he  had  expressed  his  preference 
for  such  discriminating  duties  as  would  produce  the 
amount  of  revenue  needed, — protection  flowing  as  a 
necessary  incident  therefrom,  every  man  of  ordinary 
understanding  would  have  comprehended  his  mean 
ing.  The  voters  in  the  North  were  deceived  by  the 
use  of  language  which  had  the  effect  of  obscuring, 
instead  of  more  clearly  defining  his  position.  The 
assertion  that  he  had  sanctioned  such  moderate  dis 
criminating  duties  as  would  produce  the  amount  of 
revenue  needed,  was  the  statement  of  a  fact  which 
the  record  confirms ;  and  there  he  ought  to  have 
stopped,  because  every  one  understands  that  pro 
tection  flows  as  a  necessary  incident  from  a  revenue 
tariff.  The  statement  that  he  was  opposed  to  a 
tariff  for  protection  merely,  and  not  for  revenue, 
should  have  been  transposed,  by  asserting  that  he 
was  in  favor  of  a  tariff  for  revenue  merely,  which 
would  have  endorsed  the  principles  he  had  always 
entertained,  and  which  he  subsequently  enforced 
with  his  characteristic  ability  and  energy. 

The  views  which  Mr.  Polk  entertained,  were  ex 
plained  with  precision  and  ability  in  his  first  annual 
message.*  The  principles  which  would  govern  his 

*  "  The  attention  of  Congress  is  invited  to  the  importance  of  making 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  311 

administration  were  proclaimed  with  great  boldness, 
and  the  odious  features  of  the  tariff  of  1842  were 
thoroughly  investigated  and  exposed.  Congress 

suitable  modifications  and  reductions  of  the  rates  of  duty  imposed  by  our 
present  tariff  laws.  The  object  of  imposing  duties  on  imports  should  be 
to  raise  revenue  to  pay  the  necessary  expenses  of  Government.  Congress 
may,  undoubtedly,  in  the  exercise  of  a  sound  discretion,  discriminate  in 
arranging  the  rates  of  duty  on  different  articles ;  but  the  discriminations 
should  be  within  the  revenue  standard,  and  be  made  with  a  view  to  raise 
money  for  the  support  of  the  Government." 

"  It  becomes  important  to  understand  distinctly  what  is  meant  by  a 
revenue  standard,  the  maximum  of  which  should  not  be  exceeded  in  the 
rates  of  duty  imposed.  It  is  conceded,  and  experience  proves  that  duties 
may  be  laid  so  high  as  to  diminish,  or  prohibit  altogether,  the  importation 
of  any  given  article,  and  thereby  lessen  or  destroy  the  revenue  which,  at 
lower  rates,  would  be  derived  from  its  importation.  Such  duties  exceed 
the  revenue  rates,  and  are  not  imposed  to  raise  money  for  the  support  of 
government.  If  Congress  levy  a  duty  for  revenue  of  one  per  cent,  on  a 
given  article,  it  will  produce  a  given  amount  of  money  to  the  treasury, 
and  will  incidentally  and  necessarily  afford  protection  or  advantage  to  the 
amount  of  one  per  cent,  to  the  home  manufacturer  of  a  similar  or  like  arti 
cle  over  the  importer.  If  the  duty  be  raised  to  ten  per  cent.,  it  will  pro 
duce  a  greater  amount  of  money,  and  afford  greater  protection.  If  it  be 
still  raised  to  twenty,  twenty-five,  or  thirty  per  cent.,  and  if  as  it  is  raised 
the  revenue  derived  from  it  is  found  to  be  increased,  the  protection  or  ad 
vantage  will  also  be  increased;  but  if  it  be  raised  to  thirty-one  per  cent., 
and  it  is  found  that  the  revenue  produced  at  that  rate  is  less  than  thirty 
per  cent.,  it  ceases  to  be  a  revenue  duty.  The  precise  point  in  the  as 
cending  scale  of  duties  at  which  it  is  ascertained  from  experience  that  the 
revenue  is  greatest,  is  the  maximum  rate  of  duty  which  can  be  laid  for  the 
bonafide  purpose  of  collecting  money  for  the  support  of  the  Government. 
To  raise  the  duties  higher  than  that  point,  and  thereby  diminish  the 
amount  collected,  is  to  levy  them  for  protection  merely,  and  not  for  reve 
nue.  As  long,  then,  as  Congress  may  gradually  increase  the  rate  of  duty 
on  a  given  article,  and  the  revenue  is  increased  by  such  increase  of  duty, 
they  are  within  the  revenue  standard.  When  they  go  beyond  that  point, 
and  as  they  increase  the  duties,  the  revenue  is  diminished  or  destroyed, 
the  act  ceases  to  have  for  its  object  the  raising  of  money  to  support  Gov 
ernment,  but  is  for  protection  merely." 

"  It  does  not  follow  that  Congress  should  levy  the  highest  duty  on  all 
articles  of  import  which  they  will  bear  within  the  revenue  standard ;  for 


312  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

was  urged  to  substitute  ad  valorem  for  specific  and 
minimum  duties.  That  portion  of  Ms  message  is  a 
masterly  and  unanswerable  argument  in  favor  of  free 
trade,  and  bore  the  impress  of  a  comprehensive  mind, 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  subject. 

such  rates  would  probably  produce  a  much  larger  amount  than  the  econo 
mical  administration  of  the  Government  would  require.  Nor  does  it  fol 
low  that  the  duties  on  all  articles  should  be  at  the  same,  or  a  horizontal 
rate.  Some  articles  will  bear  a  much  higher  revenue  than  others.  Below 
the  maximum  of  the  revenue  standard  Congress  may  and  ought  to  discri 
minate  in  the  rates  imposed,  taking  care  so  to  adjust  them  on  different  arti 
cles  as  to  produce  in  the  aggregate  the  amount  which,  when  added  to  the 
proceeds  of  sales  of  public  lands,  may  be  needed  to  pay  the  economical  ex 
penses  of  the  Government.  In  levying  a  tariff  of  duties,  Congress  exer 
cise  the  taxing  power,  and  for  purposes  of  revenue  may  select  the  objects 
of  taxation.  They  may  exempt  certain  articles  altogether,  and  permit  their 
importation  free  of  duty.  On  others  they  may  impose  low  duties.  In 
these  classes  should  be  embraced  such  articles  of  necessity  as  are  in  gene 
ral  use,  and  especially  such  as  are  consumed  by  the  laborer  and  the  poor, 
as  well  as  by  the  wealthy  citizen.  Care  should  be  taken  that  all  the  great 
interests  of  the  country,  including  manufactures,  agriculture,  commerce, 
navigation  and  the  mechanic  arts,  should,  as  far  as  may  be  practicable, 
derive  equal  advantages  from  the  incidental  protection  which  a  just  system 
of  revenue  duties  may  afford.  Taxation,  direct  or  indirect,  is  a  burden,  and 
it  should  be  so  imposed  as  to  operate  as  equally  as  may  be  on  all  classes 
in  the  proportion  of  their  ability  to  bear  it.  To  make  the  taxing  power 
an  actual  benefit  to  one  class,  necessarily  increases  the  burden  of  the 
others  beyond  their  proportion,  and  would  be  manifestly  unjust.  The 
terms  '  protection  to  domestic  industry  '  are  of  popular  import ;  but  they 
should  apply  under  a  just  system  to  all  the  various  branches  of  industry 
in  our  country.  The  farmer  or  planter  who  toils  yearly  in  his  fields,  is 
engaged  in  '  domestic  industry,'  and  is  as  much  entitled  to  have  his  labor 
'  protected '  as  the  manufacturer,  the  man  of  commerce,  the  navigator,  or 
the  mechanic,  who  are  engaged  also  in  '  domestic  industry'  in  their  differ 
ent  pursuits.  The  joint  labors  of  all  these  classes  constitute  the  aggre 
gate  of  the  '  domestic  industry'  of  the  nation,  and  they  are  equally  entitled 
to  the  nation's  '  protection.'  No  one  of  them  can  justly  claim  to  be  the 
exclusive  recipient  of  '  protection  '  which  can  only  be  afforded  by  increas 
ing  burdens  on  '  domestic  industry'  of  the  others." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk 
to  Congress,  December,  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  313 

The  doctrines  which  were  sustained  by  the  Ex 
ecutive  were  enforced  with  consummate  ability  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  made  certain 
principles  the  basis  of  his  celebrated  report  against 
the  protective  policy.*  That  argument  has  been 
submitted  to  the  test  of  scrutiny  and  of  time.  The 
most  powerful  advocates  of  the  protective  system 
employed  their  energies  in  refuting  his  assumptions, 
and  controverting  his  facts.  But  his  platform  was 
never  abandoned ;  and  like  the  sailor,  whose  eye  is 
fixed  upon  his  compass  amidst  storms  and  tempests, 
he  adhered  to  his  principles  with  an  iron  will,  and 
an  inflexibility  of  purpose,  which  insured  success 
against  all  opposition. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  1846,  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  proceeded  to  the  consideration  of  a  bill  for 
the  repeal  of  the  tariff  of  1842.  The  debate  upon 
this  bill  was  characterized  by  great  power.  Princi 
ples  were  laid  down,  and  facts  adduced.  Musty 


*  "  1st.  That  no  more  money  should  be  collected  than  is  necessary  for 
the  wants  of  the  Government,  economically  administered. 

"  2d.  That  no  duty  be  imposed  on  any  article  above  the  lowest  rate 
which  will  yield  the  largest  amount  of  revenue. 

"  3d.  That,  below  such  rate,  discrimination  may  be  made,  descending 
in  the  scale  of  duties ;  or,  for  imperative  reasons,  the  article  may  be  placed 
in  the  list  of  those  free  from  all  duty. 

;'  4th.  That  the  maximum  revenue  duty  should  be  imposed  on  luxuries. 

"  5th.  That  all  minimums,  all  specific  duties,  should  be  abolished,  and 
ad  valorem  duties  substituted  in  their  place,  care  being  taken  to  guard 
against  fraudulent  invoices  and  under-valuation,  and  to  assess  the  duty 
upon  the  actual  market  value. 

"  6th.  That  the  duties  should  be  so  imposed  as  to  operate  as  equally  as 
possible  throughout  the  Union,  discriminating  neither  for  nor  against  any 
class  or  section." — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  December 
3d.  1845. 


314  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

volumes  were  examined,  and  the  talents  which  were 
concentrated  in  the  House  of  Representatives  were 
devoted  to  the  discussion  of  the  subject.  The  city 
of  Washington  was  thronged  by  the  manufacturers 
and  their  agents,  and  every  effort  which  ingenuity 
could  devise  was  exerted  to  defeat  the  passage  of 
the  tariff  of  1846.  After  a  long  discussion,  the  bill 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  3d  of 
July,  1846,  by  a  vote  of  114  to  95.*  Among  the 
number  who  voted  for  the  passage  of  the  bill  there 
was  but  one  whig. 

Although  the  bill  had  passed  by  a  triumphant 
majority  through  the  House  of  Representatives,  it 
was  destined  to  encounter  a  formidable  opposition 
in  the  Senate.  The  supporters  and  opponents  of 
free  trade  in  that  body  were  nearly  equal.  The 
bill  came  very  near  being  defeated  by  the  unex 
pected  resignation  of  "William  H.  Haywood,  of 
North  Carolina^  whose  conduct  produced  a  feeling 
of  indignation  in  the  democratic  party,  and  at  once 
elevated  the  hopes  of  the  opponents  of  reform. 
The  contest  became  more  exciting,  and  great  anxi 
ety  was  felt  not  only  in  Washington,  but  throughout 
the  country.  The  fate  of  the  bill  now  depended 
upon  the  vote  of  Mr.  Jarnagin,  a  whig  member  of 
the  Senate  from  Tennessee,  who  had  been  instructed 

*  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  1053. 

f  "WASHINGTON  CITY.  July  25th,  1846. 

"  I  hereby  respectfully  resign  my  seat  in  the  Senate  as  one  of  the 
Senators  from  North  Carolina. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  yonr  obedient  servant, 

"WILLIAM  H.  UAYWOOD,  JR." 
Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29//1  Congress,  p.  1141. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  315 

to  vote  for  a  bill  which  embodied  the  principles  of 
the  one  then  before  the  Senate.  It  was  a  matter 
of  great  doubt  whether  he  would  not  either  openly 
disobey  those  instructions,  or  manage  in  some  way 
to  evade  them.  Contrary  to  the  expectations  of 
those  who  placed  a  just  appreciation  upon  the 
general  character  of  that  Senator,  he  said  he  would 
obey  his  instructions,*  although  the  instincts  of  the 
man  were  illustrated,  when  he  hazarded  its  defeat 
by  intrusting  the  fate  of  the  bill  to  the  casting  vote 
of  the  Vice  President. 

A  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Mary 
land,  to  commit  the  bill  with  instructions,  and  upon 
that  proposition  the  Senate  was  equally  divided, 
27  Senators  voting  for  and  27  against  the  propo 
sition.  It  was  decided  in  the  negative  by  the  cast 
ing  vote  of  the  Vice  President.f  If  Mr.  Jarnagin 
had  faithfully  obeyed  his  instructions,  Mr.  Dallas 
would  not  have  been  called  upon  to  exercise  the 
duty  which  his  position  as  presiding  officer  imposed 
upon  him,  during  that  struggle.  J  It  was,  however, 
expecting  too  much  from  Spencer  Jarnagin  to  sup 
pose  he  would  pursue  the  path  of  duty  with  unde- 
viating  footsteps.  The  course  which  he  adopted, 
while  it  exemplified  his  own  character,  afforded  the 

*  "  But  the  leading  features  of  the  bill  I  am  instructed  to  maintain,  and 
by  voting  against  the  bill  I  would  vote  against  the  principles  which  I  am 
instructed  to  support.  I  shall  obey  these  instructions." — Speech  of  Mr. 
Jarnagin. 

f  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  1155. 

|  "  The  President  said  that  he  was  taken  by  surprise  in  consequence 
of  the  course  pursued  by  the  Senator  from  Tennessee,  [Mr.  Jarnagin,] 
who  did  not  vote ;  but  as  he  was  called  upon  to  give  the  casting  vote,  he 
would  vote  in  the  negative." — Ibid. 


316  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Vice  President  an  opportunity  of  illustrating  his 
moral  firmness  by  an  act  of  bold  and  majestic  gran 
deur,  which  stamped  him  as  one  of  the  distinguished 
men  of  the  age.  When  the  bill  was  ordered  to  a 
third  reading,  Mr.  Jarnagin  again  refused  to  vote, 
and  the  Senate  was  again  equally  divided,  and  the 
fate  of  the  measure  was  decided  by  the  casting  vote 
of  Mr.  Dallas.  Before  proceeding  to  decide  the 
important  question  which  was  now  under  his  con 
trol,  and  upon  which  so  much  interest  and  feeling 
depended,  the  Vice  President  addressed  the  Senate.* 

*  "  The  President  rose  and  said  : 

"  The  Senate  being  equally  divided  on  this  important  question,  I  may 
be  indulged  in  briefly  stating  the  principal  reasons  for  the  vote  I  am  re 
quired  by  the  Constitution  to  give. 

"  Excluded  from  any  participation  in  forming  or  modifying  the  bill,  I 
am  bound  to  sanction  or  condemn  it  exactly  in  the  shape  in  which  it 
stands.  The  responsibility  is  deeply  felt.  It  belongs,  however,  to  the 
office  assigned  to  me  by  my  fellow-citizens,  and  will  be  assumed  with 
frankness,  and,  I  hope,  not  unbecoming  firmness.  The  consequences  of 
my  decision,  either  way,  may  seriously  affect  the  country.  No  one  can 
entertain,  as  to  that,  a  profounder  solicitude.  But,  after  summoning  to 
my  aid  the  best  purposes  and  best  lights  that  I  can  command,  the  conse 
quences,  be  they  what  they  may,  must  be  hazarded. 

"  The  system  for  obtaining  the  revenue  necessary  to  support  their  Go 
vernment  is  established,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  within  the  limits,  and  agreeably  to  the  prescribed  forms  of  the  Con 
stitution.  Whatever  is  ascertained  to  be  their  will  on  the  subject,  all 
should  undoubtedly  acquiesce  in.  That  there  are  known  and  approved 
modes  by  which  their  will  is  expressed,  cannot  be  questioned ;  and  the 
public  officer  who  reads  that  will  with  candor  and  integrity,  may  feel  as 
sured  that  he  conforms  to  the  institutions  of  his  country  when  he  makes 
it  the  guide  of  his  conduct.  To  my  mind  ample  proof  has  been  furnished 
that  a  majority  of  the  people  and  of  the  States  desire  to  change,  to  a  great 
extent,  in  principle,  if  not  fundamentally,  the  system  heretofore  pursued 
in  assessing  the  duties  on  foreign  imports.  That  majority  has  manifested 
itself  in  various  ways,  and  is  attested  by  its  representatives  in  the  other 
House  of  Congress,  by  whom  this  bill  has  been  approved,  and  whose  votes 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  317 

The  scene  which  was  witnessed  upon  that  occasion 
was  one  of  the  most  imposing  that  ever  occurred  in 
that  chamber.  It  was  not  known  with  certainty 

undeniably  indicate  the  popular  sense  in  the  large  proportion  of  eighteen 
out  of  the  twenty-eight  States.  In  this  Senate  an  analysis  of  the  vote 
before  me  discloses  that  while  six  States  (Ohio,  Virginia,  New-Hampshire, 
Georgia,  Michigan  and  Maine)  are  equally  divided ;  eleven  (Louisiana, 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Kentucky,  Massachusetts,  New-Jersey,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  Maryland,  North  Carolina  and  Vermont)  are  against, 
and  eleven  (Arkansas,  Missouri,  Alabama,  Illinois.  Indiana,  South  Caroli 
na,  Mississippi,  New-York,  Texas,  Tennessee  and  Florida)  are  for  the 
change.  Peculiarly  situated  as  I  am  in  my  relation  to  the  national  legis 
lature,  these  impressive  facts  cannot  be  overlooked.  In  a  case  free  from 
constitutional  objection,  I  could  not  justifiably  counteract,  by  a  sort  of  offi 
cial  veto,  the  general  will. 

"  The  struggle  to  exert  without  abatement  the  constitutional  power  of 
taxation,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  protect,  by  high  duties  on  imports,  many 
of  the  productions  of  our  own  soil  and  labor  from  the  competition  of  other 
countries,  has  endured  for  more  than  thirty  years.  During  that  period,  a 
system  of  high  taxation  has  prevailed,  with  fluctuations  of  success  and 
failure.  It  is  as  vigorously  and  as  exactingly  insisted  upon  now  as  ever ; 
and,  indeed,  it  would  seem,  in  some  instances,  as  if  the  longer  the  advan 
tage  of  a  particular  tax  was  enjoyed,  the  stronger  became  the  desire  for  its 
continuance,  and  even  its  augmentation.  And  yet  it  ought  to  be  remem 
bered  that  this  exercise  of  the  taxing  power,  by  which  the  great  mass  of 
consumers  are  made  to  swell  the  profits  of  a  few  branches  of  industry, 
was  originally  intended  to  be  temporary,  to  be  continued  only  so  long  as 
its  continuance  was  necessary  to  the  industrial  independence  and  safety 
of  the  whole  people.  Such  was  the  language,  the  inculcation,  the  spirit, 
in  which  it  was  proposed  and  justified  by  its  earliest  and  wisest  friends. 
The  design  was  to  foster  feeble  '  infant'  manufactures,  especially  such  as 
were  essential  to  the  defence  of  the  country  in  time  of  war.  In  this  de 
sign  the  people  have  persevered  until,  with  some,  but  not  weighty,  excep 
tions,  these  saplings  have  taken  deep  root,  have  become  vigorous,  expand 
ed  and  powerful,  and  are  prepared  to  share  the  common  lot  of  human  pur 
suits,  and  to  enter  with  confidence  the  field  of  free,  fair,  and  universal 
competition. 

"  The  arrival  of  this  period  of  time,  long  promised,  has  been  anxiously 
looked  for  by  a  large  and  justly  respected  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens, 
who  deemed  themselves  peculiar  and  almost  exclusive  sufferers  by  the  po 
licy  of  protection.  They  have  sometimes,  perhaps,  imprudently  endeav- 


318  HISTORY      OF     THE 

what  course  Mr.  Dallas  would  pursue.  The  Repre 
sentative  Hall  was  almost  deserted,  and  the  mem 
bers  crowded  into  the  Senate  to  witness  the  termi- 

ored  to  anticipate  it.  Their  numbers,  at  first  entitled  to  influence  only 
from  their  patriotism  and  intelligence,  have  gone  on,  gradually  increasing 
as  the  system  ripened  to  its  fruit,  and  they  now  constitute  what  I  am 
bound  by  registered  facts  to  regard  as  a  decided  majority  of  the  people 
and  of  the  Union. 

"  It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  this  change  of  financial  arrangement, 
brought  about  by  public  opinion,  '  which  every  where  ought  to  guide  and 
influence  statesmen?  should,  nevertheless,  be  characterized  by  moderation, 
nay,  by  scrupulous  tenderness  for  those  interests  of  our  fellow-citizens 
that  are  to  be  affected  by  it.  The  legislation  which  encouraged  their  in 
vestments,  their  educational  training,  or  their  habits,  should  cease,  finally 
and  firmly,  if  required,  but  still  soothingly  and  gently  ;  and  hence  I  may  be 
pardoned  for  expressing  a  regret  that  certain  provisions  which,  in  their 
bearing,  seem  to  me  trenchant  and  sudden  beyond  the  calls  of  the  occa 
sion,  have  been  allowed  to  remain  as  parts  of  this  bill.  Were  it  in  my 
power  to  except  these  provisions  from  the  operation  of  my  vote,  I  would 
do  so  ;  but  viewed  as  a  whole,  as  a  measure  to  accommodate  a  vast  and  in 
tricate  subject  to  the  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  American  people,  to  re 
duce  the  burdens  artificially  imposed  upon  the  laboring  and  productive 
masses,  and  to  reconcile  diminished  restrictions  of  trade,  with  increased 
contributions  from  it,  I  cannot  resist  the  impression  that  the  bill  is  more 
equal,  more  tempered  and  more  just,  than  the  act  of  1842,  which  it  super 
sedes.  That  it  deals  with  some  pursuits  and  resources  of  my  native  com 
monwealth  less  kindly  than  she  might  well  expect,  does  not  relieve  me 
from  my  duty,  but  only  makes  its  performance  personally  reluctant  and 
painful. 

'•  In  aid  of  these  considerations,  adequate,  perhaps,  in  themselves  to 
control  my  vote,  there  is  another  which,  I  am  free  to  confess,  nothing  but 
an  unforeseen,  sheer  and  pressing  public  necessity,  could  ever  induce  me 
to  forego  or  forget.  In  strict  concord  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the 
Constitution,  the  Vice  President,  of  the  United  States,  now  called  upon  to 
act,  is  the  direct  agent  and  representative  of  the  whole  people.  In  ad 
vance,  and  dependent  upon  contingent  results,  it  is  perfectly  competent 
to  this,  his  national  constituency,  to  give  instructions,  and  to  receive 
pledges  for  their  execution.  On  this  identical  subject  of  a  tariff"  of  duties 
on  imports,  whatever  may  have  been  the  cause  of  local  and  casual  incon 
sistency,  my  own  honor  can  admit  of  no  disclaimer  of  instructions  that 
were  formally  announced,  and  my  own  good  faith  stands  inviolable  to  a 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  819 

nation  of  the  struggle.  The  galleries  were  thronged 
with  beauty  and  fashion.  The  manufacturers  were 
assembled  in  strong  force.  The  reporters  bent  ea 
gerly  forward  to  catch  the  words  which  fell  from 
the  lips  of  the  presiding  officer.  A  solemn  silence 
reigned  profound,  while  Mr.  Dallas  proceeded  to 
deliver  his  celebrated  address.  All  eyes  were  bent 
upon  his  commanding  and  expressive  countenance, 
and  each  ear  drank  in  the  language  which  he  ut 
tered  with  an  earnestness  and  impressiveness  of 
tone,  that  proved  his  sincerity.  As  he  proceeded, 
the  hopes  and  fears  of  his  audience  alternated,  and 
when  he  concluded,  the  most  unbounded  satisfaction 
was  expressed  by  all  who  favored  reform,  and  the 
deepest  disappointment  and  chagrin  were  imprinted 
upon  the  countenances  of  the  protectionists. 

On  the  28th  of  July,  the  bill  passed  the  Senate 
with  an  unimportant  amendment,  and  was  returned 
to  the  House  for  concurrence,  where  it  run  the 
hazard  of  defeat.  After  its  passage  in  that  body, 
several  members  had  become  alarmed,  and  there 
was  great  danger  that  the  bill  would  be  defeated 
by  the  insertion  of  specific  duties.  The  object  of 
its  friends,  therefore,  was  to  sustain  the  demand  for 
the  previous  question,  which  would  have  the  effect 
of  preventing  amendment  or  debate.  That  motion 

pledge  voluntarily  given.  If  by  this  acting  it  be  my  misfortune  to  offend 
any  portion  of  those  who  honored  me  with  their  suffrages,  I  have  only  to 
say  to  them,  and  to  my  whole  country,  that  I  prefer  the  deepest  obscurity 
of  private  life,  with  an  unwounded  conscience,  to  the  glare  of  official  em 
inence,  spotted  by  a  sense  of  moral  delinquency." — Address  of  the  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States,  July  28th,  1846.  Congressional  Globe, 
1st  session  %9th  Congress,  p.  1156. 


320  HISTORY     OF     THE 

could  not,  by  the  rules  of  the  House,  be  decided  by 
yeas  and  nays.  The  danger  that  was  incurred  re 
sulted  from  the  fact  that  certain  members  would 
vote  one  way,  when  their  names  were  placed  upon 
the  journal,  and  differently  when  they  were  not 
put  to  that  ordeal,  and  the  consequence  was,  that 
the  vote  for  sustaining  the  call  for  the  previous 
question  was  102  ayes  and  101  noes.*  If  the  pre 
vious  question  had  not  been  sustained,  the  bill,  in 
all  probability,  would  have  been  amended  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  insure  its  defeat ;  as  it  was,  it  passed 
the  House  by  a  vote  of  115  to  92,  and  the  Tariff 
Act  of  1846,  having  received  the  signature  of  the 
President,  became  the  law  of  the  land. 

For  the  reason  that  the  Tariff  question  was  the 
great  domestic  measure  of  reform  during  the  ad 
ministration  of  Mr.  Polk,  I  shall  give  at  considera 
ble  length  the  arguments  upon  both  sides.f 

*  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  1165. 

f  "  Mr.  S.  said  he  wished  to  consider  for  a  moment  the  Tariff  as  con 
nected  with  agriculture,  and  it  might  startle  the  Secretary  to  tell  him  that 
Massachusetts  now  exported  to  foreign  markets  more  agricultural  produce 
than  any  other  State  in  the  Union.  She  exported  it  as  the  British  im 
ported  it.  not  in  its  raw  form,  but  converted  into  manufactures  ;  and, 
what  was  still  more  important  to  the  grain-growing  States,  she  exported 
it  in  a  form  not  to  compete  with,  or  at  all  effect,  the  price  of  produce,  in 
its  raw  condition,  in  the  foreign  markets.  And  it  might  startle  the  Secre 
tary  still  more  to  tell  him  that  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  hay,  oats,  straw, 
grass,  and  corn,  were  transported  annually  over  the  mountains  to  the 
Atlantic  markets,  from  Ohio,  Kentucky,  and  the  other  western  States. 
But  is  it  not  strictly  and  undeniably  true  ?  Not  in  its  original  form,  but 
like  British  goods,  converted  and  changed  into  a  condition  in  which  it  can 
be  transported  to  market — converted  into  hogs,  horses,  and  fat  cattle  ;  for 
what  are  these  but  the  corn,  oats,  and  hay  of  the  western  farmer,  changed 
into  animated  forms,  and  made  to  carry  itself  to  market.  A  fat  hog  carries 
eight  or  ten  bushels  of  corn  to  market,  and  a  fine  western  horse  carries 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  321 

The  adjustment  of  a  tariff  has  been  the  cause 
of  much  difficulty  for  the  last  thirty  years.  In  its 
discussion  the  ripest  scholars  and  profoundest  states- 
seventy  or  eighty  dollars'  worth  of  hay  and  oats  to  the  eastern  market, 
with  the  farmer  on  top  of  it,  which  he  sells  for  the  cash,  and  returns  home 
to  repeat  the  process.  And  thus  foreigners  convert  their  agricultural 
produce,  not  into  hogs,  and  horses,  but  into  cloth,  iron,  hats,  shoes,  every 
tiling  you  find  on  the  merchant's  shelf,  and  send  them  here  for  sale  and 
consumption.  Our  merchants  throughout  the  country,  so  far  as  they  sell 
foreign  goods,  are  in  fact  but  retailers  of  foreign  agricultural  produce, 
converted  into  goods  and  sent  here  for  sale ;  and,  when  we  look  abroad  at 
their  vast  numbers,  is  it  surprising  that  money  should  be  scarce  ?  It  has 
been  clearly  proved  that  more  than  half  the  value  of  a  yard  of  cloth  con 
sists  of  wool,  and  the  subsistence  of  the  labor  employed  in  its  manufac 
ture.  That  nine-tenths  of  the  value  of  pig-iron  consists  of  agricultural 
produce,  and  that  even  a  yard  of  lace  is  but  little  else  than  the  subsistence 
of  the  foreign  pauper  labor  employed  in  its  fabrication.  Yet  the  farmer 
seems  not  to  be  aware,  that  when  he  pays  $20  for  a  suit  of  British  cloth, 
he  sends  $10  of  the  20  in  hard  money  (they  take  no  paper)  to  purchase 
British  wool,  and  bread,  and  meat,  while  he  has  no  market  for  his  own. 
Yet  is  it  not  true  ?  And  is  not  this  the  policy  recommended  by  this  Ad 
ministration  ?  He  was  admonished  to  be  brief,  but  he  would,  while  on 
this  point,  state  another  fact  susceptible  of  the  clearest  demonstration, 
that  the  constituents  of  every  member  in  this  House  from  Ohio,  Indiana, 
Illinois,  and  all  the  grain-growing  States,  are  at  this  moment  purchasing 
and  consuming  five  dollars'  worth  of  British  agricultural  produce  to  one 
dollars'  worth  Great  Britain  takes  of  theirs.  By  referring  to  the  official 
reports  on  commerce  and  navigation  for  ten  or  twenty  years  back,  it 
would  be  found  that  our  imports  of  British  goods  amount  to  nearly  fifty 
millions  a  year,  while  she  has  taken,  of  all  the  agricultural  products  of 
the  grain-growing  States  of  this  Union,  flour,  grain,  meat,  &c.,  less  then 
two  millions  and  a  half.  Now  if  only  half  the  value  (and  it  was  much 
more)  of  these  goods  consisted  of  agricultural  produce,  this  would  give 
twenty-five  millions  of  British  agricultural  produce,  taken  annually  by  us, 
to  two  and  a  half  millions  of  ours  taken  by  them,  just  ten  to  one.  Now, 
assuming  that  consumption  is  in  proportion  to  population ;  then  these 
western  gentlemen's  constituents  are  consuming  not  five  but  ten  dollars1 
worth  of  British  agricultural  produce  to  one  Great  Britain  takes  from 
them  ;  and  yet  the  Secretary  is  not  satisfied,  but  wishes  to  increase  the 
import  of  foreign  goods  to  favor  the  farmers !  Reduce  the  duties,  says 
the  Administration,  to  increase  imports,  and  amen,  say  most  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  these  western  farmers.  But  what  would  these  farmers  say 
21 


322  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

men  in  the  Union  have  exerted  their  powers.  The 
classes  who  have  been  favored  by  the  protective 
system  have  struggled  to  maintain  the  privileges 

to  their  representatives  when  they  come  to  look  practically  and  not  theo 
retically  at  this  matter  ?  He  (Mr.  S.)  intended  to  call  their  attention  to 
it.  He  intended,  after  the  example  of  the  Secretary,  to  address  some  ques- 
tiens  to  the  farmers  of  this  country,  and  he  hoped  soon  to  have  their  answers 
to  lay  before  the  House  ;  he  wanted  the  facts  on  both  sides.  He  would  ask, 
for  instance,  how  much  agricultural  produce  there  was  in  a  yard  of  do 
mestic  cloth,  or  a  ton  of  iron  ?  and  whether,  if  brought  from  England, 
(where  it  was  made  of  the  same  materials,)  they  did  not  purchase  English 
wool  and  provisions  converted  into  cloth,  iron,  &c.,  when  they  had  no 
market  for  their  own  ?  He  would  ask  the  merchants  and  manufacturers 
what  were  the  prices  of  cotton  and  woollen  goods,  glass,  iron,  nails,  &c., 
in  1816,  when  the  first  protective  tariff  was  adopted,  and  what  they  were 
now  ?  He  would  ask  the  working  men  what  would  be  the  effect  of '  free 
trade,'  recommended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  on  the  wages  of 
labor  in  this  country  ?  Such  questions,  in  his  judgment,  would  not  only 
furnish  important  facts,  but,  what  was  more  important,  it  would  bring  the 
farmers  and  laborers  to  investigate  this  subject  in  a  common  sense  practi 
cal  point  of  view,  and  to  figure  it  out  for  themselves ;  in  this  way  more 
would  be  done  to  bring  the  people  to  a  right  understanding  of  this  highly 
interesting  subject,  than  by  all  the  speeches  made  here  or  elsewhere."— 
Speech  of  Mr.  A.  Stewart,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  December  9th, 
1845.  Appendix  to  the  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress, 
p.  58. 

"  But  now  that  doctrine  is  repudiated  by  the  Administration.  The 
President  of  the  United  States,  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  have  made  the  financial  discovery  that  a 
reduction  of  the  Tariff  will  greatly  enhance  the  amount  of  revenue  from 
imports.  It  is  true,  that  they  have  the  operation  of  the  famous  compro 
mise  act  staring  them  in  the  face,  and  contradicting  their  position.  They 
knowr  that  in  1842,  when  the  duty  came  down  to  20  per  cent.,  the  revenue 
was  reduced  to  $12,700,000  ;  and  that  by  the  commencement  of  cash 
duties  within  that  year,  the  year  1842  was  practically  a  year  of  five  quar 
ters  ;  having  all  the  revenue  of  that  year,  and  the  payment  of  bonds 
given  for  goods  imported  the  last  quarter  of  the  preceding  year  ;  and, 
also,  that  this  revenue  would  have  fallen  off  still  more,  had  not  Congress, 
early  in  1841,  imposed  additional  duties  upon  silks,  wines,  and  several 
other  articles.  All  this  must  be  known  to  the  Administration ;  nor  can 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  323 

which  it  guarantied  against  the  advocates  of  free 
trade.  The  contest  which  was  waged  during  the 
discussion  of  the  tariffs  of  1828  and  1842,  is  still 

they  have  forgotten  the  embarrassed  state  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  almost 
perfect  prostration  of  every  branch  of  industry  at  that  time.  They  must 
also  know,  that  the  Tariff  act  of  1842  relieved  the  Treasury  and  gave 
general  prosperity  to  the  country.  All  this  must  be  within  their  know 
ledge  ;  and  yet,  blind  to  the  past,  and  deaf  to  the  voice  of  experience, 
they  come  forward,  and  ask  us  to  abandon  the  policy  under  which  we 
have  enjoyed  such  unexampled  prosperity,  and  to  follow  out  a  mere  ab 
straction — the  dream  of  some  visionary  speculators.  And  can  they  give 
us  any  assurance  that  their  system  will  work  well  ?  Can  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means  tell  us  what  amount  of  revenue  their  bill  will  yield  ? 
They  have  furnished  us  with  no  such  estimates.  And  T  presume,  if  in 
terrogated,  the  honorable  Chairman  will  tell  us  now,  as  he  did  two  years 
ago,  that  he  knew  nothing  about  it,  and  could  form  no  conjecture  satis 
factory  to  himself.  In  his  report  of  1 844,  which  accompanied  his  Tariff 
bill,  we  find  this  frank  confession  :  '  It  may  be  expected  of  the  Committee 
that  they  will  make  an  estimate  of  the  revenue  to  be  realized  under  the 
rates  of  duty  they  proposed  to  establish  ;  but  they  feel  themselves  wholly 
incompetent  to  do  so,  to  any  useful  purpose.'  He  then  goes  on  to  say, 
that  all  the  calculations  which  have  been  made  by  the  different  Secretaries 
of  the  Treasury  are  mere  vague  conjectures,  not  to  be  relied  upon.  This 
was  the  position  of  that  Committee  at  that  time,  and  I  will  venture  to  say 
that  the  Chairman  will  not  impart  any  more  information  at  this  day. 

"  Can  he  give  us  any  assurance  that  his  bill  will  yield  even  $20,000,000 
of  revenue  ?  He  cannot.  I  am  aware  of  the  difficulty  of  making  any 
thing  like  an  accurate  estimate  on  this  subject ;  but  from  the  vast  infor 
mation  I  can  obtain,  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Committee's  bill,  without 
tea  and  coffee,  will  yield  more  than  $20,000,000  at  farthest,  and  with  tea 
and  coffee  not  more  than  about  $21.000,000  of  net  revenue.  We  are 
then  called  upon,  for  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  revenue,  to  try  an  ex 
periment,  on  the  success  of  which  the  Committee  themselves  dare  not 
even  hazard  a  conjecture.  We  know  the  operation  of  the  present  law. 
We  have  seen  that  it  will  yield  from  $26.000,000  to  28,000,000  of  net 
revenue ;  and  still  we  are  asked  to  give  up  this  certainty  for  an  uncer 
tainty,  or  rather  a  certainty  of  success  for  a  certainty  of  defeat. 

"  But  we  are  told  that  we  must  adopt  the  revenue  standard  and  bring 
all  duties  down -to  the  revenue  rates.  Sir,  before  examining  this  boasted 
revenue  standard,  I  cannot  forbear  remarking  upon  the  peculiarity  of  this 
language,  or  rather  the  great  stress  which  is  laid  upon  it.  We  hear  of 


324  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

continued  with  more  confidence  and  success  upon 
the  part  of  the  friends  of  unrestricted  commercial 
relations,  and  with  doubt  and  misgivings  by  the 

revenue,  revenue,  revenue,  as  if  the  great  end  for  which  the  Government 
was  instituted  was  to  fill  its  own  coffers.  From  language  which  gentle 
men  employ,  we  should  think  that  the  Government  had  an  interest  distinct 
from  the  people,  and  that  the  Alpha  and  Omega,  the  beginning  and  the 
end,  the  object  and  the  aim  of  all  legislation  was  to  collect  money  for  the 
Government  to  expend.  Our  fathers  maintained  that  Government  was 
instituted  for  the  good  of  the  people ;  but  this  old-fashioned  maxim  seems 
to  be  inverted,  and  the  policy  now  is,  if  I  mistake  not  the  signs  of  the 
times,  to  look  at  the  wants  of  the  Government  alone.  But,  Sir,  I  repu 
diate  this  new  doctrine.  It  is  monarchical  in  its  character ;  it  is  the  essence 
of  despotism.  The  interests  of  the  people  should  be  the  great  object  in 
view,  and  the  interests  of  the  Government,  when  it  comes  in  competition 
with  the  interests  of  the  people,  should  not  stand  for  a  moment." — Speech 
of  Mr.  Hudson  of  Massachusetts,  June  24tfi,  1846. 

"  I  have  already  stated  that  the  general  principles  of  this  bill  are 
novel  and  dangerous  in  their  consequences.  They  are  the  principles  of 
free  trade,  with  the  exclusion  of  all  discrimination,  as  incidental  to  reve 
nue,  to  favor  the  productions  or  industry  of  the  country.  And  in  connec 
tion  with  these,  is  the  principle  of  ad  valorem  duties,  never  before  intro 
duced  as  a  general  rule  of  assessing  duties.  These  principles  are  laid 
down  and  attempted  to  be  defended  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in 
his  Financial  Report,  at  the  commencement  of  the  session.  The  Secre 
tary  comes  forward  with  a  new  theory,  which,  it  is  said  in  a  certain  quar 
ter,  none  of  his  predecessors  ever  had  courage  to  advance.  It  is  certainly 
true,  that  none  of  those  who  have  preceded  him  ever  advocated  such  a 
theory ;  but  whether  for  want  of  courage,  or  want  of  confidence  in  its 
principles,  cannot  be  very  doubtful.  Neither  Mr.  Gallatin,  Mr.  Dallas, 
Mr.  Crawford,  Mr.  Ingram,  or  Mr.  Woodbury,  nor  any  other  democratic 
Secretary,  ever  advocated  or  gave  countenance  to  such  doctrines. 

"  This  report,  in  imitation  of  the  ancient  and  long  since  exploded  phi 
losophy,  lays  down  certain  abstract  principles,  or  categories,  which  are  to 
control  and  regulate  the  entire  revenue  and  tariff  system.  The  first  prin 
ciple  is,  that  no  more  revenue  should  be  raised  than  is  necessary  to  an 
economical  administration  of  the  Government.  To  this  rule  all  will  pro 
bably  assent.  The  second  principle  is.  that  in  all  cases  the  lowest  rate  of 
duty  should  be  imposed  which  will  produce  the  largest  amount  of  revenue  ; 
that  there  may  be  discriminations  below  this  rate  for  revenue,  and  for  spe- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  325 

protectionists.  As  the  subject  is  comprehended  by 
the  people,  more  liberal  opinions  have  taken  posses 
sion  of  the  public  mind,  and  the  flood  of  light  which 

cial  reasons  some  article  may  be  admitted  free  of  duty.  This  is  the  gov 
erning  principle  of  the  whole  system  ;  and  it  is  apparent  that  it  excludes 
all  discrimination,  as  incident  to  revenue,  to  favor  the  products  of  the 
country,  or  the  labor  of  the  country,  or  to  countervail  the  legislation  of 
other  countries.  You  are  only  to  discriminate  in  the  descending  scale, 
and  that  for  revenue  only.  The  maximum  rate  is  a  revenue  duty,  and  the 
lowest  point  of  revenue  duty ;  and  to  discriminate  below  that,  certainly 
cannot  be  for  protection.  It  is  but  justice  to  the  Secretary  to  state,  that 
he  does  not,  in  express  terms,  deny  that  there  ought  to  be  any  discrimina 
tion  for  protection ;  but  he  nowhere  asserts  that  there  should  be  ;  and  his 
principles  certainly  entirely  exclude  all  discrimination  for  protection,  as  inci 
dental  to  revenue.  To  discriminate  in  the  descending  scale,  from  the  lowest 
rate  which  will  produce  the  greatest  amount  of  revenue,  is  to  discriminate 
against  protection.  This  is  perfectly  clear  ;  for.  to  reduce  the  duty,  is  to 
favor  and  increase  importations  to  the  injury  of  home  productions.  The 
President,  if  I  mistake  not,  speaks  about  discriminations  within  the  revenue 
standard.  But  what  is  the  revenue  standard  ?  Can  any  one  tell  ?  Is  it 
the  rule  laid  down  by  the  Secretary — the  lowest  rate  of  duty — which  will 
produce  the  greatest  amount  of  revenue  ?  If  this  is  the  revenue  stand 
ard,  then,  as  I  have  shown,  there  can  be  no  discrimination  for  protection 
within  the  revenue  standard,  as  you  can  only  discriminate  by  reducing  the 
rate  of  duty,  which  will  increase  importations  at  the  expense  of  home  pro 
duction.  The  true  revenue  standard  is  a  rate  of  duty  which  will  produce 
revenue,  and  a  reasonable  amount  of  revenue,  but  by  no  means  the  largest 
amount  of  revenue,  as  that  would  be  to  favor  the  largest  amount  of  im 
portations.  If  there  is  any  general  principle  to  be  adopted  in  arranging  a 
tariff  of  duties,  it  should  be  this,  to  ascertain  what  is  the  due  average  rate 
of  duty  required  to  produce  the  whole  revenue  demanded  for  an  econo 
mical  administration  of  the  Government,  and  then  to  discriminate  above 
that  rate  for  protection,  and  also  to  throw  a  heavier  tax  on  luxuries,  and 
below  it,  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  taxation,  and  to  favor  articles  of  general 
or  universal  consumption.  Suppose  the  average  rate  of  duty  for  revenue 
to  be  30  per  cent.,  which  is  said  to  be  the  case  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  in  1845:  the  discriminations  for  protection  must  be  above  that 
rate,  except  in  respect  to  raw  materials  entering  into  the  elements  of  ma 
nufactured  products,  and  the  discriminations  below  that  rate  are  for  reve 
nue,  or  to  lighten  the  burdens  of  taxation.  There  ar^  two  rates  of  duties 
which  may  be  considered  as  protective — those  above  the  average  revenue 


326  HISTORY     OF     THE 

is  thrown  upon  it,  will  soon  establish  upon  a  firm  and 
immovable  basis  the  doctrines  of  free  trade. 

But  the  advocates  and  beneficiaries  of  the  pro- 
standard,  on  articles  interfering  with  those  produced  in  the  country,  and 
those  below  the  average  rate,  or  admitted  without  duty  on  raw  materials. 
This  presents  the  matter  in  a  very  simple  light,  and  will  enable  us  to  de 
cide  on  the  true  character  of  this  bill.  This  is  no  theory,  but  is  simply 
taking  the  facts  of  the  case  as  the  only  safe  basis  for  arranging  a  system  of 
revenue  duties  with  incidental  protection.  But  in  regard  to  abstract  theo 
ries,  whether  of  free  trade  or  protection,  not  originating  in  the  facts  of  the 
case,  not  having  their  source  in  the  actual  condition  of  the  country,  they 
are  not  only  idle  and  profitless  speculations,  but  mischievous  and  danger 
ous.  Sir,  I  hold  all  such  theories  in  utter  contempt,  as  beneath  the  re 
gard  of  statesmen,  and  subversive  of  all  sound  legislation.  There  are  no 
theories,  no  general  principles  on  this  subject,  possessing  the  authority  of 
universal  truth,  or  universal  application.  A  system  of  revenue,  whether 
on  free  trade  principles  or  protective  principles,  may  be  suitable  and  pro 
per  for  one  country,  and  very  unsuitable  for  another.  Every  country 
should  form  and  adopt  a  revenue  system  adapted  to  the  condition,  pursuits, 
and  interests  of  its  own  people.  To  adopt  a  system  resting  on  any  other 
basis,  or  any  abstract  theory,  is  to  disregard  entirely  the  interests  of  the 
country,  and  to  expose  them  to  be  sacrificed.  It  is  to  sport  with  the 
rights,  the  interests,  and  labor  of  the  people.  This  sport,  like  the  fable 
of  the  boys  and  the  frogs,  may  be  very  agreeable  to  speculative  theorists 
and  speculative  politicians,  but  it  may  be  death  to  the  people  whose  inte 
rests  and  employments  are  crushed  by  it.  Revenue  laws  should  be 
adopted  like  all  other  laws,  not  in  pursuance  of  a  theory,  but  by  carefully 
examining  the  facts  in  every  particular  case  of  duty  imposed,  and  perceiv 
ing,  so  far  as  human  sagacity  can  do  it,  aided  by  experience,  what  is  to  be 
the  practical  operation  of  the  law,  what  are  to  be  its  effects  and  conse 
quences,  not  only  directly,  but  collaterally  and  indirectly." — Speech  of 
Mr.  Niles  in  the  Senate,  July  20,  1846.  Appendix  to  the  Congressional 
Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  882. 

"  Mr.  President,  it  appears  strange,  but  after  all,  we  must  admit  the 
fact,  that  the  appearance  of  this  bill  in  the  Senate,  with  a  prospect  of  its 
passage,  has  struck  the  country  suddenly  arid  with  surprise.  It  has 
brought  about  no  small  degree  of  alarm.  The  public  expectation  was  not 
prepared  for  it.  I  do  not  say  that  there  had  not  been  enough  of  previous 
admonition,  or  indication.  I  speak  of  the  fact,  and  I  think  it  must  be  the 
conviction  of  every  one  that  hears  me,  who  has  observed  the  development 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  327 

tective  system  are  marshalling  their  forces,  prepar 
atory  to  an  assault  upon  the  tariff  of  1846.  They 
entertain  the  hope,  by  a  combination  of  those  in- 

of  public  sentiment  since  the  appearance  of  this  measure,  that  the  country 
is  surprised,  greatly  surprised,  at  any  probability  that  it  should  receive  the 
final  sanction  of  Congress  and  the  President.  Now,  sir,  it  seems  to  me, 
that  in  this  state  of  things,  with  such  a  measure  before  us,  at  this  advanced 
season  of  the  year,  when  there  is  no  pressing  necessity  for  immediate 
action,  the  true  policy  is  to  postpone  its  further  consideration.  If  this 
were  a  measure  to  raise  money  to  carry  on  a  war,  if  it  were  a  measure  of 
taxation,  for  the  contraction  of  loans,  of  the  issue  of  treasury  notes,  or  any 
other  measure  which  had  for  its  object  the  supply  of  means  to  meet  neces 
sities  of  Government,  why  then  the  exigencies  of  the  case  might  be  a  very 
just  motive  for  proceeding  to  its  immediate  consideration.  But  there  is 
no  man  within  the  hearing  of  my  voice,  and  I  am  happy  that  there  are 
some  within  its  hearing  who  are  not  of  this  chamber,  [referring  to  Mr. 
Secretary  Walker,  who  was  present,  occupying  the  seat  of  one  of  the 
democratic  Senators,]  who  will  say,  that  the  treasury  will  not  be  as  com 
petent,  the  ability  of  the  Government  as  great,  its  arm  as  well  nerved  to 
prosecute  the  war  in  which  we  are  engaged  three  months  longer  if  this 
bill  should  not  pass,  as  if  it  should.  Therefore,  it  seems  to  me  to  be  a  case 
for  further  consideration  ;  and,  at  the  close  of  the  remarks  which  I  pro 
pose  to  submit  to  the  Senate,  I  shall  move  the  postponement  of  this  mea 
sure  till  next  session  of  Congress." — Speech  of  Mr.  Webster  of  Massa 
chusetts  in  the  Senate,  July  25  and  27,  1846.  Appendix  to  the  Congres 
sional  Globe,  1st  session  29/ft  Congress,  p.  1139. 

"But  the  tariff  of  1842  is  to  be  overthrown.  The  fierce  and  bitter 
denunciations — the  outpouring  of  all  sorts  of  opprobrious  epithets  directed 
against  the  existing  law,  proclaim  the  purposes  of  its  opponents.  Well, 
why  is  it  to  be  overthrown  ?  This  is  a  question  surely  worth  a  moment's 
consideration.  Has  the  tariff  of  1842  accomplished  that  which  its  friends 
and  advocates  and  supporters  promised  it  would  accomplish  ?  Has  it  failed 
in  the  fulfilment  of  any  single  object  which  it  was  designed  to  gain  ?  Has 
it  yielded  an  adequate  revenue  ?  Has  it  restored  public  credit  and  public 
confidence?  All  this  we  promised.  All  this  we  pledged  ourselves  to 
achieve.  And  how  were  our  promises  and  pledges  met  ?  Why,  gentle 
men  then  on  the  other  side — and  I  see  many  of  them  still  here — ridiculed 
our  professions  and  promises.  They  predicted  a  great  decline  in  the 
revenue.  They  predicted  destruction  to  our  commercial  interests.  They 
predicted  all  manner  of  evil.  It  was  maintained  that  we  would  not  be  able 


328  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

terested  in  the  re-establishment  of  that  system,  that 
their  designs  can  be  accomplished. 

Single-handed  they  are  unable  to  cope  with  the 

to  obtain  the  loans  necessary  to  carry  on  the  Government — for  the  trea 
sury  was  then  so  impoverished  that  the  Government  was  under  the  neces 
sity  of  borrowing  twelve  or  fifteen  millions — and  I  recollect,  that  one  gen 
tleman  contended  very  zealously  that  we  should  be  obliged  to  give  $100 
in  scrip  for  $90  in  cash.  Well,  we  passed  the  law  authorizing  the  loan, 
and  not  a  dollar  could  we  get  at  any  rate,  till  this  revenue  bill  was  passed. 
Then,  sir,  money  enough  could  be  obtained,  and  at  a  lower  rate  of  inte 
rest  than  that  authorized  to  be  paid.  The  public  credit  advanced  at  once, 
and  continued  to  advance  until  the  stocks  of  the  United  States  reached,  I 
think,  a  maximum  of  about  115  or  116,  and  at  that  sold  rapidly  after  the 
enactment  of  this  law,  because  every  body  saw  that  we  had  a  system 
which  would  enable  us  to  carry  on  the  Government,  to  pay  the  interest 
punctually,  and  the  principal  when  it  became  due.  Look,  then,  at  the 
working  of  the  act  of  1842.  It  did  not  go  fairly  into  operation  for  several 
months  after  it  was  enacted.  It  can  hardly  be  said  that  it,  was  fairly  in 
operation  till  the  succeeding  spring — the  spring  of  1843.  About  that 
time  we  changed  the  commencement  of  the  fiscal  year,  so  that  our  fiscal 
year  now  ends  on  the  30th  of  June.  Take,  then,  the  first  whole  fiscal 
year  under  the  act  of  1842,  and  you  will  find  that  it  yielded  us  (after  pay 
ing  all  the  expenses  of  collection,  drawback,  and  every  thing  else,  of 
which  I  shall  speak  by-and-by)  t\venty-five  and  three-quarter  millions. 
That  was  the  result  of  the  first  year.  In  the  second  year,  1845,  the 
amount  was  twenty-six  and  three-quarters,  almost,  showing  an  increase 
of  about  a  million.  In  the  third  year,  just  ended,  June  1846,  the  net 
amount  was  $26.311,864,  according  to  the  best  computation  I  could  make, 
for  the  statements  are  quite  contradictory.  By  the  papers  received  this 
morning  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  the  amount  is  set  down  at 
$26.681,915.  Thus  is  shown  a  constant  increase,  but  an  increase  marked 
by  an  extraordinary  uniformity.  Here  are  three  successive  years  in  which 
the  amount  received  into  the  treasury  scarcely  varies — nothing  percep 
tible.  There  are  no  such  other  three  years  to  be  found  in  our  history,  or 
any  thing  approaching  to  them.  Well,  now,  is  not  this  a  most  extraordi 
nary  illustration  of  the  character  and  working  of  our  tariff?  Search  our 
statute-books  from  beginning  to  end,  and  you  look  in  vain  for  any  other 
law  whose  operation  has  been  so  uniform — so  steady.  During  these  three 
years  we  have  had  none  of  those  fluctuations,  which  result  from  excessive 
importations — one  year  diminished  importations  next  year  excessive  im 
portations — embarrassing  the  whole  business  of  the  country,  and  of  course 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  329 

farming  and  commercial  interests.  But  by  arraying 
the  cotton  manufacturer,  the  iron  master,  the  sugar 
planter,  the  salt  manufacturer,  and  all  other  branches 
of  "  home  industry,"  they  have  every  confidence  in 
their  ability  to  impose  burdens  upon  agriculture  and 
commerce  for  their  benefit. 

Any  one  at  all  conversant  with  the  influences 
brought  to  bear  at  Washington,  for  the  accom 
plishment  of  a  favorite  object,  can  at  once  discover 
the  difficulties  which  the  advocates  of  free  trade 
have  to  encounter.  If  the  Representative  from  an 
iron  district  can  procure  the  establishment  of  spe 
cific  duties,  he  will  gratify  the  member  who  repre 
sents  a  cotton  manufacturing  district,  by  voting  to 
insert  minimum  duties,  and  by  this  quiet  under 
standing  they  succeed  in  fastening  the  system  upon 
the  country.  Scruples  they  have  none  at  the  pal 
pable  injustice  inflicted  upon  the  other  great  inter 
ests  of  the  country,  provided  they  can  put  money 
in  their  pockets.  What  is  there  about  a  cotton 
mill  or  an  iron  foundry  which  entitles  the  owner 
thereof  to  demand  that  money  should  be  taken 
out  of  the  pockets  of  others  to  be  put  into  his 
own? 

Why  should  the  farmer,  by  far  the  largest  class 
of  our  citizens,  and  at  least  as  worthy,  be  forced  to 
purchase  of  the  American  manufacturer  articles 

embarrassing  the  financial  affairs  of  the  Government.  Sir,  I  repeat  it,  there 
is  nothing  to  be  found  in  our  history  presenting  any  parallel  to  these  three 
years. — Speech  of  Mr.  Evans  in  the  Senate,  July  14,  1846.  Congressional 
Globe,  1st  session  29^  Congress,  pp.  1090  and  91. 


330  HISTORY      OF     THE 

wliicli  lie  can  obtain  at  lower  prices  of  the  for 
eigner  ?  What  does  he  gain  by  the  operation  ? 

I  will  fairly  put  the  arguments  of  the  friends  of 
the  protective  system.-  First,  they  say  that  ulti 
mately  protection  will  enable  them  to  sell  goods  as 
cheap  as  they  would  be  if  the  foreigner  had  com 
mand  of  the  market.  If  this  assumption  were  true, 
it  would  be  no  reason,  as  I  shall  hereafter  prove, 
why  bounties  should  be  paid  by  consumers  to  the 
domestic  manufacturer. 

But  assuming,  for  the  sake  of  illustration,  that 
this  assumption  is  correct,  and  that  iron,  sugar,  salt, 
cotton  goods,  silks,  &c.,  can  be  manufactured  here 
as  cheap  as  foreigners  can  land  them  at  our  wharves ; 
unless  some  one  would  generously  step  forward  and 
gratuitously  pay  the  tariff  on  the  foreign  fabric,  it 
would  be  excluded — no  revenue  would  accrue  there 
from,  and  direct  taxation  would  be  the  result.  But 
these  promises  to  consent  to  a  reduction  of  the 
tariff  to  a  revenue  standard  after  a  few  years'  pro 
tection,  have  been  repeatedly  violated.  A  few  years 
of  protection  only  was  asked  for  in  1816,  1824,  and 
1828.  Similar  pledges  were  made  in  1833.  by  Mr. 
Clay,  the  father  of  the  protective  system.*  The 
compromise  act  was  introduced  by  that  distin 
guished  Senator,  to  give  to  the  protected  classes  a 
graduating  scale  of  duties,  instead  of  an  immediate 
resort  to  the  revenue  standard.f  That  motive  he  dis- 

*  "  Now  give  us  time  ;  cease  all  fluctuation  and  agitations  for  nine 
years,  and  the  manufacturers  in  every  branch  will  sustain  themselves 
against  foreign  competition." — Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  upon  introducing  the 
Compromise  Act,  1833. 

f  "  I  am  compelled  to  express  the  opinion,  formed  after  the  most  de- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  331 

tinctly  avowed,  and  the  solemn  pledge  was  made, 
that  if  the  compromise  bill  should  become  a  law, 
no  American  statesman  would  ever  disturb  that 
treaty  of  peace  and  amity.*  On  the  30th  of  June, 
1842,  the  opponents  of  the  protective  system,  by 
the  terms  of  the  compromise  act,  were  to  be  re 
lieved  from  the  burdens  of  that  policy.  The 
shackles  were  to  be  taken  from  trade,  a  revenue 
standard  was  to  be  established,  and  oppressive 
burdens  were  no  longer  to  be  imposed.  But  favors 
long  enjoyed,  were  not  thus  to  be  surrendered.  The 
privileged  classes  again  rallied  to  procure  an  exten 
sion  of  those  benefits  which  were  too  delightful 
to  be  yielded,  and  honor  and  good  faith  could  not 
resist  the  demands,  of  interest  for  two  months.  The 
tariff  of  1842  was  passed,  and  the  principles  of  the 
compromise  act  were  violated.f  There  was  no  ex- 
liberate  reflection,  and  on  full  survey  of  the  whole  country,  that,  whether 
rightfully  or  wrongfully,  the  tariff  stands  in  imminent  danger.  If  it 
should  be  preserved  during  this  session,  it  must  fall  at  the  next  session." 

"  I  am  anxious  to  find  out  some  principle  of  mutual  accommodation, 
to  satisfy,  as  far  as  practicable,  both  parties ;  to  increase  the  stability  of 
our  legislation ;  and,  at  some  distant  day — but  not  too  distant,  when  we 
take  into  view  the  magnitude  of  the  interests  which  are  involved — to  bring 
down  the  rate  of  duties  to  that  revenue  standard  for  which  our  opponents 
have  so  long  contended." — Ibid. 

*  "  But  if  the  measure  should  be  carried  by  the  common  consent  of 
both  parties,  we  shall  have  all  security  ;  history  will  faithfully  record  the 
transaction  ;  narrate  under  what  circumstances  the  bill  was  passed ;  that 
it  was  a  pacifying  measure ;  that  it  was  oil  poured  from  the  vessel  of  the 
Union  to  restore  peace  and  harmony  to  the  country.  When  all  this  was 
known,  what  Congress,  what  Legislature  would  mar  the  guarantee  ? 
What  man  who  is  entitled  to  deserve  the  character  of  an  American  states 
man  would  stand  up  in  his  place  in  either  House  of  Congress,  and  dis 
turb  the  treaty  of  peace  and  amity  ?" — Ibid. 

f  '•  The  present  tariff  law  is  sufficiently  discriminating ;  holds  to  com- 


332  HISTORY     OF     THE 

cuse  for  the  passage  of  tlie  tariff  of  1842.  The 
embarrassments  which  pervaded  the  country  were 
not  attributable  to  the  operations  of  the  compro 
mise  act.*  But  it  is  insisted  that  the  prices  of 
manufactured  articles  have  fallen  since  the  year 
1816.  I  admit  it.  But  prices  have  fallen,  not  only 
here,  but  throughout  the  world.  Mechanical  skill 
has  made  wonderful  improvements  in  machinery, 
which  has  been  substituted  for  hand  labor.  This 
has  undoubtedly  contributed  more  than  any  other 
event  to  reduce  the  price  of  goods.  The  farmer 
boy  hesitates  to  cultivate  the  flax,  which,  when 
manufactured  by  his  mother's  hand,  is  to  be 
come  his  raiment ;  the  busy  hum  of  the  wheel, 
which  we  listened  to  in  our  childhood,  is  hushed ; 
the  sound  of  the  blacksmith's  hammer  is  seldom 
heard  moulding  his  nail  from  the  hissing  iron ;  and 
in  their  stead  we  hear  the  confusing  sounds  of  the 
loom,  as  its  complicated  machinery,  almost  without 
the  aid  of  human  beings,  unfolds  to  view  the  curi 
ous  specimens  of  its  skill,  while  the  steady  and  un- 

mon  sense,  and  rejects  the  principles  of  the  Compromise  act,  T  hope  for 
ever." — Mr.  Webster's  Speech  at  Fanueil  Hall,  September,  1842.  National 
Intelligencer,  October  4,  1842. 

*  "  With  regard  to  the  operation  of  this  act,  (the  Compromise  Act.) 
it  is  a  great  mistake  to  say  that  any  portion  of  the  embarrassments  of  the 
country  have  resulted  from  it.  Other  causes  have  contributed  to  this 
result;  and  it  is  to  he  attributed  to  the  experiments  which  have  been 
made  upon  the  currency.  The  embarrassments  arc  also  to  be  attributed 
to  the  action  of  the  States,  which,  by  plunging  into  schemes  of  internal 
improvement,  have  contracted  debts  abroad,  and  thereby  given  a  false  and 
fictitious  appearance  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country  ;  and  when  their 
bonds  depreciated,  the  evils  under  which  they  now  suffer,  as  a  conse 
quence,  ensued." — Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate,  February  18th, 
1842. 


POLK     ADMINISTE  ATION.  333 

ceasing  fall  of  the  well-fashioned  nail,  as  it  drops 
from  the  mill,  proclaims  the  substitution  of  arti 
ficial  for  natural  power. 

The  low  price  of  the  raw  material,  and  of  food, 
as  our  vast  forests  disappear  before  the  woodman's 
axe,  and  broad  acres  yield  their  harvest  as  a  reward 
for  toil,  is  by  no  means  an  unimportant  cause  of  the 
fall  in  price  of  manufactured  goods  within  the  last 
twenty  years.  Notwithstanding  all  these  elements 
to  aid  the  manufacturer,  in  fulfilling  his  promises  to 
reduce  the  price  of  manufactured  articles  upon  the 
establishment  of  protective  duties,  we  find,  on  the 
contrary,  that  many  necessaries  of  life,  which  were 
protected  by  the  tariff  of  1842,  increased  in  price 
after  the  passage  of  that  act.  Another  favorite  ar 
gument  used  is  the  following.  They  assert,  that  if 
prices  are  increased  by  the  passage  of  a  protective 
tariff,  still,  by  extending  to  the  farmer  a  home 
market,  they  grant  him  an  equivalent.  There  is 
some  plausibility  and  much  sophistry  in  this  argu 
ment.  Its  importance  is  consequently  the  theme  of 
their  praise,  until  the  foreign  market,  commerce  and 
every  thing  else,  dwindles  into  insignificance.  But 
how  can  a  home  market  be  obtained  for  the  vast 
produce  of  this  country  ?  Cast  the  mind  over  our 
territorial  limits,  commencing  upon  the  eastern  bor 
der,  running  along  the  line  dividing  this  country 
from  the  possessions  of  England,  to  the  Pacific, 
thence  along  the  new  boundary  between  this  Re 
public  and  Mexico,  around  the  Gulf  and  along  the 
Atlantic  coast  to  the  beginning.  Within  this  line 
is  inclosed  an  empire  with  more  resources  than  any 


334  HISTORY     OF     THE 

other  on  the  earth,  and  with  a  hardy,  honest  and 
industrious  people  to  develope  them.  Even  east  of 
the  Alleghanies  and  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
the  soil  and  climate  would  satisfy  the  most  fastidi 
ous.  But  when  the  mind  attempts  to  take  in  the 
valley  of  the  Mississippi,  with  its  water  power,  its 
vast  and  fertile  plains,  its  acres  of  rich  and  virgin 
soil — the  myriads  of  human  beings  who  are  destined 
to  develope  its  vast  resources — the  amount  of  pro 
duce  which  will  float  down  the  father  of  waters, 
seeking  a  market  throughout  the  world ;  when  we 
contemplate  all  this,  emotions  of  contempt  arise  in 
our  minds  at  the  idea  of  crowding  the  agricultural 
products  of  such  a  country  upon  a  home  market ! 
and  of  confining  its  resources  within  its  own  bor 
ders.* 

*  According  to  the  reports  of  Mr.  Ellsworth,  the  following  is  the  amount 
of  wheat  and  Indian  corn  raised  in  the  United  States  in  1842,  '43,  '44,  viz  : 

Years.  Number  of  Bushels. 

Wheat.  Indian  Corn. 

1842, 102,317,340         441.829,246 

1843, •         .     100,310,850         494,618,306 

1844, '         95,607,000         42L953.000 


298,235,190       1,358,400,552 

By  an  examination  of  the  report  of  the  late  Commissioner  of  Pa 
tents,  the  Honorable  Edmund  Burke,  made  February  24,  1846,  it  appears 
that  there  was  raised  in  this  country  in  1845 — 

Of  wheat, 106,548,000  bushels. 

Of  corn, 417,899,000 

Quantity  of  the  different  grains  produced  in  the  United  States  in  1847. 

The  following  is  the  amount  of  the  different  kinds  of  grain  produced 
in  the  United  States  in  1847,  according  to  the  estimate  contained  in  the 
table  preceding  the  agricultural  report  of  this  office  for  the  present  year, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  335 

The  natural  and  inevitable  effect  of  establishing 
the  protective  policy,  is  to  produce  restrictions  upon 
commercial  intercourse  with  foreign  powers.  It 

Breadstuffs.  Bushels.     Total  Bushels. 

Indian  corn  or  maize,       ....         539,350,000 

Wheat, 114,245,500 

Rye, 29,222,700 

Buckwheat, 11,673,500 

694,491,700 

Grain  not  used  for  Breadstuffs. 

Oats, 167,867,000 

Barley, 5,649,950 

173,516,950 


Total, 868,008,650 

Other  articles  of  Food. 

Potatoes, 100,950,000  bushels. 

Beans  and  Peas, 50,000,000       " 

Rice, 103,640,590  pounds. 

Estimated  population,  20,746,400. 

Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Patents,  January,  1848. 
We  now  deduct  the  consumption  of  the  country  from  the  aggregate 
quantity  of  grain  produced,  and  thus  exhibit  the  surpluses  remaining  on 
hand  for  exportation : 

Surplus  for  Exportation. 

Wheat.  Bushels.  Bushels. 

Quantity  produced  in  1847,     .         .         114,245,500 


used  for  seed,     .          .         .       11,424,550 
consumed,        .         .         .  62,239.200 


73,663,750        40,581,750 


Indian  Corn,  or  Maize. 
Quantity  produced  in  1847,         .         .     539,350,000 


used  for  seed,  .         .  6,000,000 

"         consumed  by  men,        .         .     103,732,000 
"         consumed  by  animals,         .         230,963,096 
"         used  for  distilling  and  other  pur 
poses,  .         .         .       25,000,000 


365,695,096       173,654,904 


336  HISTORY     OF     THE 

cannot  "be  supposed  that  we  can  exclude  foreign  im 
portations  with  impunity.  By  no  means.  As  a 
retaliatory  measure  they  will  prohibit  the  introduc 
tion  of  our  surplus  produce.  And  can  it  be  sup 
posed  that  to  enable  a  few  interested  manufacturers 
to  make  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  per  cent,  upon  the 
capital  invested,  when  the  farmer  does  not  make 
more  than  from  three  to  six,  that  we  are  to  resort 
again  to  the  protective  policy  ?  What  are  we  to 
gain  by  trading  with  each  other  ?  Let  us  illustrate 
this  policy.  Suppose  the  State  of  New- York  should 

Surplus  for  Exportation. 

Rye.  Bushels.  Bushels. 

Quantity  produced  in  1847,     .         .  29,222,700 

"         used  for  seed.       .         .         .         3.652,587 
"         consumption  estimated,     .  10,373,200 

«         used  for  distilling,  &c.,          .       10,000,000 

24;325,787  5,296,913 

Buckwheat. 
Quantity  produced  in  1847,      .  11,673,500 

"         used  for  seed,         .         .         .  723.343 

"         consumed,         .         .         .  6,000,000 

6,723,343  4,950,935 


Total  surplus  for  exportation  to  foreign  countries,    .         224,384,502 

The  same  authority  estimates  the  number  of  swine  in  the  United 
States  at  35,000.000,  and  the  number  of  sheep  at  25,000,000. 

"  The  quantity  of  wheat  raised  in  the  United  States  during  the  last 
year  will,  according  to  the  estimates  of  this  office,  not  be  less  than  126,- 
000.000  bushels.  The  quantity  of  corn  produced  is  estimated  to  be  about 
588,000,000  bushels;  oats,  185,000,000  bushels;  potatoes,  114,000.000 
bushels  ;  rye,  33,000,000  bushels  ;  buckwheat,  12,500.000  bushels  ;  barley, 
6,222,000  bushels ;  hay,  15,735.000  tons;  hemp,  20,330  tons;  cotton, 
1,066,000,000  pounds;  tobacco,  219.000,000  pounds;  rice,  119,000,000 
pounds  ;  and  sugar,  (in  Louisiana,)  200,000,000  pounds." — Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  337 

enact  a  law,  the  effect  of  which  would  be  to  prevent 
our  citizens  from  purchasing  any  article  whatever 
without  the  limits  of  this  State,  or  selling  any  arti 
cle  to  be  taken  therefrom,  and  the  Legislature  should 
assign  as  a  reason,  that  our  citizens  would  be 
come  prosperous,  happy,  and  rich,  by  trading  with 
each  other.  Again :  suppose  an  old  patriarch,  the 
father  of  many  children,  should  collect  them  to 
gether  for  the  purpose  of  giving  them  advice.  He 
informs  them  that  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  is  the 
natural  occupation  of  man;  but  that  they  would 
become  more  independent  and  happy,  if  a  portion 
of  them  would  turn  their  attention  to  manufactur 
ing;  thus  furnishing  to  the  rest  a  home  market. 
The  objection  is  urged,  that  they  prefer  the  cultiva 
tion  of  the  soil  to  the  heated  and  unwholesome  at 
mosphere  of  a  factory  or  workshop ;  and  that  their 
neighbors  are  already  engaged  in  that  business,  af 
fording  them  an  opportunity  of  exchanging  their 
surplus  produce  for  manufactured  goods.  But  the 
patriarch  insists,  that  although  for  a  period  the  tax 
would  be  somewhat  burdensome  to  those  who  con 
tinued  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  yet  the  result 
would  be  independence,  prosperity,  and  a  home 
market,  all  flowing  from  this  trade  with  each  other. 
How  absurd  would  such  a  policy  be  thought,  if 
adopted  by  a  State  or  a  head  of  a  family ;  and  it  is 
equally  preposterous  when  attempted  by  a  great 
nation  like  this.  A  farmer  may  wish  to  purchase 
in  the  city  of  New- York  goods  manufactured  in 
Europe  ;  why  should  the  Government  prevent  him, 
by  assigning  as  a  reason,  that  in  frustrating  his 
22 


338  HISTORY     OF     THE 

wishes  in  tliis  particular,  manufactures  will  spring 
up,  and  after  a  lapse  of  years  lie  can  purchase  simi 
lar  articles  in  this  country.  Why  should  the  Gov 
ernment  force  him  to  purchase  in  one  place,  when 
he  wishes  to  purchase  in  another  ?  There  are  many 
considerations  which  should  influence  us  in  estab 
lishing  the  doctrines  of  free  trade.  In  the  first 
place,  it  produces  domestic  tranquillity.  There  is  no 
justice  in  the  protective  system,  and  it  will,  conse 
quently,  produce  dissatisfaction  and  discontent, 
alienating  the  affections  of  one  half  our  citizens 
from  the  Union.  Free  trade  will  induce  foreigners 
to  remove  restrictions  from  our  commerce.  It  will 
introduce  feelings  of  amity  and  friendship  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  It  will  disseminate  the 
principles  of  republicanism,  and  hasten  the  day 
when  the  doctrines  of  the  Bible  will  be  preached  to 
the  nations  of  every  land. 

It  is  true  that  no  tariff  can  be  perfect,  and  there 
will  arise  a  necessity  for  modifications,  which  a  wise 
legislator  will  not  overlook.  But  at  the  same  time  a 
regard  for  the  interests  of  the  wliole  country  should 
be  observed.  No  legislation  for  the  privileged  few 
at  the  expense  of  the  many,  should  be  for  a  moment 
tolerated.  The  most  just  and  equitable  method  of 
raising  money  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  General 
Government,  is  by  direct  taxation.  It  is  by  this 
system  that  funds  are  raised  for  State  purposes.  A 
tax  is  levied  upon  the  property  which  an  individual 
may  possess.  He  is  taxed  according  to  the  value 
of  his  estate.  By  this  system  of  assessing  taxes,  a 
person  with  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  pays  for 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  339 

the  support  of  the  Government  one  hundred  times 
more  than  the  man  whose  property  amounts  to  one 
thousand  dollars.  This  is  a  just  and  equitable  me 
thod  of  obtaining  money.  Raising  revenue  by  a 
tariff  is  no  less  a  system  of  taxation  than  the  other ; 
the  only  difference  is,  that  in  the  one  case,  you  know 
the  time  you  are  called  upon  to  make  the  disburse 
ment,  and  the  exact  amount  you  pay,  while  by  the 
other  plan,  it  is  taken  from  your  unconscious  purses. 
The  importer  pays  the  tariff  upon  the  goods,  and 
adds  it  to  the  price  of  the  article,  and  the  consumer 
refunds  the  amount.  By  this  system  of  taxation, 
money  is  not  raised  upon  the  value  of  property,  lout 
upon  the  articles  of  foreign  importation,  which  the 
consumer  thereof  may  purchase.  It  can  readily  be 
observed,  that  the  poorest  cultivator  of  the  soil  may, 
by  this  indirect  system  of  taxation,  be  required  to 
contribute  more  money  for  the  support  of  the  Gen£- 
ral  Government  than  the  richest  banker  in  the  land. 
The  manifest  injustice  and  inequality  of  this  system 
of  raising  money,  the  more  forcibly  commends  to 
our  favor  the  one  adopted  by  the  States.  The  ob 
ject  should  be  to  raise  revenue  ;  and  as  taxes  in  any 
form  are  oppressive,  the  lowest  rate  which  will  yield 
the  required  amount  should  be  adopted.  As  far  as 
practicable,  taxes  should  fall  upon  the  property  of 
the  country ;  and  hence  the  importance  of  levying 
the  highest  duties  upon  luxuries,  which  are  generally 
consumed  by  the  rich,  and  the  lowest  upon  those 
necessaries  which  the  poor  are  compelled  to  have. 
Suppose  from  the  tariff  upon  salt,  $1,000,000  is 
raised;  this  tax  is  collected  without  any  portion 


340  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

being  paid  by  the  domestic  manufacturer  of  that 
article,  for  the  reason  that  he  uses  his  own  salt. 
The  same  argument  will  apply  to  the  iron  master7 
the  cotton  manufacturer,  and  the  grower  of  sugar 
cane.  It  is  but  just,  then,  that  upon  the  luxuries 
which  they  do  purchase,  a  high  tariff  should  be 
levied,  that  they  may  pay  their  proportion  of  the 
taxes  of  the  country.  But  it  is  insisted  that  specific 
should  be  substituted  for  ad  valorem  duties ;  and 
wherefore  ?  By  the  ad  valorem  system  the  tax  is 
laid  upon  the  value  of  the  article  imported.  Sugar 
worth  $100,  at  20  per  cent,,  would  yield  a  tax  of 
$20 ;  while  upon  the  same  amount  of  sugar,  but  of 
finer  quality,  and  worth  $200,  the  tax  would  be 
$40.  A  farm  worth  $7,000,  upon  which  a  tax  of 
two  per  cent,  would  be  levied,  w~ould  yield  a  tax  of 
$140,  while  one  worth  only  $500,  would  yield  only 
$10  revenue.  The  same  argument,  with  equal  force, 
will  apply  to  silks,  broadcloths,  cotton  goods,  &c. 
There  is  nothing  improper  in  this  ;  on  the  contrary, 
it  is  in  strict  accordance  with  justice.  But  specific 
duties  is  a  tariff  of  the  same  amount  upon  all  arti 
cles  of  the  same  kind,  weight,  yard,  <fec.  Brown 
sugar  may  be  taken  for  the  purpose  of  illustration. 
Havana  sugar  we  will  suppose  worth  $4  per  hun 
dred  :  the  tax  levied  upon  this  amount,  under  the 
specific  duties  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  would  be  $2  50. 
Porto  Rico,  worth  $2  per  hundred,  would  yield  the 
same  amount  of  tax,  i.  e.  $2  50.  This  is  not  more 
palpably  unjust  than  levying  the  same  duty  upon 
all  silks,  all  laces,  all  broadcloths,  all  ladies'  hats, 
<fec.  &c.,  without  regard  to  the  quality  of  those  arti- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  341 

cles.  It  would  be  as  ridiculous  as  levying  the  same 
tax  upon  all  farms,  carriages,  horses,  &c.,  without 
regard  to  the  value  thereof.  It  would  require  the 
owner  of  ten  acres  of  mountain  land,  to  pay  as  much 
as  Van  Rensselaer,  and  force  the  tenant  of  a  hovel 
to  contribute  as  much  as  the  owner  of  the  most 
splendid  mansion  in  New- York.  There  is  no  justice 
in  the  mode  of  raising  revenue  by  specific  duties ; 
and  therefore  it  cannot  commend  itself  to  our  favor 
able  consideration.  But  it  is  asserted  by  those  who 
are  ignorant  of  what  they  discuss,  or  are  personally 
interested  in  the  matter,  that  specific  duties  are  ne 
cessary  to  prevent  frauds.  Such  is  not  the  opinion 
of  a  distinguished  statesman,  who  has  thoroughly 
investigated  the  subject.* 

Minimum  duties  are  as  objectionable  as  specific. 

*  "  What  are  the  other  principles  of  the  Act?  (Compromise  Act.) 
First,  there  is  the  principle,  that  a  fixed  ad  valorem  duty  shall  prevail  and 
be  in  force  at  all  times.  For  one,  I  am  willing  to  abide  by  that  principle. 
There  are  certain  vague  notions  afloat  as  to  the  utility  and  necessity  of 
specific  duties  and  discriminations,  which  I  am  persuaded  arise  from  a 
want  of  a  right  understanding  of  the  subject.  We  have  had  the  ad  va 
lorem  principle  practically  in  force  ever  since  the  Compromise  Act  was 
passed  ;  and  there  has  been  no  difficulty  in  administering  the  duties  of  the 
treasury  on  that  principle. 

"  Compare  the  system  of  specific  and  the  ad  valorem  system  of  duties, 
and  I  maintain  that  the  latter  is  justly  entitled  to  the  preference.  The 
one  principle  declares  that  the  duty  shall  be  paid  upon  the  real  value 
of  the  article  taxed  ;  the  specific  principle  imposes  an  equal  duty  on  arti 
cles  greatly  unequal  in  value. 

"  I  say  that  in  theory,  and  according  to  every  sound  principle  of  justice, 
the  ad  valorem  principle  is  entitled  to  the  preference." 

"  T  believe  that  if  we  adopt  a  fixed  rate  ad  valorem,  wherever  it  can  be 
done,  the  revenue  will  be  subjected  to  fewer  frauds  than  the  injustice  and 
frauds  incident  to  specific  duties." — Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate, 
March  1,  1812. 


342  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Nothing  could  be  more  odious  than  this  method  of 
collecting  taxes.  Coarse  cotton  shirtings,  worth  in 
England  three  cents  per  yard,  by  the  law  of  1842  is 
assumed  to  be  worth  twenty  cents  per  yard ;  thus 
bearing  a  falsehood  on  its  face.  If  a  duty  of 
forty  per  cent,  were  levied  upon  the  three  cents,  the 
real  value  of  a  yard  of  coarse  cotton  shirting,  the 
tax  would  be  about  one  cent ;  but  assuming  the 
yard  to  be  worth  twenty  cents,  that  law  would  ex 
act,  even  if  the  article  could  be  admitted,  a  tax  of 
eight  cents  instead  of  one.  What  would  be  thought 
of  the  equity  of  a  State  law,  which  would  authorize 
a  sheriff  to  assume  that  a  farm  worth  $1,000  is 
worth  $6,000  ;  and  instead  of  exacting  from  the 
owner  twenty  dollars,  wring  from  his  honest  earn 
ings  one  hundred  and  twenty?  As  much  justice 
would  there  be  in  suffering  a  Shylock,  who  had 
loaned  $100  at  six  per  cent.,  to  assume  that  he  had 
loaned  $600,  and  instead  of  receiving  six  per  cent, 
interest,  to  extort  thirty-six. 

Notwithstanding  the  triumphs  of  the  tariff  of 
1846,  and  the  unparalleled  prosperity  which  the 
whole  country  exhibits  under  its  operation,  still  the 
discontented  manufacturer  harps  upon  the  necessity 
of  more  protection ;  and  the  press  which  advocates 
their  cause,  portrays  the  advantages  of  the  home 
market  which  will  be  extended  to  the  farmer,  pro 
vided  he  will  generously  allow  them  to  filch  money 
from  his  pocket.  The  farmer,  however,  fully  ap 
preciates  the  offer,  and  understands  the  operation 
of  the  swindling  protective  system  in  all  its  details. 
The  time  for  humbugging  the  people  of  this  country 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  343 

is  passed;  and  it  is  surprising  that  any  attempts 
should  be  made  to  revive  an  odious  system,  which 
has  been  repudiated  and  condemned  by  the  Ameri 
can  people.  What  right  have  a  few  manufacturers 
to  demand  that  a  tax  shall  be  levied  upon  the 
masses,  that  money  may  be  put  in  their  own  pock 
ets  ?  Have  they  not  already  the  protection  which 
a  strictly  revenue  tariff  gives  them  ? 

Suppose  a  certain  amount  of  foreign  iron  can  be 
landed  in  New  York  for  $100,  and  a  tariff  of  $30  is 
laid  upon  it.  This  operation  at  once  increases  the 
article  to  $130.  Is  not  that  protection  enough  for  the 
American  manufacturer  of  the  article  ?  He  has  no 
right  to  ask  even  that  protection ;  and  it  would  not 
be  extended  to  him,  if  it  did  not  incidentally  and 
necessarily  follow  from  the  levying  a  tariff  upon  fo 
reign  importations.  Why  should  not  the  American 
farmer  seek  the  cheapest  market  throughout  the 
world  to  purchase  his  iron,  salt,  or  sugar?  Why 
should  not  the  shackles  be  stricken  from  com 
merce,  that  he  may  carry  his  produce  to  any  part 
of  the  globe  ?  It  is  asserted  that  a  high  tariff  will 
produce  competition  ;  the  farmer  will  abandon  his 
plough  and  become  a  consumer  instead  of  a  produ 
cer,  all  resulting  in  a  glorious  home-market.  There 
would  be  some  plausibility  in  this  assumption  if 
there  were  no  forests  to  be  cleared,  and  if  the 
amount  of  production  of  the  American  soil  had 
reached  its  highest  point.  But  there  are  vast  and 
gloomy  forests  spreading  far  to  the  westward,  ten 
anted  only  by  howling  beasts  and  lurking  savages. 
Our  soil  still  repays  bountifully  the  husbandman's 


344  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

industry.  Europe  still  pours  forth  her  thousands 
annually,  seeking  liberty  and  happiness  ;  and  man 
still  prefers  to  breathe  the  pure  air  of  heaven  in  the 
country,  and  quench  his  thirst  from  the  cool  waters 
which  burst  from  the  hillsides,  to  confinement  in 
unhealthy  manufactories ;  and  shunning  the  toil  of 
the  crowded,  confined,  and  joyless  "corporations," 
seeks  independence  and  happiness  in  the  country, 
where  the  cricket  is  heard  upon  the  hearth,  and 
where  his  fire  never  goes  out.  The  tariff  of  1846 
may  require  modification ;  if  so,  let  it  be  revised  for 
that  purpose.  But  the  people  of  this  country  will 
require  a  rigid  adherence  to  the  principles  of  that 
act.  Let  revenue  alone  be  the  object  in  adjusting 
a  tariff  upon  imports.  Let  specific  minimum  and 
protective  duties  be  forever  discarded  from  the  sta 
tute-book.  Let  the  necessity  for  a  high  tariff  be 
obviated  by  a  rigid  economy  upon  the  part  of  the 
General  Government,  and  that  prosperity  will  con 
tinue,  which  stamps  the  present  as  an  important  era 
in  our  country's  history. 

Frequent  allusion  is  made  by  the  advocates  of  a 
protective  tariff  to  the  evils  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  establishment  of  free  trade.  They  insist  that 
our  people  will  become  largely  indebted  to  foreign 
ers  for  manufactures,  resulting  in  a  balance  of  trade 
against  us.  They  continually  remind  us  of  the  im 
portance  of  preserving  the  balance  of  trade  in  our 
favor  in  our  dealings  with  all  the  powers  of  the 
earth.  That  is  more  than  we  ought  to  desire,  or 
can  ever  expect  to  accomplish.  We  may  become 
indebted  to  China  for  tea,  to  the  East  India  islands 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  345 

for  spices,  and  to  France  for  silks.  We  pay  the 
debt  off  with  the  balance  coming  to  us  from  Eng 
land.  The  balance  may  be  against  us  in  trading 
with  one  country,  and  for  us  in  trading  with  ano 
ther — all  resulting  in  a  fair  and  equitable  exchange 
of  productions.  To  slyly  overreach  foreign  mer 
chants  should  not  be  considered  peculiarly  laudable, 
especially  when  it  is  done  by  obtaining  commercial 
advantages  altogether  inconsistent  with  the  laws  of 
trade,  and  common  honesty.  No  country  with  such 
a  vast  annual  production  as  our  own  can  ever  have 
cause  to  fear  the  result  of  free  trade.  If  our  re 
sources  were  small,  and  we  produced  little  more 
than  was  necessary  for  our  own  consumption,  it 
would  be  otherwise.  But  while,  year  after  year, 
there  is  pouring  from  every  hill  and  valley  through 
out  the  confederacy,  our  surplus  produce  to  change 
for  the  necessaries  and  luxuries  of  the  old  world, 
we  have  no  reason  to  dread  the  most  unrestricted 
commercial  regulations.  The  balance  of  produce  and 
consumption  is  altogether  a  different  question ; — the 
amount  of  production  may  decrease,  while  its  con 
sumption  increases,  resulting  in  disaster  and  wretch 
edness.  To  illustrate:  We  will  suppose  that  the 
United  States  increase  in  population  until  they  num 
ber  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  inhabitants. 
If  the  production  decreased,  the  result  would  be 
poverty  and  want,  rendered  more  disastrous  by 
mental  and  physical  imbecility.  The  production  of 
the  world,  through  the  indolence  of  its  inhabitants, 
might  become  less  than  its  consumption,  ending  in 
the  same  results.  But  where  the  production  of  a 


346  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

nation  is  greater  than  its  consumption,  the  surplus 
can  be  exchanged  for  the  luxuries  and  necessaries 
of  other  lands.  Events  may  occur  when  the  balance 
of  trade  may  be  against  the  United  States,  and  the 
balance  of  produce  and  consumption  remain  in  its 
favor.  Suppose,  to  put  a  strong  case,  a  nation  im 
ports  for  a  certain  number  of  years  more  in  value 
than  is  exported,  yet  the  substantial  wealth  of  that 
nation  may  be  on  the  increase,  by  the  increased  va 
lue,  in  a  greater  degree,  of  its  yearly  produce,  the 
erection  of  cities,  the  building  of  railroads  and  ca 
nals,  and  the  development  of  the  resources  of  the 
country ;  thus  laying  the  foundation  for  more  ex 
tended  and  successful  operations.  It  is  true,  this  de 
pends  to  a  great  extent  on  the  internal  resources  of 
a  country,  and  the  inclination  of  her  people  to  de- 
velope  them.  It  will  apply  with  much  force  to  the 
United  States,  because  our  resources  are  immens-e ; 
while  it  would  not  to  a  country  where  the  consump 
tion  exceeds  the  production. 

The  illustrations  used  to  prove  the  advantages 
of  the  protective  system  are  exceedingly  amusing, 
and  demonstrate,  at  least,  the  profound  ignorance  of 
some  of  its  advocates.  This  is  exemplified  by  the 
demonstration  of  the  leading  whig  paper  in  the 
United  States.*  To  prove  the  fallacy  of  the  argu- 

*  "  It  is  quite  clear,  we  think,  that  the  surest  and  most  solid  business 
for  us  would  be  to  make  our  exports  exceed  our  imports,  because  the  ba 
lance,  whatever  it  may  be,  will  come  to  us  in  coin ;  that  is  to  say,  if,  in 
1845,  we  export  $150,000,000  and  import  only  $100,JOO.OOO,  the  ba 
lance  of  $50,000,000  due  us  by  the  residue  of  the  world  will  be  received 
in  the  '  hard,'  which  should  be  as  welcome  to  the  loco  focos  as  to  the  whigs." 
— National  Intelligencer,  October  8.  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  347 

ment,  it  is  only  necessary  to  examine  it.  Suppose 
we  should  receive  $50,000,000  annually,  as  the  ba 
lance  due  us  by  the  nations  of  the  earth,  how  long 
would  it  take  us  to  receive  all  the  gold  and  silver  in 
the  world  ?  The  amount  of  gold  and  silver  in  cir 
culation  has  been  estimated  at  $5,000,000,000.  It 
would  therefore  only  require  one  hundred  years, 
according  to  the  theory  of  the  Intelligencer,  to  drain 
the  universe  of  its  gold  and  silver.  The  most  effec 
tual  method  of  advancing  the  prosperity  of  this 
country,  is  to  obtain  a  foreign  market  for  its  vast 
surplus  produce.  If  this  can  be  accomplished,  there 
is  no  danger  of  bankruptcy  being  the  fate  that 
awaits  us.  The  great  staple  of  this  country  is  cot 
ton.  Let  commercial  treaties  with  China  enable  us 
to  balance  with  that  country  our  accounts  with  cot 
ton.  The  imports  of  merchandise  into  China  from 
the  United  States,  in  1844,  amounted  to  $1,320,170 
The  export  of  China  on  American  ac 
count,  was  6,686,171 

Leaving  a  balance  against  the  U.  S.  of    $5,366,001 

There  is  no  reason  why  this  balance  should  not 
be  discharged  with  cotton.     The  total  number  of 
bales  of  cotton  exported  from  the  United  States  to 
foreign  ports,  from  1st  September,  1848,  to  31st  Au 
gust,  1849,  as  appears  from  Hunt's  Ma 
gazine,  was  -     2,227,844 
Excess  over  last  year,  369,583 
Now  let  us  see  what  was  the  amount  compared 
to  this,  which  was  consumed  by  the  much  lauded 
home  market.    The  quantity  of  cotton  consumed  by 


348  HISTORY     OF     THE 

and  in  the  hands  of  the  manfacturers,  was  less  than 
520,000  bales.  Now  shall  this  large  surplus  remain 
upon  the  hands  of  the  producer,  that  the  manufac 
turers  may  be  pleased  by  the  establishment  of  re 
strictive  duties  ?  It  is  not  alone  the  article  of  cotton 
which  we  want  to  exchange  for  the  productions  of 
other  countries.  The  United  States  could  become, 
if  necessary,  the  granary  of  the  world.  The  former 
desires  a  market  for  his  corn,  pork,  beef,  flour,  and 
tobacco,  as  well  as  cotton.  It  is  for  the  accomplish 
ment  of  these  ends  that  the  influence  of  the  Govern 
ment  should  be  wielded.  The  diplomatic  agents  of 
the  United  States  should  be  directed  to  make  con 
stant  exertions  to  procure  the  admission  of  the  pro 
ductions  of  our  people  into  foreign  countries,  upon 
the  most  favorable  terms.  When  that  is  done,  we 
shall  realize  all  the  benefits  resulting  from  the  illim 
itable  resources  of  the  most  favored  country  upon 
the  globe.  The  policy  of  establishing  countervailing 
duties  as  an  offset  to  the  high  tariffs  which  were  im 
posed  upon  their  subjects  by  foreign  powers,  received 
the  warm  support  of  the  whig  party.  It  is  difficult 
to  conceive  what  justice  there  is  in  imposing  bur 
dens  upon  our  own  citizens,  because  monarchical 
powers  oppress  their  subjects.  Experience  proves, 
however,  that  the  advocacy  upon  our  part  of  liberal 
principles,  has  had  a  beneficial  effect  upon  England.* 

*  "  The  most  curious  item  of  intelligence  by  this  arrival  is  the  unprece 
dented  compliment  paid  by  the  House  of  Lords  to  Mr.  Secretary  Walker's 
Annual  Treasury  Report,  recommending  the  repeal  of  our  protective 
tariff,  which  was  ordered  by  their  Lordships  to  be  printed  for  the  use  of 
the  House.  It  is,  indeed,  not  improbable  that  the  free  trade  propositions 
of  our  Secretary  accelerated,  if  they  did  not  prompt,  the  kindred  measure 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  349 

If  sucli  a  fortunate  result  lias  been  produced  by  the 
liberal  course  of  the  United  States,  we  surely  have 
great  inducement  to  persevere  in  our  efforts,  until 
we  have  placed  our  commercial  regulation  upon  the 
best  footing  with  the  powers  of  the  earth. 

A  remarkable  versatility  has  characterized  the 
course  pursued  by  the  friends  of  the  restrictive 
system.  They  have  not  based  their  arguments  upon 
immutable  principles,  which  are  as  unchangeable  as 
the  eternal  will.  On  the  contrary,  their  arguments 
have  changed  with  circumstances.  One  of  the 
most  distinguished  champions  of  that  policy  is  Mr. 
Hudson,  for  a  long  time  a  member  of  Congress  from 
Massachusetts ;  his  arguments  abound  in  sophistry, 
although  they  bear  the  evidence  of  apparent  frank 
ness.  A  thorough  master  of  the  subject,  he  always 
exhibited  great  ability  in  its  discussion,  and  the  fa 
cility  with  which  he  seized  upon  the  strong  points 
which  circumstances  placed  in  his  possession,  ren 
dered  him  a  formidable  opponent  to  the  progress  of 
liberal  principles.  There  was  one  argument  which 
possessed  great  plausibility,  and  when  stated  with 
great  sincerity  of  manner,  always  produced  an  effect, 
and  that  was  the  impolicy  of  resorting  to  free  trade, 
because  other  nations  placed  enormous  duties  upon 
the  productions  of  our  country.*  But  subsequently 

in  England  of  a  total  repeal  of  the  corn  laws." — Editorial  of  the  National 
Intelligencer,  February  21,  1846. 

*  "  The  Committee  see  nothing  in  the  policy  of  other  nations  which 
would  justify  us  in  adopting  the  delusive  theory  of  free  trade.  The  new 
tariff  of  Great  Britain,  which  has  been  hailed  as  the  harbinger  of  a  com 
mercial  millennium,  is  highly  restrictive  in  its  character."  "  Some  articles 
which  were  formerly  prohibited,  she  now  admits,  but  on  a  duty  so  nearly 


350  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

to  that  time,  the  English  Government  removed  al 
together,  or  greatly  reduced  her  duties  upon  Ame 
rican  produce.*  When  the  Government  of  England 
tendered  to  the  United  States  such  commercial  ad- 
prohibitory,  that  they  cannot  be  imported  except  in  extreme  cases." 
"  But  what  is  the  free  trade  that  England  tenders  to  us  ?  On  what  terms 
does  she  receive  our  staples  ?  Why,  she  imposes  the  following  rate  of 
duties  upon  our  products  : 


per  cent. 

Salted  beef 60 

Bacon         109 

Butter  ...'..  70 
Indian  corn,  average  .  .  32 
Flour,  average  ...  32 

Rosin 76 

Sperm  oil        33 


per  cent. 

Sperm  candles  ....  33 
Tobacco  manufactured  1200 
Tobacco  unmanufactured  1000 

Salted  pork 33 

Soap 200 

Spirits  from  grain  .  .  500 
Spirits  from  molasses  .  1600 


"  On  these  fourteen  articles  she  imposes  an  average  of  355  per  cent., 
a  duty  vastly  greater  than  we  impose  upon  any  of  her  fabrics.  It  is 
idle  therefore  to  pretend  that  she  extends  to  us  any  thing  like  free  trade." 
— Report  of  Mr.  Hudson  made  to  Congress,  IQlh  of  April,  1844. 

*  "Alteration  of  duties  on  American  Produce. 

"  Our  American  readers  will  find  that  the  British  Ministry  propose  to 
make  important  reductions  on  many  of  the  articles  exported  from  America 
to  England.  We  hope  to  see  a  similar  spirit  manifested  by  the  Cabinet  at 
Washington.  The  alterations  comprise  : 

Previous  duty.  Reduced  to — 

Bacon       ....     14s.  per  cwt.       .     .     .       Free. 

Beef,  fresh     ...       8s.       do Free. 

Beef,  salted  ...       8s.        do Free. 

Hay 16s.  per  load       .     .     .       Free. 

Hides       ....       2s.  per  Ib Free. 

Meat 8s.  per  cwt.       .     .     .       Free. 

Pork 8s.       do Free. 

Buckwheat    ...  Is.  per  quarter. 

Candles,  tallow       .     10s.  per  cwt.       ...       5s.  per  cwt. 

Cheese     ....     10s.  6s.  per  cwt.      .     .       5s.       do. 

Clocks      ....     20  per  cent 10  per  cent. 

Hams,      ....     14s.  per  cwt.       ...       7s.  per  cwt. 

Hops 90s.       do 45s.      do. 

Indian   corn,  heavy 

duty Is.  per  quarter. 

Rice 6s.  per  cwt.  Is.  per  qr. 

Tallow 3s  to  do.  cwt.  Is.  p.  cwt. 

National  Intelligencer,  February  21s*,  1846.  Credited  to  Wilmer  fy 
Smith's  European  Times. 


POLK     ADMIJSTISTKATION.  351 

vantages,  it  was  indeed  the  harbinger  of  "  a  com 
mercial  millennium,"  especially  when  it  was  done 
under  circumstances  which  precluded  the  idea  of 
another  resort  to  the  restrictive  policy.  Mr.  Hud 
son,  who  had  so  often  complained  of  the  oppressive 
duties  imposed  upon  American  productions,  ought 
assuredly  to  express  satisfaction  at  the  liberal  course 
pursued  by  the  British  Government.  This  was  not 
the  case,  however.  He  immediately  changed  front, 
and  instead  of  condemning  the  high  tariff  of  Great 
Britain,  as  he  had  done  in  1844,  he  actually  at 
tempted  to  convince  the  House  of  Representatives 
that  the  people  of  this  country  were  injured,  and 
not  benefited  by  the  free  trade  tariff  of  Great  Bri 
tain.*  There  is  but  one  instance  of  such  remark 
able  versatility  upon  record.f 

In  1842  Mr.  Hudson  made  a  powerful  speech,  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  the  necessity  of  a  high  tariff 
to  protect  the  operatives  in  this  country  against  the 
pauper  laborer  of  Europe.  He  drew  a  mournful 
picture  of  the  sufferings  in  Ireland,  for  the  purpose 
of  illustrating  the  low  wages  which  were  paid  for 
labor.  J  This  would  be  regarded  as  a  vision  of  an 

*  "  I  am  aware  that  it  will  be  said  that  most  of  the  wheat  which  is  sent 
into  Canada  finds  its  way  into  Great  Britain.'  I  admit  it,  and  shall  en 
deavor  to  show  hereafter,  that  in  this  indirect  trade  we  now  enjoy  a  sort 
of  monopoly,  by  the  operation  of  the  present  corn-laws  of  Great  Britain, 
but  of  which  we  should  be  deprived  by  a  repeal  of  those  laws.  This  is, 
in  fact,  the  point  to  which  I  wish  to  all  attention — the  great  question  for 
the  committee  and  the  country  to  consider." — Speech  of  Mr.  Hudson, 
House  of  Representatives,  February  26,  1846. 

f  "  I  went  to  her,  Master  Brook,  as  you  see,  like  a  poor  old  man  :  but 
I  came  from  her,  Master  Brook,  like  a  poor  old  woman." 

|  "  With  such  facts  before  us,  we  can  sympathize  with  a  respectable 
weaver,  who  testified  before  the  commissioner  as  follows : 


352  HISTOET     OF     THE 

excited  imagination,  if  we  should  judge  from  a  fancy 
sketclb  of  the  same  gentleman  of  a  later  production.* 
Since  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  affords  the  agricul 
turists  of  this  country  an  opportunity  of  feeding 
those  who  were  described  as  being  so  stricken  with 
poverty  in  the  speech  of  Mr.  Hudson  in  1842,  he 
has  changed  his  argument,  and  has  now  come  to  the 

" '  Question.  Have  you  any  children  ?' 

"  '  Answer.  No.     I  had,  but  they  are  both  dead,  thanks  be  to  God.' 
"'  Question.  Do  you  express  satisfaction  at  the  death  of  your  children  ?' 
"  '  Ansicer.  I  do.     I  thank  God  for  it.     I  am  relieved  from  the  burden 
of  maintaining  them  ;  and  they,  poor  dear  creatures,  are  relieved  from  the 
troubles  of  this  mortal  life.' 

"  Comments  upon  such  evidence  would  be  out  of  place.  When  poverty 
and  wretchedness  press  so  heavily  upon  parents  that  they  rejoice  at  the 
death  of  their  own  children,  their  state  must  be  painful  indeed." — Extracts 
from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Hudson,  of  Massachusetts,  July  8,  1842. 

*  ;'  Tooke,  an  experienced  English  writer,  informs  us  that,  from  1832  to 
1838,  the  crops  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  were  so  abundant  that  wheat 
was  fed  out  to  cattle,  sheep,  and  swine,  and  even  used  for  distillation. 
This  induced  the  farmer  to  sow  less ;  and,  for  several  succeeding  years, 
the  winters  were  unfavorable  for  the  crops,  and  the  season  of  harvest  was 
unpropitious,  so  as  to  increase  the  demand  for  foreign  grain.  Every  man 
acquainted  with  English  agriculture  knows  that  great  improvements  are 
constantly  taking  place  in  her  mode  of  cultivation.  Bogs  and  swamps  are 
being  reclaimed,  barren  hillsides  are  being  converted  into  fruitful  fields, 
and  her  waste  places  are  being  made  to  blossom  like  the  rose.  She  has 
also  adopted  an  improved  mode  of  seeding.  Until  quite  recently,  the  wheat 
growers  were  in  the  habit  of  sowing  about  three  bushels  of  grain  to  the 
acre.  But  Drummond,  a  late  English  writer,  says  that,  by  the  introduc 
tion  of  a  new  machine  for  sowing  wheat,  which  distributes  the  grain 
equally  over  the  whole  surface  of  the  ground,  they  have  found  that  a  less 
quantity  of  seed  will  answer  equally  well ;  and  that  this  improvement 
alone  will  save  to  the  United  Kingdom  five  or  six  millions  of  bushels,  and 
thus  supply  at  least  one-third  of  her  deficiency.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  it  is  not  probable  that  her  demand  for  foreign  grain  will  materially 
increase.  Her  own  supply  will  increase  with  her  demand.  The  means 
of  the  mass  of  her  people  are  limited  ;  and  we  cannot  expect  that,  under 
any  circumstances,  she  will  take  a  quantity  of  foreign  grain  much,  if  any, 
larger  than  she  does  at  present." — Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  353 

conclusion  that  there  is  no  hope  that  the  demand  for 
our  productions  will  be  increased.  The  corn  laws, 
which  hung  for  so  many  years  like  an  incubus  upon 
the  consumers  of  England,  were  established  for  the 
benefit  of  the  land  proprietors.  The  scale  of  duties 
upon  breadstuffs  was  raised  so  high,  that  it  pro 
duced  not  only  extreme  suffering,  but  often  star 
vation.  The  great  scarcity  which  resulted  from  this 
policy,  enriched  the  landholder,  w^hile  it  inflicted 
dreadful  sufferings  upon  the  poor.  A  scarcity  of 
food  raised  its  price  enormously,  and  the  conse 
quence  was,  that  thousands  of  human  beings  existed, 
only,  upon  the  smallest  quantity  possible,  of  the 
most  indifferent  provisions.  For  the  relief  of  that 
portion  of  the  community,  societies  were  established 
for  the  purpose  of  producing  a  reform.  The  intel 
lects  of  some  of  the  ablest  and  most  eloquent  of  the 
orators  of  England  were  devoted  to  its  accomplish 
ment.  The  struggle  was  long  and  fierce.  The  pow 
er  and  interests  of  the  British  nobility  were  arrayed 
against  a  starving  community,  and  the  struggle  end 
ed  by  a  defeat  of  the  lords,  and  the  adoption  of  the 
principles  of  free  trade. 

By  the  reduction  of  the  tariff,  the  agricultural 
products  of  other  nations  were  admitted  into  Eng 
land.  The  importer  was  enabled  to  purchase  at 
lower  prices,  and  could  therefore  sell  a  larger  amount 
of  food  for  a  smaller  sum  of  money  than  under 
the  former  prohibitory  tariffs,  and  in  this  way  the 
producers  in  the  United  States  are  enabled  to  find 
a  foreign  market  for  their  surplus  produce. 

As  an  excuse  for  adhering  to  the  protective  poli- 
23 


354  HISTORY     OF     THE 

cy,  when  hard  pressed  for  arguments,  the  whig  party 
insist  that  it  had  its  origin  with  the  establishment  of 
our  Government,  and  that  the  fathers  of  the  Re 
public  sanctioned  it.  It  is  well  to  examine  this  po 
sition,  because  we  are  inclined  to  pay  respect  to  the 
acts  and  opinions  of  those  who  cemented  our  liber 
ties  with  their  blood.  It  is  only  necessary,  to  show 
the  fallacy  of  the  assertion  that  the  earlier  Presi 
dents  sanctioned  high  duties,  to  refer  to  the  tariifs 
which  were  passed  between  the  years  1789  and 


*  Tariff  Act  of  July  4,  1789. 

On  molasses,  per  gallon,  2f  cents  ;  on  malt,  per  bushel,  10  cents  ;  on 
brown  sugars,  per  pound,  1  cent  ;  loaf  sugars,  per  pound,  3  cents  ;  all 
other  sugars,  per  pound,  1^  cents  ;  on  coffee,  per  pound,  2^  cents  ;  on 
boots,  per  pair,  50  cents  ;  on  all  shoes  and  slippers  made  of  leather,  per 
pair,  7  cents  ;  on  all  steel  unwrought,  for  every  112  pounds,  56  cents  ;  on 
all  nails  and  spikes,  per  pound,  1  cent;  on  salt,  per  bushel,  6  cents;  on 
coal,  per  bushel,  2  cents  ;  on  bohea  tea,  per  pound,  6  cents  ;  all  hyson  teas, 
per  pound,  20  cents  ;  on  all  writing,  printing,  or  wrapping  paper,  paper- 
hangings,  and  pasteboard,  7|  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  on  all  buttons,  saddles, 
batts  of  beaver,  wool,  or  mixture  of  either,  on  millinery  ready  made,  cast 
ings  of  iron,  slit  and  rolled  iron,  and  on  clothing  ready  made,  7|  per  cent. 
ad  valorem. 

Tariff  Ac^  0/1792. 

Steel,  per  hundred  weight,  100  cents;  nails,  per  pound,  2  cents; 
shoes  and  slippers  of  silk,  20  cents  ;  all  other  shoes  and  slippers  for  men 
and  women,  clogs  and  galoshes,  10  cents;  on  cables,  for  every  112 
pounds,  180  cents;  on  tarred  cordage,  for  every  112  pounds,  180  cents; 
looking-glass,  window,  and  other  glass,  15  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  cast,  slit, 
and  rolled  iron,  hats,  caps,  and  bonnets,  sail-cloth,  cabinet  wares,  and  ge 
nerally  all  manufactures  of  iron,  steel,  tin,  pewter,  copper,  brass,  &c.,  not 
being  otherwise  particularly  enumerated,  10  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Tariff  Act  of  1794. 

On  coffee,  per  pound,  1  cent  ;  clayed  or  lump  sugar,  per  pound,  1 
cent  ;  on  boots,  per  pair,  25  cents  ;  on  shoes  and  slippers,  for  men  and 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  355 

An  argument  much  used  by  the  protectionists 
is  based  upon  the  fact,  that  manufactured  goods 
have  fallen  in  price  within  the  last  thirty  years. 

women,  5  cents  ;  on  coal,  per  bushel,  ^  cent ;  on  slit,  cast,  and  rolled  iron, 
and,  generally,  on  all  manufactures  of  iron,  steel,  tin,  pewter,  copper,  and 
brass,  not  otherwise  enumerated,  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem ;  on  all  manufac 
tures  of  cotton  or  linen,  or  of  muslins  of  cotton  or  linen,  or  of  which  cot 
ton  or  linen  is  the  material  or  chief  fabric,  being  printed,  stained,  or  co 
lored,  5  per  cent,  ad  valorem. 

Tariff  Act  of  March  3,  1797. 

"  An  Act  for  raising  a  further  sum  of  money  by  additional  duties  on 
certain  articles  imported,  and  for  other  purposes. 

"  That  from  and  after  the  30th  day  of  June  next,  the  following  duties, 
in  addition  to  those  now  in  force  and  payable  on  the  several  articles  herein 
after  enumerated,  shall  be  laid  and  levied  and  collected  upon  those  articles 
respectively,  at  their  importation  into  the  United  States  from  any  foreign 
port  or  place. 

"  On  all  brown  sugars,  per  pound,  \  cent ;  on  all  bohea  tea,  per  pound, 
2  cents  ;  on  all  molasses,  per  gallon,  1  cent ;  and  on  all  velvets  and  velve- 
rets,  whether  stained,  printed,  colored,  or  otherwise,  and  upon  all  muslins, 
muslinets,  and  other  cotton  goods,  not  printed,  stained,  or  colored.  2£  per 
cent,  ad  valorem." 

There  was  also  a  section  providing  that  after  the  30th  of  June  an 
additional  duty  of  10  per  cent,  should  be  levied  on  the  aforesaid  articles 
imported  in  foreign  ships. 

Tariff  of  March  26,  1804,  (during  the  Administration  of  Jefferson,} 
called  the  Mediterranean  Fund. 

"  An  Act  further  to  protect  the  commerce  and  seamen  of  the  United 
States  against  the  Barbary  Powers. 

"  A  duty  of  2£  per  centum  ad  valorem  in  addition  to  the  duties  now 
imposed  by  law,  [aforesaid  act  of  March  3d,  1797,]  shall  be  laid,  levied, 
and  collected  upon  all  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  paying  a  duty  ad 
valorem,  which  shall,  after  the  30th  day  of  June  next,  be  imported  into  the 
United  States  from  any  foreign  port  or  place." 

The  act  provided  an  additional  duty  of  10  per  cent,  upon  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  imported  in  vessels  not  of  the  United  States. 

The  act  further  provided  that  a  distinct  account  should  be  kept  of  the 
fund,  and  that  the  additional  duty  should  cease  as  soon  as  the  difficulties 
should  be  adjusted  with  the  Barbary  Powers. 


356  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

That  assumption  is  correct,  but  the  error  they  com 
mit  is  in  not  attributing  it  to  the  right  cause.  They 
assert  that  it  is  the  result  of  the  protective  system. 
It  can  hardly  be  assumed  that  our  revenue  laws 
have  produced  a  reduction  in  the  price  of  manufac 
tured  goods  throughout  the  world.  Prices  have 
been  reduced  in  England,  as  well  as  in  this  country. 
When  alluding  to  the  results  which  are  to  follow 
competition  among  our  own  manufacturers,  they 
forget  that  there  is  a  competion  among  foreigners 
for  our  market,  which  has  had  the  eifect  of  keeping 
down  prices.  Mechanical  skill  has  made  wonderful 
improvements  in  the  machinery  which  has  been 
substituted  for  hand  labor,  and  the  low  price  of  the 
raw  material,  and  of  food,  as  forests  melt  away  be 
fore  the  progress  of  civilization,  and  broad  acres 
yield  their  harvests  as  the  fruits  of  labor,  are  by  no 
means  unimportant  causes  for  the  fall  in  the  price 
of  manufactured  goods,  within  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century.  But  the  great  question  for  the  country  to 
consider  is  the  comparative  price  of  manufactured 


Tariff  Act  of  1816,  during  Madison's  Administration. 
On  all  articles  manufactured  from  brass,  copper,  iron,  steel,  pewter, 
lead,  or  tin,  cutlery,  pins,  needles,  buttons,  cannon,  muskets,  and  firearms, 
20  per  cent,  ad  valorem ;  on  woollen  manufactures,  of  all  descriptions,  or 
of  which  wool  is  the  material  of  chief  value,  (excepting  blankets,  woollen 
rugs,  and  worsted  or  stuff  goods,)  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  until  June, 
1819,  and  after  that  day  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem;  on  all  cotton  manufac 
tures,  of  all  descriptions,  or  of  which  cotton  is  the  material  of  chief  value, 
and  on  cotton  twist,  yarn,  or  thread,  as  follows  :  for  three  years  next  ensu 
ing  the  13th  day  of  June,  1816,  25  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  and  after  that 
time  20  per  cent,  ad  valorem  ;  on  iron,  in  bars  and  bolts,  (excepting  iron 
manufactured  by  rolling,)  per  hundred  weight,  45  cents ;  on  boots,  per 
pair,  150  cents. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 


357 


articles  previous  and  subsequent  to  the  passage  of 
the  act  of  1842,  and  before  and  since  the  act  of 
1846  went  into  operation.* 

*   Wholesale  price  of  domestic  goods  on  the  first  day  of  August,  1842,  and 

1844,  taken  from  the  sales-books  of  the  selling  agents,  and 

copied  into  the  New-  York  Morning  News. 

TABLE  I. 


Brown  cotton  flannels,  Hamilton,  per  yard, 

Glasgow  jeans,  per  yard, 

Sheep's  gray  casinets,  per  yard,  .... 

3 7 -inch  brown  sheetings,  In.  Head,  per  yard, 

37-inch  brown  sheetings,  Oella  B.,  per  yard, 

37-inch  brown  sheetings,  Savage  factory,  per  yard, 

37-inch  brown  sheetings,  Stark  company,  per  yard, 

37-inch  brown  sheetings,  Thistle  factory,  per  yard, 

27-inch  brown  sheetings,  Thistle  factory,  per  yard, 

37-inch  brown  sheetings,  Patuxent  company,  per  yard, 

44-inch  Osnaburgs,  grays,  Patapsco  factory,  per  yard,  . 

Penitentiary  plaids  and  stripes,  per  yard, 

Salisbury  company  scarlet  flannels,  No.  12  to  26  inclusive, 

Merrimack  blue  prints,  per  yard,          .... 

Fall  River  blue  prints,  per  yard,       . 

Maverick  sattinets,  per  yard, 


per  yd, 


1842.  1844. 


cts. 
10* 
17 
30 
7* 

8 
7 

6i 
5 

.a 

10 

18 

11* 
10 

574 


cts. 
114 
19 
45 

84 
8 
8 

84 
8 

64 
8* 
12 

iii 

25* 

iii 


I  now  give  the  price  of  iron  in  the  New-York  market  on  the  30th 
July,  in  each  of  the  years  of  1842  and  1845. 

TABLE  II. 


ARTICLES. 

Bar,  Russia,  P.  S.  I., 
Swedes,     .... 
American  rolled,     . 
Sheet  iron  (Rus.)  per  Ib.     . 
Sheet  iron  (English  and  Ame 
rican)  per  Ib. 
Hoops   (English  and  Ameri 
can)  per  cwt. 

1842. 

1845. 

$102  50    to 
80  00 
65  00    to 
00  13£  to 

00  05     to 
4  25     to 

$105  00 

70  00 
00  14 

00  05^ 
4  76 

$102  50  to  $ 
85  00 
85  00 
0  13 

0  07  to 
5  50  to 

05  00 

0  07} 
6  50 

I  now  give  the  prices  of  sugar  in  the  New- York  market  on  the  same 
day  of  the  month,  in  the  same  years. 

TABLE  III. 


ARTICLES. 

St.  Croix,  per  Ib. 
New  Orleans,  per  Ib. 
Havana,  white,  per  Ib. 
Havana,  brown,  per  Ib. 

1842. 

1845. 

5|  cts.  to  84  cts. 
34         to  4i 
7i         to  9 
41 

6J  cts.  to      8  cts. 
5           to      7| 
10           to    10| 
7i         to      9 

358 


HISTOE Y     OF     THE 


If  the  price  of  manufactured  goods  increases 
under  the  operation  of  a  protective  tariff,  surely  the 
farmer  should  receive  a  compensation  therefor  in  the 

Lastly,  I  give  the  prices  of  certain  other  articles  in  the  New-York 
market  in  the  month  of  June  of  each  of  the  years  of  1843  and  1844, 
taken  from  the  New-York  Evening  Post. 

TABLE  IV. 


ARTICLES. 

1843.      1844. 

$  0  074 

o  iii 

0  06i 
0  06| 
0  12i 
0  08 
0  18 
0  20 
0  27 
2  00 
2  37i 

$o  iii 

0  13i 
0  08i 
0  08| 
0  16 
0  10 
0  25 
0  27i 
0  35 
2  50 
3  50 

Chickopee  D.  brown  sheetings,  per  yard, 

Summer  pantaloon  stuffs,  per  yard,         .... 

Scarlet,  white,  and  yellow  flannels,  per  yard, 
Scarlet,  white,  and  yellow  flannels,  per  yard,     . 
Scarlet,  white,  and  yellow  flannels,  per  yard, 

Broadcloths,  per  yard,             

From  the  July  No.  of  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  1844. 


January, 

January, 

January,  ,  January, 

January, 

ARTICLES. 

1840. 

1841. 

184-2.      i      1843. 

1844. 

Iron  anvils,  per  Ib. 

$00  09i 

$00  09i 

$00  08i,$00  08i 

$00  08i 

Bars,  common  English  rolled, 

per  ton, 

76  25 

71   25 

52  50 

53  75 

53  75 

Bars,  refined  English  rolled, 

93  75 

87  50 

76  25 

67  50 

67  50 

Bars,  American  refined, 

90  00 

85  00 

77  50 

65  00 

67  50 

Blooms,  American, 

60  00 

52  50 

50  00 

47  50 

52  50 

Nails,  wrought,  per  Ib. 

o  ni 

0  Hi 

0   10i 

0  09 

0  09 

Nails,  cut,  per  Ib. 

0  05} 

0  05J 

0  05£i      0  03J 

0  04$ 

Pigs,  per  ton, 

35  25 

32  50 

31   00 

25  00 

27  50 

Scythes,  per  dozen, 

13  00 

12  50 

12  50 

9  00 

9  00 

Shovels,  per  dozen,     . 

10  00 

9  50 

9  00 

7  25 

7  25 

Now,  if  competition,  under  the  tariff  of  1842,  is  to  bring  down  the 
price  of  the  manufactured  article,  according  to  their  theory,  why  not  carry 
it  out  in  practice  ? 

Of  the  sixteen  articles  specified  in  table  No.  1 ,  fourteen  have  increased 
in  price  from  1842  to  1844  ;  two  remain  at  the  same  cost. 

There  are  six  articles  contained  in  table  No.  2 ;  four  have  increased  in 
price  from  1842  to  1845  ;  one  has  not  varied,  one  has  siightly  fallen. 

Of  the  four  articles  contained  in  table  No.  3,  every  one  rose  in  value 
from  1842  to  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 


359 


increased  price  of  his  agricultural  products.  This, 
however,  is  very  far  from  being  the  case,*  and  while 
he  is  forced  to  pay  more  for  the  goods  which  he  is 

Eleven  articles  are  specified  in  table  No.  4 ;  every  one  enhanced  in 
price  from  June,  1843,  to  June,  1844. 

*  From  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  May  No.,  1845. 

Prices  of  manufactured   articles   in  the   New- York   Market  at  different 

periods. 


ARTICLES. 

Cordage,  American,  per  100 
Ibs.           .... 
Cotton  bagging,  Ky.,  per  100 
yds  
Lead,  pig,  per  100  Ibs. 
Molasses,  N.  O.,  per  100  gals. 
Steel,  per  100  Ibs.    . 
Sugar,  N.  O.,  per  100  Ibs.    . 

1843. 

1844. 

October. 

February. 

April  20. 

June  8. 

Sept.  7. 

$  12  00 

16  00 
3  45 

27  00 
5  00 

6  87 

$  12  00 

16  00 
3  55 
32  00 
5  00 
7  25 

$12  00 

16  00 
3  30 
30  00 
5  00 
7  37 

$12  00 

17  00 
3  45 
31  00 
5  00 
7  25 

$12  00 

17  00 

3  47 
32  00 
5  00 
7  00 

From  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  September  1849. 
Prices  of  New  Orleans  Cotton  in  New -York  for  the  year. 


Inferior. 

Ordinary  a 
jjood  ord'nry. 

Middling  a 
good  mid'ing 

Middling  fair 
a  fair. 

Fully  fair 
a  good  fair. 

September    2.  .  . 

5    a  54 

5|  a  6 

64  a  6| 

7     a     74 

7|a    84 

13.  .  . 

5    a  54 

54  a  6 

64  a  64 

6|a    74 

7|a    84 

October         1.  .  . 

5    a  54 

5-1  a  6 

64a6f 

5|  a    7| 

74  a    84 

14.  .  . 

5    a  54 

54a5f 

6    a6f 

64  a    7 

74  a    71 

November    1.  .  . 

4^  a  5 

54  a  5| 

5|a6§ 

64  a    6| 

7    a    74 

14.  .  . 

44  a  44 

5  J  a  54 

5f  a  6 

64  a    6| 

6|  a    74 

December     1.  .  . 

a  5 

54  a  5f 

5|  a  6| 

6i  a    61 

7    a    74 

13.  .  . 

5    a  5| 

5f  a5| 

6    a  6| 

\t  2   «•       v  8 

64  a    7 

74  a    8 

January        1.  .  . 

54  a  54 

6    a  6| 

64  a  6| 

7    a    74 

7|a    84 

15.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

64  a  64 

6f  a  7 

7f  a    7| 

8    a    84 

February      1.  .  . 
14.  .  . 
March          1.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 
.  a  .  . 
.  a  .  . 

6|a6| 
6|a6| 
64  a  6| 

7    a  7f 
7    a  74 
7    a  7| 

74  a    8 
74  a    84- 
74  a    84  f 

$4  a    8| 
f*4a    9 
84  a    9 

14.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

6|a  7 

74  a  7| 

74  a    8 

84  a    9 

April             1.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

6|a6f 

7    a7f 

74  a    8 

84  a    9 

18.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

64  a  64 

6|a74 

74  a    7| 

8    a    84 

May              1.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

6|a6| 

6|  a  74 

74  a    8 

84  a    8| 

15.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

64a6| 

7    a  74 

7fa    84 

84  a    9 

June              1.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

6|a7| 

7|  a  7| 

8    a    84 

9    a    94 

18.  .  . 

.  a  .  . 

6|  a  7 

7|  a  7| 

8    a    84 

9    a    94 

July              1... 

.  a  .  . 

7    a  74 

7|  a  84 

84  a    84 

94  a  10 

15.  .  . 

7    a  74 

7|  a  84 

84  a  9 

94  a  10 

...  a  ... 

August          1.  .  . 

74  a  8 

8|  a  8| 

94  a  9| 

10    a  104 

lOf  a  .  .  . 

8.  .  . 

8    a  84 

8|  a  94 

94  a  10 

104  a  11 

11    a... 

360 


HISTOEY     OF     THE 


compelled  to  have,  lie  is  obliged  to  take  less  for  the 
productions  of  his  farm.  Nor  does  an  increased 
consumption  appear  to  follow  the  passage  of  a  pro- 


From  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  May  No.  1845. 

Prices  of    United   States  produce  in   the  New-York  market,  at   different 

periods. 


1813. 

1844. 

ARTICLES. 

October. 

Feb.  14. 

April  20. 

June  8. 

Sept.  7. 

Cotton,  N.  O.,  fair,  p.  100.  Ibs.f  8  75 

$10  75 

$  8  87 

$  8  25  j$  7  50 

Flour,  western,  bbl.      .         .        4  50 

4  95 

5  06 

4  56 

4  25 

Wheat,  western,  bush. 

0  95 

1  05 

1  12 

0  98 

0  92 

Rye,  bush. 

0  65 

0  70 

0  71 

0  65 

0  67 

Corn,  bush. 

0  52 

0  48 

0  54 

0  47 

0  46 

Beef,  mess,  per  bbl. 

6  75 

6  25 

6  50 

6  50 

5  75 

Butter,  per  100  Ibs. 

14  00 

16  00 

18  00 

15  00 

11  00 

Cheese,  per  100  Ibs.     . 

5  50 

5  50 

7  00 

5  50 

5  50 

Tobacco,  Kentucky, 

6  50 

6  50 

6  50 

6  00 

6  00 

From  the  New- York  Journal  of  Commerce. 


ARTICLES. 

1840. 

1844. 

$14  25 

$5  25 

Beef,  prime,  per  bbl.             

10  00 
15  00 

3  25 

8  50 

0  17 

0  10 

Hams,  smoked,  per  Ib.             ...... 

o  itH 

4  75" 

0  05 
4  50 

Flour,  per  bbl.,  Ohio,      ....... 

4  43 

2  87^ 

4  37^ 
2  00 

1  00 

0  96 

Corn,  northern,  per  bush.              
Corn,  southern,  per  bush.         ...... 

0  56 
0  52 

0  50 

0  47 

Prices  of 


Years. 
1036 
1842 
1844 

1845 


From  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine  for  November,  1845. 
Ion  at  Mobile,  in  the  month  of  October,  in  the  following  years. 

Price  per  Ib. 
16    to  20    cents. 


8£  cents. 
8  cents. 
6i  cents. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 


361 


tective  tariff.*  If  the  subject  of  the  cotton  manufac 
tures  is  one  of  surpassing  interest  to  the  growers 
of  cotton  and  grain,f  their  interests  have  certainly 
not  been  increased  by  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of 
1842. 

The  protection  of  the  American  laborer  against 
the  paupers  of  Europe,  is  a  subject  of  anxious  care 

From  Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine,  April  No.,  1845. 
Prices  of  Cotton  in  Liverpool  in  1844  and  1845. 


1844. 

1845. 

cts. 
4i  to  5 

cts. 
34  to  3| 

Fair  to  good  fair,         

5|  to  5i 
5|  to  5| 

4*  to  4| 
4$  to  5 

New  Orleans,  ordinary  to  middling,     .... 

4i  to  5$ 

5|  to  5| 

34  to  4| 

4|  to  4J 

Good,         

5|  to  6 

5    to  54 

6|  to  7 

5|  to  7 

Alabama,  ordinary  to  middling,            .... 
Fair  to  good  fair,             
Mobile,  ordinary  to  middling,      

4£  to  4| 
5    to  5i 
4i  to  54 
5|  to  5i 

3    to  3^ 

3|  to  4| 
3    to  4 
4f  to  4£ 

Good  to  fine,                 

5|  to  6 

4J  to  54 

Fallen  in  every  instance,  notwithstanding  the  tariff  of  1842. 


1842. 

1843. 

1845. 

ARTICLES. 

Cords  of  wood  per  annum, 

3,580 

3,090          3,270 

Pounds  of  cotton  consumed, 

28,764,000 

22,568,000  24,128,000 

Tons  anthracite  coal  per  annum, 

11,410 

12,300 

12,500 

Gallons  of  oil  per  annum, 

78,689 

80,189 

67,842 

Consumption  of  starch,  pounds  per  annum, 

800,000 

800,000 

800,000 

Consumption  of  flour  for  starch  in   mills, 

print  works,  and  bleaching,  barrels  per 

annum,            

4.000 

4,000 

4,000 

Consumption  of  charcoal,  bushels  per  ann. 

600,000 

600,000 

600,00 

*  Statistics  of  Lowell  manufactures,  compiled  from  authentic  sources 
by  the  manufacturers  themselves,  January  1842,  '43,  '45. 

f  "  The  subject  of  the  cotton  manufactures  is  one  of  surpassing  in 
terest  to  the  grower  of  cotton,  the  grower  of  grain,  and  the  manufacturer 
himself."— National  Intelligencer,  May  25/ft,  1846. 


362  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

with  those  who  favor  the  protective  policy.  Scarce 
ly  is  a  speech  delivered,  or  an  editorial  written,  but 
this  matter  is  referred  to,  always  coupled  with  the 
assertion,  that  a  high  tariff  enables  the  manufactu 
rers  to  give  increased  wages  to  the  operatives ;  and 
with  more  than  ordinary  complacency  have  they 
dwelt  upon  this  branch  of  the  subject.  The  Whig 
party  have  made  much  political  capital  out  of  this 
argument,  without  being  sustained  by  facts.*  I 

*  It  will  appear  by  an  examination  of  the  statistics  made  out  in  Janu 
ary,  1842,  that  the  amount  of  wages  paid  a  month,  was — 

In  January,  1842 $170,000 

In  January,  1843 150,000 

In  January,  1845 138,500 

Less  in  1843  than  in  1842 20,000 

Less  in  1845  than  in  1842           ....  31,500 

This  is  saving  quite  a  liberal  sum,  especially  when  we  take  into  consi 
deration  the  language  of  Mr.  Hudson,  that  the  laborer  "  must  share  with 
his  employer  the  profits  of  the  business  by  the  increased  rate  of  his  wages." 
To  that  operation,  so  interesting  to  the  laborer,  I  come  now  to  remark 
upon.  The  average  wages  of  females,  clear  of  board,  per  week,  was — 

In  1842 $2  00 

In  1843 1  75 

In  1845 1  75 

Average  wages  of  males,  clear  of  board,  per  day,  was — 

In  1842 80  cents. 

In  1843 70  cents. 

In  1845 70  cents. 

Here  is  an  illustration,  I  suppose,  of  the  doctrine  of  Mr.  Hudson,  that 
the  laborer  "  must  share  with  his  employer  in  the  profits  of  the  business 
by  the  increased  rate  of  his  wages.1"  It  was  bad  enough  to  lower  the  wa 
ges  of  the  men  10  cents  per  day ;  but  it  was  truly  ungallant  for  the  lords 
of  the  spindle,  who  are  making  princely  fortunes  out  of  the  labor  of  the 
females,  to  strike  down  their  wages  from  $2  to  $1  75  per  week.  I  call 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  363 

have  taken  the  statistics  furnished  by  the  manufac 
turers  at  Lowell  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the 
absurdity  of  the  argument  which  has  obtained  so 

particular  attention  to  these  facts,  because  it  has  been  denied  that  the 
wages  of  the  females  have  been  reduced  since  the  passage  of  the  tariff  of 
1842. 

But  let  us  see  if,  while  the  wages  of  the  females  are  falling  off  instead 
of  increasing,  they  perform  less  labor. 

In  1842  the  total  number  of  females  employed  at  Lowell  was     7,430 
In  1843 6,375 

More  in  1842  than  in  1843 1,055 

Number  of  yards  manufactured  in  1842    .         .         .         73,853,400 
Number  of  yards  manufactured  in  1843        .         .         .     70,275,400 

More  in  1842  than  in  1843 3,578,000 

Although  there  were  1055  more  females  in  1842  than  in  1843,  yet 
they  manufactured  only  3,578,000  yards  more. 

In  1842  there  were  1110  more  female  operatives  than  in  1845,  yet 
they  manufactured  2,019,800  yards  more  in  1845  than  they  did  in  1842. 

There  were  55  more  female  operatives  in  1843  than  in  1845,  yet  they 
manufactured  5,597,800  yards  more  in  1845  than  in  1843. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  Mr.  Clemens,  of  Ala 
bama,  from  Clementine  Averill,  published  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  of 
March  19,  1850,  shows  that  under  low  duties  the  wages  of  the  operatives 
have  again  increased. 

Letter  from  a  Factory  Girl  to  Senator  Clemens. 

LOWELL,  Mass.,  Wednesday,  March  6,  1850. 

MR.  CLEMENS — Sir :  In  some  of  the  late  papers  I  have  read  several 
questions  which  you  have  asked  concerning  the  New  England  operatives. 
They  have  been  well  answered,  perhaps,  but  enough  has  not  yet  been 
said  ;  and  I  deem  it  proper  that  the  operatives  should  answer  for  them 
selves.  First,  you  wish  to  know  what  pay  we  have  ?  I  will  speak  only 
for  the  girls,  and  think  I  am  stating  very  low,  when  I  say  that  we  average 
$2  a  week,  beside  our  board. 

Hundreds  of  girls  in  these  mills  clear  from  $3  to  $6  a  week;  but  some 
who  have  not  been  here  long,  and  are  not  much  used  to  the  work,  do  not 


364  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

much  favor  with  the  whig  party.  It  should  not  be 
forgotten  that  Lowell,  "the  Manchester  of  America," 
is  the  largest  manufacturing  city  in  the  United 
States,  and  therefore  no  objection  can  be  made  to 
the  facts  which  are  adduced,  and  the  deductions 
which  necessarily  follow. 

In  every  aspect  in  which  the  policy  of  free  trade, 
as  illustrated  by  the  tariff  of  1846,  can  be  viewed, 
it  commends  itself  to  the  favorable  consideration  of 
the  American  people.  It  is  incontestably  true  that 
trade  between  nations,  to  be  extensive,  must  be  be 
neficial  to  both.  A  fair  exchange  of  the  produc 
tions  of  one  for  the  other,  can  alone  produce  that 
result.  A  determination  upon  the  part  of  one  Gov 
ernment  to  obtain  specie  in  exchange  for  its  produc 
tions,  will  result  in  diminished  resources,  and  a  crip 
pled  commerce.  Since  the  establishment  of  liberal 
commercial  relations  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  the  trade  between  the  two  coun 
tries  has  immeasurably  increased.  While  the  sub 
jects  of  the  English  Government  are  enabled  to 
purchase  a  larger  quantity  of  food,  the  citizens  of 
our  own  country  can  obtain  for  a  certain  sum  of 
money  a  greater  amount  of  merchandise.* 

make  quite  $2.  If  my  wages  are  ever  reduced  lower  than  that  I  shall 
seek  employment  elsewhere. 

*  "  The  British  Empire  took  from  us  (not  during  the  year  of  famine, 
as  it  is  called,  of  1847,  but  in  1848)  our  domestic  exports,  including  cot 
ton,  rice,  tobacco,  breadstuff's,  and  provisions,  exclusive  of  specie,  to  the 
value  of  $78,741,416,  and  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  of  the  value  of 
$64,222,268."— Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  December  9, 
1848. 

"  It  appears  that  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1848,  (not  a  famine, 
but  for  abundant  crops  in  Europe,)  our  exports  of  breadstuff's  and  provi- 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  365 

The  tariff  of  1846  was  passed  during  the  exist 
ence  of  a  foreign  war,  when  all  the  resources  of  the 
country  were  required  for  its  vigorous  prosecution. 
And  yet  it  fully  met  the  expectations  and  require 
ments  of  the  Government.  While  the  financial  re 
vulsions  in  England  in  1847,  almost  destroyed  the 
public  credit  in  that  country,  the  bonds  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  were  sold  at  a  premium.  Not  only  was 
this  measure  of  reform  equal  to  the  emergencies 
created  by  the  war  with  Mexico,  but  is  now  advanc 
ing  the  agricultural,  commercial,  and  manufacturing 
prosperity  of  the  American  confederacy.  If  an  ex 
emplification  of  the  advantages  resulting  from  free 
dom  of  trade  were  necessary,  it  can  be  witnessed  in 
the  interchange  of  the  productions  of  labor  by  the 
several  States.  If  the  result  of  our  domestic  policy 
largely  contributes  to  th'e  happiness  of  our  citizens 
— if  it  improves  their  social  condition,  and  developes 
the  arts  and  sciences,  why  not  establish  a  similar 
system  with  the  rest  of  mankind  ? 

The  attempts  which  had  been  made  by  the  de 
mocratic  party  to  effect  a  separation  of  the  Gov 
ernment  from  banks,  proved  successful  during  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Polk.  In  his  first  message  to 
Congress,  he  urged  upon  the  attention  of  that  body 
with  great  force,  that  measure  of  reform.*  As  an 

sions  amounted  to  the  sum  of  $37,472,751,  being  largely  more  than  double 
the  average  annual  export  during  the  tariff  of  1842." — Ibid. 

*  "  Entertaining  the  opinion  that  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the 
Government  from  banking  institutions  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of  the 
funds  of  the  Government  and  the  rights  of  the  people,  I  recommend  to  Con 
gress  that  provision  be  made  by  law  for  such  separation,  and  Jhat  a  constitu 
tional  treasury  be  created  for  the  safe  keeping  of  the  public  money.  The  con- 


366  HISTORY      OF     THE 

indication  that  the  democratic  party  were  deter 
mined  to  make  a  successful  attempt  to  establish  a 
treasury,  contemplated  by  the  Constitution,  Mr. 
Dromgoole,  of  Virginia,  introduced  a  bill  for  that 
purpose  on  the  19th  of  December,  1845.  It  passed 
that  body  on  the  2d  of  April,  1846,  by  a  vote  of 
122  to  66.*  It  passed  the  Senate,  with  amend 
ments,  on  the  1st  of  August,  by  a  vote  of  28  to  25, 
which  received  the  sanction  of  the  House  on  the  5th 
of  that  month,  and  the  bill  was  approved  the  fol 
lowing  day  by  the  President. 

By  the  provisions  of  the  Act  which  had  thus  be 
come  the  law  of  the  land,  the  mint  at  Philadelphia, 


stitutional  treasury  recommended  is  designed  as  a  secure  depository  for 
the  public  money,  without  any  power  to  make  loans  or  discounts,  or  to 
issue  any  paper  whatever  as  a  currency  or  circulation.  I  cannot  doubt 
that  such  a  treasury  as  was  contemplated  by  the  Constitution,  should  be 
independent  of  all  banking  corporations.  The  money  of  the  people 
should  be  kept  in  the  treasury  of  the  people  created  by  law,  and  be  in  the  cus 
tody  of  agents  of  the  people  chosen  by  themselves,  according  to  the  forms  of 
the  Constitution  ;  agents  who  are  directly  responsible  to  the  Government, 
who  are  under  adequate  bonds  and  oaths,  and  who  are  subject  to  severe 
punishments  for  any  embezzlement,  private  use,  or  misapplication  of  the 
public  funds,  and  for  any  failure  in  other  respects  to  perform  their  duties. 
To  say  that  the  people  or  their  Government  are  incompetent,  or  not  to  be 
trusted  with  the  custody  of  their  own  money,  in  their  own  treasury,  pro 
vided  by  themselves,  but  must  rely  on  the  presidents,  cashiers,  and  stock 
holders  of  banking  corporations,  not  appointed  by  them,  nor  responsible  to 
them,  would  be  to  concede  that  they  are  incompetent  for  self-government. 

"  In  recommending  the  establishment  of  a  constitutional  treasury,  in 
which  the  public  money  shall  be  kept,  I  desire  that  adequate  provision  be 
made  by  law  for  its  safety,  and  that  all  Executive  discretion  or  control 
over  it  shall  be  removed,  except  such  as  may  be  necessary  in  directing  its 
disbursement,  in  pursuance  of  appropriations  made  by  law." — Message  of 
Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1845.  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session 
29th  Congress,  p.  10. 

f  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  595. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  367 

and  the  branches  of  that  establishment  in  the  dif 
ferent  portions  of  the  Union,  were  appointed  places 
for  depositing  the  revenue  of  the  United  States. 
The  custom-houses  in  the  cities  of  New- York  and 
Boston,  were  selected  for  the  same  purpose,  and  all 
moneys  paid  into  them  were  subject  to  the  draft  of 
the  Treasurer,  drawn  agreeably  to  appropriations 
made  by  law.  The  Treasurer  and  his  assistants,  and 
all  other  persons  having  the  custody  of  the  public 
money,  are  required  to  give  bonds  for  its  safe  keep 
ing,  in  large  sums ;  and  if  any  one  of  them  shall  con 
vert  to  his  own  use,  in  any  way  whatever,  or  shall 
use,  by  way  of  investment  in  any  kind  of  property 
or  merchandise,  or  shall  loan  with  or  without  inter 
est,  or  shall  deposit  in  any  bank,  or  shall  exchange 
for  other  funds,  except  as  allowed  by  the  Act,  any 
portion  of  the  public  moneys  intrusted  to  him  for 
safe  keeping,  disbursement,  transfer,  or  for  any  other 
purpose,  he  shall  be  deemed  and  adjudged  guilty 
of  embezzlement.  Such  an  offence  is  declared  to  be 
a  felony,  and  the  punishment  therefor  is  imprison 
ment  for  a  term  not  less  than  six  months,  nor  more 
than  ten  years,  and  a  fine  equal  to  the  amount  of  the 
money  embezzled.*  Any  failure  to  pay  over  or  to  pro 
duce  the  moneys  intrusted  to  public  officers,  is  held 
and  taken  to  beprima facie  evidence  of  embezzlement. 
By  a  careful  examination  of  this  law,  it  will  be 
seen  that  every  effort  was  employed  to  insure  the 
safe-keeping  and  disbursement  of  the  revenue,  and 
no  man  can  be  guilty  of  peculation  without  being 
liable  to  severe  punishnaent.f 

*  See  Laws  of  the  United  States,  published  by  Little  &  Brown. 

|  "  But  what  was  the  evil  which  this  act  was  intended  to  remedy  ? 


368  HISTORY     OF     THE 

It  was  evidently  the  intention  of  the  frarners  of 
the  Constitution,  that  the  revenues  of  the  country 
should  be  collected  by,  and  kept  under  the  control 
of  officers,  appointed  by  and  immediately  under  the 

Had  not  the  revenue  been  well  collected,  safely  kept,  safely  and  easily 
transferred,  and  promptly  and  readily  disbursed  ?  Had  there  been  any 
complaint  against  the  system  now  in  operation  ?  Was  it  not  an  excellent 
system,  as  far  as  safety,  convenience,  public  accommodation,  and  private 
accommodation  were  concerned  ?  He  thought  that  if  any  person  having 
any  connection  with  the  administration  of  the  revenue  were  asked,  they 
would  say  that  it  worked  perfectly  well.  What  were  the  great  evils  to  be 
remedied  ?  Could  any  body  point  them  out  ?  And  was  this  a  time  for 
making  experimental  changes  ?  Would  it  not  be  better  to  postpone  such 
experiments  until  a  time  of  peace  ?  The  Senator  from  South  Carolina 
[Mr.  Calhoun,]  yesterday  insisted  that  it  was  desirable  to  mitigate  the  em 
barrassments  which  must  necessarily  be  felt  in  the  removal  of  large 
amounts  of  specie  from  one  place  to  another,  and  in  doing  so  the  Senator 
had  given  the  very  strongest  reason  against  this  bill.  It  would  be  difficult 
to  adduce  a  more  forcible  argument  against  the  bill  than  the  honorable 
Senator  had  used  in  advocating  the  amendment.  One  thing  which  struck 
him  very  forcibly  was  the  incongruity,  the  inconsistency  of  the  legislation 
which  they  were  pursuing.  Two  or  three  days  ago  they  had  passed  an 
act  repealing  the  tariff  of  1842,  and  substituting  a  new  principle  ;  and  the 
argument  in  favor  of  the  bill  was,  that  it  would  increase  the  importation 
of  foreign  productions,  and  thereby  increase  the  revenue.  But  when  a 
bill  like  the  present,  for  the  establishment  of  the  sub-treasury  system,  was 
before  Congress  in  1840,  the  argument — the  great  and  principal  argu 
ment — then  urged  by  the  friends  of  the  measure  was,  that  it  would  re 
strict  and  limit  the  amount  of  imports  ;  that  it  would  arrest  the  excessive 
introduction  of  foreign  merchandise ;  and  that  it  would  check  and  prevent 
the  evil  of  an  overflowing  treasury.  The  sub-treasury  was  then  vindica 
ted  because  it  would  repress  and  keep  down  importation.  Two  or  three 
days  ago  a  bill  was  passed  to  increase  importations  ;  to-day  a  bill  was  to 
be  passed  to  check  and  keep  down  importation.  The  two  measures  must 
come  into  conflict;  they  could  not  be  reconciled.  If  the  only  effect  of 
this  bill  would  be  to  check  excessive  importations,  he  would  have  no  ob 
jection  to  it,  but  it  extended  beyond  this  ;  it  would  also  check  and  keep 
down  all  the  business  operations  of  the  country.  For  the  very  same  rea-' 
son  that  it  would  restrict  imports  and  cut  down  commerce,  it  would  cut 
down  every  thing  else.  They  were  embarrassing  their  prospects  and 
means  of  revenue  at  a  time  when  it  became  necessary  for  the  Govern- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  369 

control  of  the  Government.*  Language  could  not 
be  more  definite  than  that  employed  in  framing  the 
Constitution.  Every  word  was  carefully  examined, 

ment  to  use  its  credit,  and  to  borrow  money  to  carry  on  its  operations." — 
Speech  of  Mr.  Evans,  in  the  Senate,  July  31st,  1846.  Congressional 
Globe,  1st  session  29/7i  Congress,  p.  1172. 

"  Confining  my  remarks  altogether  to  the  character  of  this  bill,  con 
sidered  as  an  administration  measure,  I  proceed,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
consider  what  will  be  the  disadvantages  to  the  Government  from  its  be 
coming  a  law.  I  go  on  the  supposition  that  the  bill  is  to  be  executed,  not 
evaded ;  and  I  say  that,  if  the  specie  payments  which  it  enjoins  are  re 
quired  bona  fide,  it  will  operate  as  a  great  embarrassment  to  the  Govern 
ment,  should  it  be  brought  into  circumstances  when  it  would  be  necessary 
to  negotiate  a  loan.  There  is  authority  for  a  loan  now,  and  the  Govern 
ment  has  its  option  between  such  a  measure  and  the  issue  of  treasury 
notes.  But  if  this  law  shall  be  carried  out,  no  loan  will  be  possible.  And 
why  not  ?  Because  the  law  will  demand  that  eight  or  ten  millions  of  dol 
lars  in  hard  specie  shall  be  withdrawn  from  all  the  purposes  of  society, 
some  four  or  five  millions  of  it  being  locked  up  in  Government  chests  and 
vaults,  and  some  four  or  five  millions  more  being  constantly  in  transition, 
as  the  expenses  of  the  Government  may  require.  Then,  if  the  Govern 
ment  wants  a  loan,  how  is  it  to  be  got  ?  The  practical  mode  at  present 
pursued  is  this :  some  large  banking-house  takes,  for  example,  two  mil 
lions  of  the  Government  loan.  But  this  man  cannot  advance  the  cash  till 
he  finds  banks  who  are  willing  to  take  the  United  States  stock,  and  ad 
vance  him  a  temporary  loan  upon  it,  until,  to  use  the  business  phrase,  he 
shall  be  able  to  '  place  the  money ;'  that  is,  shall  be  able  to  find  persons 
who  will  take  the  stock  with  a  view  to  hold  it  and  receive  interest  upon  it. 
This  is  the  mode  now  pursued  ;  but  what  will  be  the  condition  of  the  banks 
who  may  be  asked  by  him  to  advance  money  upon  stock  after  this  bill 
shall  have  become  a  law  ?  How  can  they  possibly  do  it  ?  The  sum  they 
agree  to  advance  must  be  paid  in  gold  and  silver,  taken  at  the  instant  out 
of  their  own  vaults,  and  carried  across  the  street  to  be  locked  up  in  the 
vaults  of  some  Government  depository.  If  the  bullion  remained  with  the 
banks,  and  a  credit  on  their  books  was  all  that  was  required,  then  they 


*  "  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury  but  in  consequence  of 
appropriations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement  and  account  of  the 
receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money  shall  be  published  from  time 
to  time." — Constitution  of  the  United  States,  art.  1,  sec.  9. 
24 


370  HISTOKY      OF     THE 

that  it  might  correctly  define  the  meaning  of  the 
convention.  The  idea  could  not  be  more  explicitly 
given  than  in  the  declaration,  that  a  treasury  shall 
be  established,  and  no  money  drawn  therefrom,  but 
in  consequence  of  appropriations  made  by  law. 
How  then  can  it  be  asserted  that  money  placed  in 
the  treasury,  can  be  used  in  any  way  until  it  is  ta 
ken  therefrom  by  being  appropriated  to  the  public 
service  ?  That  this  was  the  intention  of  the  framers 
of  the  Constitution,  is  evident  from  the  passage  of 
the  law  of  1789,  establishing  the  treasury  depart 
ment.*  After  providing  in  section  4  that  the  nio- 

might  do  it ;  but  the  specie  is  instantly  called  for,  and  is  so  much  deducted 
from  the  basis  of  their  circulation.  Their  customers  will  not  agree  to  it ; 
their  directors  will  not  agree  to  it ;  their  stockholders  will  not  agree  to  it. 
I  say,  therefore,  if  this  law  is  not  evaded,  but  is  obeyed  bonafide,  any  con 
traction  of  a  Government  loan  must  be  out  of  the  question.  I  put  that 
fact  to  any  man  acquainted  with  business,  and  ask  if  he  can  gainsay  it  ?" 
— Speech  of  Mr.  Webster  in  the  Senate,  August  1st,  1846.  Congres 
sional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  1174. 

"  Mr.  Crittenden  said  that  this  sub-treasury  scheme  was  an  old  ac 
quaintance  in  the  Senate.  The  principle,  that  the  Government  must  take 
care  of  itself,  and  leave  the  people  to  take  care  of  themselves,  had  been 
announced  a  good  while  ago,  and  that  was  precisely  the  principle  of  this 
bill.  The  maxim,  in  political  economy,  had  been  laid  down  by  the  Presi 
dent,  who  first  introduced  this  notable  plan.  He  said  that  the  people  were 
in  the  habit  of  expecting  too  much  from  the  Government ;  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  Government  to  take  care  of  itself,  and  that  the  people  must 
take  care  of  themselves.  This  maxim  had  introduced  the  old  sub-treasury 
bill,  and  after  a  severe  struggle  that  bill  became  a  law.  And  what  was 
the  consequence  ?  The  people,  feeling  its  practical  effect,  adopted  a  mode 
of  taking  care  of  themselves,  which  was  the  most  effectual  that  could 
have  been  devised.  They  turned  out  the  whole  administration  from  the 
President  downward." — Speech  of  Mr.  Criltenden  in  the  Senate,  August 
1st,  1846.  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29/7i  Congress,  p.  1176. 

*  "  SEC.  4.  And  be  it  further  enacted.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
Treasurer  to  receive  and  keep  the  moneys  of  the  United  States,  and  to 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  371 

ney  should  be  received  and  kept  in  the  treasury, 
and  defining  the  mode  in  which  it  should  be  paid 
out,  they  enacted  in  section  8  that  no  person  ap 
pointed  to  office  under  that  bill  should,  directly  or 
indirectly,  be  concerned  or  interested  in  carrying 
on  the  business  of  trade  or  commerce,  or  purchase 
or  dispose  of  any  public  securities  of  any  State  or 
of  the  United  States,  &c. 

Although  by  the  provisions  of  that  bill,  the  public 
money  of  the  United  States  was  placed  under  the 
control  of  government  officers,  still  the  proper  guards 
were  not  employed  to  prevent  its  use,  or  to  punish 
the  offender  who  might  be  guilty  of  defalcation. 

disburse  the  same  upon  warrants  drawn  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
countersigned  by  the  Comptroller,  recorded  by  the  Register,  and  not  oth 
erwise  ;  he  shall  take  receipts  for  all  moneys  paid  by  him,  and  all  receipts 
for  moneys  received  by  him  shall  be  endorsed  upon  warrants  signed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  without  which  warrant,  so  signed,  no  acknow 
ledgment  for  money  received  into  the  public  treasury  shall  be  valid.'' 

"  SEC.  8.  Andbe  it  further  enacted,  That  no  person  appointed  to  any  of 
fice  instituted  by  this  act,  shall  directly  or  indirectly  be  concerned  or  inter 
ested  in  carrying  on  the  business  of  trade  or  commerce,  or  be  owner  in 
whole  or  in  part  of  any  sea  vessel,  or  purchase  by  himself,  or  another  in 
trust  for  him,  any  public  lands,  or  other  public  property,  or  be  concerned 
in  the  purchase  or  disposal  of  any  public  securities  of  any  State  or  of  the 
United  States,  or  take  or  apply  to  his  own  use,  any  emolument  or  gain  for 
negotiating  or  transacting  any  business  in  the  said  department,  other  than 
what  shall  be  allowed  by  law ;  and  if  any  person  shall  offend  against  any 
of  the  prohibitions  of  this  act,  he  shall  be  deemed  guilty  of  a  high  misde 
meanor,  and  forfeit  to  the  United  States  the  penalty  of  three  thousand 
dollars,  and  shall  upon  conviction  be  removed  from  office,  and  forever 
thereafter  incapable  of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States.  Pro 
vided,  That  if  any  other  person  than  a  public  prosecutor  shall  give  infor 
mation  of  any  such  offence,  upon  which  a  prosecution  and  conviction  shall 
be  had,  one  half  the  aforesaid  penalty  of  three  thousand  dollars,  when  re 
covered,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  person  giving  such  information."  Ap 
proved,  September  2,  1789. — Laws  of  the  United  States,  by  Little  <Sf 
Brown,  vol.  1,  p.  67. 


372  HISTOEY      OF      THE 

The  statesmen  who  drew  up  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  whose  character  for  patriot 
ism  and  talents  procured  its  adoption  by  the  people, 
so  far  from  contemplating  the  employment  of  banks, 
as  depositories,  on  the  collection  of  the  revenue  in 
paper  money,  clearly  and  explicitly  proclaimed  their 
opposition  to  such  a  course.  During  the  long  strug 
gle  which  resulted  in  the  separation  of  the  Govern 
ment  from  banks,  the  whig  party  often  achieved 
political  triumphs  by  using  the  argument  that  the 
democracy  advocated  one  kind  of  currency  for  Gov 
ernment,  and  another  for  the  people.  With  those 
who  did  not  understand  the  sophistry  upon  which 
such  an  argument  is  based,  it  had  great  influence, 
and  often  induced  large  masses  to  rally  under  the 
banner  of  the  whig  party.  The  establishment  of  a 
law  which  enforces  the  collection  of  the  public  dues 
in  gold  and  silver,  employs  the  agency  of  the  only 
constitutional  currency.  If  the  people  have  esta 
blished  banks,  which  gives  them  only  the  represen 
tative  of  money,  and  consequently  that  which  is  in 
ferior,  it  surely  is  not  the  fault  of  the  General  Gov 
ernment.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
confers  upon  Congress  the  power  to  coin  money,  re 
gulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  fix 
the  standard  of  weights  and  measures.  Coupling 
the  power  to  coin  money,  and  to  regulate  its  value, 
with  the  authority  to  fix  the  standard  of  weights 
and  measures,  incontestably  proves  that  both  were 
to  be  uniform  throughout  the  Union.  The  only 
money  power  given  to  Congress  by  that  instrument, 
is  to  coin  it  and  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  373 

foreign  coin,  and  the  failure  to  enumerate  more  ex 
tensive  authority,  is  just  as  absolute  a  prohibition  as 
though  it  had  been  expressly  stated.  But  we  are 
not  left  to  conjecture  upon  so  important  a  subject. 
In  a  draft  of  a  constitution  submitted  by  Mr.  Kut- 
ledge  as  a  report  from  the  committee  of  detail,  there 
was  a  clause  authorizing  Congress  to  emit  bills  of 
credit.*  When  that  was  under  discussion,  the  ob 
jection  was  distinctly  taken,  that  by  striking  out 
the  clause,  it  would  effectually  bar  the  door  against 
paper  money,  and  that  it  would  have  a  most  salu 
tary  influence  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  to 
remove  the  possibility  of  a  resort  to  that  species  of 
currency.  The  clause  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of 
nine  States  against  two.f 

*  See  Madison  Papers,  containing  Debates  in  the  Convention  which 
framed  the  Constitution,  378. 

f  "  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  moved  to  strike  out,  '  and  emit  bills  on 
the  credit  of  the  United  States.'  If  the  United  States  had  credit,  such 
bills  would  be  unnecessary  ;  if  they  had  not,  unjust  and  useless. 

"  Mr.  Butler  seconds  the  motion. 

"  Mr.  Madison.  Will  it  not  be  sufficient  to  prohibit  the  making  them 
a  tender?  This  will  remove  the  temptation  to  emit  them  with  unjust 
views ;  and  promissory  notes,  in  that  shape,  may  in  some  emergencies 
be  best. 

"  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris.  Striking  out  the  words  will  leave  room 
still  for  notes  of  a  responsible  minister,  which  will  do  all  the  good  without 
the  mischief.  The  moneyed  interest  will  oppose  the  plan  of  Government 
if  paper  emissions  be  not  prohibited. 

"  Mr.  Gorham  was  for  striking  out  without  inserting  any  prohibition. 
If  the  words  stand,  they  may  suggest  and  lead  to  the  measure. 

"  Mr.  Mason  had  doubts  on  the  subject.  Congress,  he  thought, 
would  not  have  the  power,  unless  it  were  expressed.  Though  he  had  a 
mortal  hatred  to  paper  money,  yet,  as  he  could  not  foresee  all  emergencies, 
he  was  unwilling  to  tie  the  hands  of  the  legislator.  He  observed  that  the 
late  war  could  not  have  been  carried  on,  had  such  a  prohibition  existed. 

"  Mr.  Gorham.  The  power,  as  far  as  it  will  be  necessary  or  safe, 
is  involved  in  that  of  borrowing. 


374  HISTORY      OF     THE 

When  the  Convention  so  decidedly  and  clearly 
defined  the  power  of  Congress  upon  this  question, 
what  justice  is  there  in  the  complaint  that  the 

"  Mr.  Mercer  was  a  friend  to  paper  money,  though  in  the  present 
state  and  temper  of  America,  he  should  neither  propose  nor  approve  of 
such  a  measure.  He  was  consequently  opposed  to  a  prohibition  of  it  al 
together.  It  will  stamp  suspicion  on  the  Government,  to  deny  it  a  discre 
tion  on  this  point.  It  was  impolitic,  also,  to  excite  the  opposition  of  all 
those  who  were  friends  to  paper  money.  The  people  of  property  would 
be  sure  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  plan,  and  it  was  impolitic  to  purchase 
their  further  attachment  with  the  loss  of  the  opposite  class  of  citizens. 

"  Mr.  Ellsworth  thought  this  a  favorable  moment  to  shut  and  bar  the 
door  against  paper  money.  The  mischiefs  of  the  various  experiments 
which  had  been  made  were  now  fresh  in  the  public  mind,  and  had  excited 
the  disgust  of  all  the  respectable  part  of  America.  By  withholding  the 
power  from  the  new  Government,  more  friends  of  influence  would  be 
gained  to  it  than  by  almost  any  thing  else.  Paper  money  can  in  no  case 
be  necessary.  Give  the  Government  credit,  and  other  resources  will 
offer.  The  power  may  do  harm,  never  good. 

"  Mr.  Randolph,  notwithstanding  his  antipathy  to  paper  money,  could 
not  agree  to  strike  out  the  words,  as  he  could  not  foresee  all  the  occasions 
that  might  arise. 

"  Mr.  Wilson.  It  will  have  a  most  salutary  influence  on  the  credit  of 
the  United  States,  to  remove  the  possibility  of  paper  money.  This  expe 
dient  can  never  succeed  whilst  is  mischiefs  are  remembered ;  and  as  long 
as  it  can  be  resorted  to,  it  will  be  a  bar  to  other  resources. 

"  Mr.  Butler  remarked,  that  paper  was  a  legal  tender  in  no  country 
in  Europe.  He  was  urgent  for  disarming  the  Government  of  such  a 
power. 

"  Mr.  Mason  was  still  averse  to  tying  the  hands  of  the  Legislature 
altogether.  If  there  was  no  example  in  Europe,  as  just  remarked,  it  might 
be  observed,  on  the  other  side,  that  there  was  none  in  which  the  Govern 
ment  was  restrained  on  this  head. 

"  Mr.  Reed  thought  the  words,  if  not  struck  out,  would  be  as  alarm 
ing  as  the  mark  of  the  beast  in  Revelation. 

"  Mr.  Lang-don  had  rather  reject  the  whole  plan,  than  retain  the  three 
words,  '  and  emit  bills.' 

"  On  the  motion  for  striking  out, — 

"  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  Dela 
ware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina.  South  Carolina,  Georgia — ay,  9  ;  New 
Jersey,  Maryland—no,  2."— Ibid.  435. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  375 

constitutional  treasury  creates  one  kind  of  cur 
rency  for  the  people,  and  another  for  the  Govern 
ment  \ 

The  men  of  the  Revolution  understood  that  the 
Constitution  had  confined  the  power  of  Congress  to 
the  coining  of  money,  and  regulating  the  value 
thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin,  and  did  not  desire  the 
agency  of  paper  money  to  be  employed  by  the  Gov 
ernment.  The  Act  of  July  31st,  1789,  declared  that 
duties  should  be  received  in  gold  and  silver  coin 
only.* 

When  the  language  of  the  Constitution  upon 
this  point  was  so  explicit,  and  the  second  Act  which 
was  passed  imposing  duties  upon  foreign  imports 
after  the  adoption  of  that  instrument  conformed  so 
strictly  to  its  provisions,  how  did  the  General  Gov 
ernment  glide  off  at  once  into  a  paper  money  cur 
rency?  This  question  can  easily  be  answered. 
Alexander  Hamilton  was  selected  by  General  Wash 
ington  to  preside  over  the  Treasury  Department. 
Although  his  patriotism  was  undoubted,  and  his 
hatred  of  tyranny  had  been  exemplified  upon  many 
a  bloody  field,  still  he  had  not  that  confidence  in 
the  capacity  of  the  people  for  self-government, 
which  was  entertained  by  his  great  rival,  Mr.  Jef 
ferson.  Although  his  mind  possessed  a  comprehen 
siveness  which  enabled  him  to  master  the  details  of 
a  question  with  great  facility,  still  his  appointment 
by  General  Washington  as  a  member  of  his  Cabinet, 

*  "  The  duties  and  fees  to  be  collected  by  virtue  of  this  Act,  shall  be  re 
ceived  in  gold  and  silver  coin  only." — Act  of  July  31st,  1789,  section  30, 
vol.  1,  of  Little  <$•  Brown's  United  States  Statutes  at  large,  p.  45. 


376  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

has  ever  been  regarded  as  peculiarly  unfortunate  by 
the  advocates  of  a  strict  construction  of  the  Consti 
tution.  The  first  President  of  the  United  States 
had  almost  unbounded  confidence  in  the  opinions 
of  General  Hamilton,  and  was  induced,  through  his 
influence,  to  yield  his  approbation  to  many  ques 
tions  of  doubtful  policy. 

Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  sole  representative  of  the 
State  of  New- York  in  the  Convention  which  framed 
the  Constitution,  and  would  undoubtedly  have 
caused  that  instrument  to  grant  more  enlarged  pow 
ers  to  the  General  Government,  if  it  had  not  been  for 
the  sound  republicanism  of  James  Wilson,  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  Mr.  Madison.  To  the  former  gentle 
man,  more  than  to  any  other  member  of  that  body, 
are  we  indebted  for  the  admirable  checks  and  bal 
ances  which  characterize  that  celebrated  compact. 
The  impress  of  his  sound,  enlightened,  and  truly 
republican  mind,  can  be  found  in  every  line. 

When  the  vote  was  taken  to  strike  out  the  words 
"  and  emit  bills  of  credit"  from  the  draft  of  the  Con 
stitution  which  had  been  submitted  for  the  conside 
ration  of  the  Convention,  the  result  was  conclusive, 
nine  States  voting  in  the  affirmative,  and  two  only 
in  the  negative.* 

The  vote  of  New- York  was  not  cast  by  Mr. 
Hamilton,  but  it  can  be  easily  conceived,  if  we  may 
form  an  opinion  from  the  policy  which  he  subse 
quently  advocated,  that  the  vote  of  New- York,  if 
given  at  all,  would  have  been  in  the  negative.  The 
errors  which  he  committed  as  a  statesman  were,  by 

*  See  Madison  Papers,  revised  by  Jonathan  Elliot,  p.  435. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  377 

inculcating  the  doctrine  that  the  masses  should  be 
controlled  by  political  machines,  and  when  that 
could  not  be  done  by  conforming  to  the  plain  re 
quirements  of  the  Constitution,  in  resorting  to  a  lati- 
tudinarian  construction  of  that  instrument,  to  accom 
plish  his  views.  As  an  illustration  of  this  state 
ment,  it  is  only  necessary  to  examine  his  construc 
tion  of  the  Act  of  July  31st,  1789.*  The  language 
of  that  bill  was  positive,  and  provided  that  the  du 
ties  should  be  received  in  gold  and  silver  coin  only,f 

*  This  section  (the  30th  of  the  Act  of  1789)  provides  for  the  receipt 
of  the  duties  in  gold  and  silver  coin  only.  The  Secretary  has  considered 
this  provision  as  having  for  its  object,  the  exclusion  of  payments  in  the 
paper  emissions  of  the  particular  States,  and  the  securing  the  immediate 
or  ultimate  collection  of  the  duties  in  specie,  as  intended  to  prohibit  to  in 
dividuals  the  right  of  paying  in  any  thing  except  gold  and  silver  coin ;  but 
not  to  hinder  the  Treasury  from  making  such  arrangements  as  its  exigen 
cies,  the  speedy  command  of  the  public  resources,  and  the  convenience  of 
the  community  might  dictate  ;  these  arrangements  being  compatible  with 
the  eventual  receipt  of  the  duties  in  specie.  For  instance,  the  Secretary 
did  not  imagine  that  the  provision  ought  to  be  so  understood  as  to  prevent, 
if  necessary,  an  anticipation  of  the  duties  by  treasury  drafts  receivable  at 
the  several  custom-houses.  And,  if  it  ought  not  to  be  understood  in  this 
sense,  it  appeared  to  him  that  the  principle  of  a  different  construction 
would  extend  to  the  permitting  the  receipt  of  the  notes  of  public  banks, 
issued  on  a  specie  fund.  ******  Such  were  the  reflections 
of  the  Secretary  with  regard  to  the  authority  to  permit  bank  notes  to  be 
taken  in  payment  of  the  duties.  The  expediency  of  doing  it  appeared  to 
him  to  be  still  less  questionable.  The  extension  of  their  circulation  by 
the  measure  is  calculated  to  increase  both  the  ability  and  the  inclination 
of  the  banks  to  aid  the  Government.  It  also  accelerates  the  command  of 
the  product  of  the  revenues  for  the  public  service,  and  it  facilitates  the 
payment  of  the  duties,"  &c. — Report  of  Mr.  Hamilton  to  Congress. 

f  "  SEC.  30.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  duties  and  fees  to 
be  collected  by  virtue  of  this  act,  shall  be  received  in  gold  and  silver  coin 
only,  at  the  following  rates,  that  is  to  say,  the  gold  coins  of  France,  Eng 
land,  Spain  and  Portugal,  and  all  other  gold  coin  of  equal  fineness,  at 
eighty-nine  cents  for  every  pennyweight.  The  Mexican  dollar  at  one 
hundred  cents  ;  the  crown  of  France  at  one  dollar  and  eleven  cents  ;  the 


378  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

and  proceeded  to  regulate  the  value  of  foreign  coin 
which  might  be  paid  into  the  treasury  for  the  pub 
lic  dues.  It  was  not  Avithin  the  scope  of  the  Eng 
lish  language  to  make  the  clause  more  definite,  and 
yet  Mr.  Hamilton  construed  it  to  mean  the  exclusion 
of  the  paper  emissions  of  particular  States,  but  as 
not  preventing  him  from  anticipating  the  duties  by 
treasury  drafts,  receivable  at  the  several  custom 
houses.  If  that  course  was  justifiable,  he  argued 
that  the  principle  would  authorize  the  receipt  of  the 
notes  of  public  banks,  issued  on  a  specie  fund. 
The  history  of  our  country  does  not  furnish  an  in 
stance  of  a  bolder  violation  of  a  law  of  the  land,  than 
the  course  pursued  by  Mr.  Hamilton.  The  Congress 
to  whom  the  report  was  made  numbered  but  a  few 
republican  members,  and  the  federalists  received  it 
without  a  word  of  dissent.  It  was  the  same  Con 
gress  that  chartered  the  first  bank  of  the  United 
States,  and  those  persons  who  could  establish  an  in 
stitution  of  that  kind,  with  English  stockholders  to 
plunder  the  people  by  making  use  of  the  credit  and 
revenues  of  the  country,  would  not  be  likely  to  cen 
sure  the  loose  construction  placed  upon  a  law,  by 
one  whom  they  held  in  such  high  estimation  as 
Alexander  Hamilton.  The  fatal  precedent  was  es 
tablished  from  which  have  flowed  the  most  disas 
trous  consequences. 

More  that  fifty  years  elapsed,  and  still  the  Gov 
ernment  was  not  separated  from  banking  institu- 

crown  of  England  at  one  dollar  and  eleven  cents  ;  and  all  silver  coins  of 
equal  fineness  at  one  dollar  and  eleven  cents  per  ounce." — Act  of  1789, 
Little  and  Brown,  vol.  1,  p.  45. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  3*79 

tions,  and  that  which  had  excited  the  disgust 
of  all  under  the  articles  of  confederation,  had,  in 
1836,  acquired  a  power  and  influence  which  over 
come  all  opposition.  In  1836,  Mr.  Benton  intro 
duced  a  bill  into  the  Senate  to  re-establish  the  cur 
rency  for  the  Federal  Government,  and  although  its 
provisions  did  not  go  to  the  extent  of  the  constitu 
tional  treasury  bill,  which  was  enacted  ten  years 
after,  still  the  only  supporter  it  had  in  that  body 
was  its  author.  To  save  his  feelings  from  being 
wounded  by  a  regular  vote  upon  it,  Mr.  Buchanan 
urged  him  to  consent  to  have  it  laid  upon  the  table. 
Mr.  Wright,  another  friend,  made  the  motion,  and 
although  a  disposition  was  manifested  to  reject  the 
bill  by  a  decisive  vote,  they,  nevertheless,  suffered 
it  to  go  quietly  to  the  table.* 

It  is  a  subject  of  painful  interest  to  contemplate 
the  years  of  gloom  and  disaster,  which  followed  the 
surrender  of  the  funds  of  the  Government  to  paper 
institutions.  The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  with 
its  power  to  control  legislation,  and  to  produce 
financial  ruin  and  embarrassment,  took  the  lead. 
Its  example  was  followed,  in  a  more  humble  way, 
by  the  institutions  created  in  the  several  States. 
To  create  a  vacuum  to  be  supplied  by  their  own 
notes,  specie  was  exported  from  the  country.  A 
premium  was  obtained  by  this  operation  which  re 
sulted  in  a  more  extensive  circulation  of  its  repre 
sentative.  Members  of  Congress,  who  should  have 
re-established  the  only  constitutional  currency,  were 

*  Speech  of  Mr.  Benton,  January  16th,  1840.     Appendix  to  the  Con 
gressional  Globe,  1st  session  26th  Congress,  p.  117. 


380  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

in  many  instances  indebted  to  the  bank,  and  they 
obeyed  more  obsequiously  the  behests  of  that  in 
stitution  than  the  will  of  their  constituents.  The  con 
trol  which  chartered  monopolies  had  obtained  over 
the  destinies  of  the  country  was  truly  alarming,  and 
their  power  was  exercised  with  a  reckless  and  un 
scrupulous  disregard  of  the  public  weal.  ;,:,^  vast 
amount  of  paper  money  was  issued,  car^yi^  » ith 
it  an  extension  of  credit,  which  elevated  all  kinds 
of  property  to  an  unnatural  price,  followed  by  con 
tractions  which  carried  distress  into  every  part  of 
the  country.  Suits  were  instituted  against  the 
debtor,  property  was  sacrificed,  and  the  capitalist 
would  purchase  it  at  reduced  rates.  Another  ex 
pansion  of  the  currency  would  enable  them  to  sell 
what  they  had  purchased,  and  the  people  would 
hail,  as  a  blessing  graciously  bestowed  by  the  banks, 
that  which  had  the  effect  of  plundering  them  of 
the  fruits  of  honest  industry.  The  first  bank  com 
pleted  its  career,  and  when  the  inflexible  integrity 
and  iron  will  of  General  Jackson  enabled  him  to 
make  a  successful  stand  against  the  second  monster, 
its  friends  and  supporters  raised  a  political  excite 
ment  which  has  seldom  had  its  parallel  in  the  his 
tory  of  our  country.  It  was  not  to  be  supposed 
that  those  who  had  rioted  upon  the  misfortunes  of 
others  would  yield  their  privileges  without  a  strug 
gle,  and  the  fierceness  which  signalized  that  memo 
rable  struggle,  illustrated  the  power  which  was  pos 
sessed  by  the  capital  of  the  country.  The  friends 
of  reform  triumphed,  and  a  bank  of  the  United 
States  has  become  an  "  obsolete  idea." 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  381 

The  capital  which  had  been  invested  in  that  in 
stitution  was  transferred  to  State  banks.  Those 
persons  who  had  for  so  long  a  period  the  custody 
and  use  of  the  public  money,  were  not  disposed  to 
yield  the  benefits  which  resulted  from  it,  and  the 
divorce  of  bank  and  State  was  resisted  with  the 
samp  Stinacy  as  ever.  The  friends  of  reform 
nurn^,..  ^d  in  their  ranks  men  who  had  the  ability 
and  the  inflexibility  of  purpose  requisite  to  main 
tain  their  views.  To  Mr.  Benton  the  country  is 
under  lasting  obligations  for  the  stand  which  he 
assumed  upon  this  question,  when,  "solitary  and 
alone,"  he  withstood  the  power  of  wealth  and  cor 
ruption,  and  amidst  gloom  and  defeat,  steadily  ad 
hered  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution.  The 
representatives  who  were  elected  by  the  people  to 
sustain  him  in  the  struggle,  found  their  principles 
melting  away  before  the  influences  which  the  banks 
employed  in  the  contest.  The  evil  was  hard  to 
eradicate.  The  influences  of  paper  money  had  be 
come  fastened  like  a  cancer  upon  the  body  poli 
tic,  and  a  removal  threatened  its  destruction.  The 
crash  among  the  banks,  in  the  spring  of  1837,  car 
ried  terror  and  dismay  into  the  ranks  of  the  demo 
cratic  party.  Men  who  had  hitherto  proved  inflex 
ible,  surrendered  their  positions,  and  many  of  those 
who  adhered  steadfastly  to  their  principles,  were 
carried  down  the  stream  which  threatened  to  un 
dermine  the  very  pillars  of  the  constitution.  Slowly 
the  country  emerged  from  the  storm  which  swept 
over  it.  The  Independent  Treasury  bill,  which  was 
passed  on  the  4th  of  July,  1840,  was  destined,  how- 


382  HISTORY      OF     THE 

ever,  to  a  brief  existence.  The  odium  with  which  the 
whig  party  managed  to  surround  it,  produced  its 
repeal  during  the  extra  session  of  Congress,  in  1841. 
The  admirable  manner  with  which  its  provisions 
met  the  expectations  of  its  friends,  during  the 
thirteen  months  it  had  been  in  operation,  insured 
a  continuance  of  their  support.  Defeat  only  had 
the  effect  of  arousing  the  whole  democratic  party 
to  renewed  exertions,  and  for  five  years  the  strug 
gle  was  continued  with  unabated  energy,  and  ter 
minated  gloriously  in  the  establishment  of  the  con 
stitutional  treasury  in  1846. 

Independent  of  the  objections  which  may  be 
urged,  that  the  constitution  confers  upon  Congress 
no  authority  to  place  the  funds  of  the  Government 
under  the  control  of  corporations,  there  is  a  mani 
fest  injustice  in  allowing  banks  to  trade  upon  that 
money.  It  establishes  favoritism,  and  gives  people 
in  one  section  of  the  country  privileges  over  those 
less  fortunate.  Non-interference  between  individuals 
is  the  palpable  duty  of  Government.  The  specie 
deposited  with  one  bank  by  the  United  States, 
serves  as  a  basis  for  the  circulation  of  paper,  and 
constitutes  that  institution  a  "pet"  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  This  produces  an  evident  violation  of  the 
sacred  principle  of  equality,  which  is  the  ground 
work  of  the  constitution.  Whatever  temporary 
benefits  may  accrue  to  individuals,  or  the  nation, 
from  such  a  course,  it  is  no  excuse  for  a  violation  of 
principle.  The  Government  and  the  people  had 
both  suffered  greatly  from  the  system  which  was 
originated  by  Mr.  Hamilton,  the  leader  of  the  fed- 


POLK     A  D  M  I  N  I  S  T  K  A  T  IO  N .  383 

eral  party.*  The  country  has  passed  through  pain 
ful  experience,  which  shook  society,  and  came  near 
destroying  the  glorious  fabric  erected  by  the  wis 
dom  and  patriotism  of  our  fathers.  The  morning 
which  broke  upon  this  long  night  of  darkness  and 
gloom,  is  a  glorious  opening  to  the  future.  And  a 
recurrence  to  the  evils  from  which  we  have  escaped, 
would  indicate  positive  political  blindness,  which 
can  derive  no  improvement  from  the  terrible  ordeal 
from  which  our  country  has  escaped. 

Connected  with  the  revenue  of  the  United 
States,  it  was  deemed  proper  by  the  administration 
to  propose  a  warehousing  system,  and  it  was  forci 
bly  recommended  by  Mr.  Walker  in  his  first  report 
to  Congress.f  A  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Se- 

*  "From  a  report  made  on  the  llth  of  February,  1841,  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  it  appeared  that  the  losses  which  the  Gov 
ernment  has  at  various  times  suffered  from  connection  with  banks,  were 
estimated  to  amount  to  the  enormous  sum  of  $15,492,000.  A  report  made 
to  the  House  of  Representatives,  April  30th,  1830,  believed  to  have  been 
by  Mr.  McDuffie,  estimates  the  aggregate  losses  from  the  receipt  of  bank 
paper,  which  occurred  prior  to  1817,  at  $34,000,000.  And  in  the  report 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  which  he  has  just  alluded,  the  total 
loss  from  1789,  to  the  people,  (the  other  was  in  relation  to  the  Government 
itself,)  from  the  existence  of  banks  and  the  use  of  bank  paper,  is  esti 
mated  at  $365,457,497."—  Speech  of  Mr.  Dromgoole,  April  2d,  1846. 
Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29£/i  Congress,  p.  592. 

Mr.  Walker  in  his  report  to  Congress,  December  3d,  1845,  states  that 
the  United  States  Mint  had  had  in  its  custody  more  than  $114,000,000  of 
dollars  without  the  Government  sustaining  any  loss. 

The  Government  was  equally  fortunate  while  the  independent  treasury 
bill,  passed  in  1840,  was  in  operation,  and  it  remains  to  be  seen  whether 
any  losses  will  be  sustained  under  the  constitutional  treasury  bill  now 
enforced. 

f  "  If  the  cash  duties  are  retained,  as  it  is  believed  they  should  be,  the 
only  sure  method  of  restoring  this  trade  is  the  adoption  of  the  warehous 
ing  system,  by  which  the  foreign  imports  may  be  kept  in  store  by  the  Gov- 


384  HISTORY      OF     THE 

nate  for  that  purpose  by  Ivlr.  Dix,  on  the  21st  of 
January,  1846.  It  passed  Congress  during  that 
session,  and  received  the  approval  of  the  President, 
6th  of  August,  1846.  The  act  provided  that  on 
and  after  that  day,  the  duties  on  all  imported  goods, 
wares,  or  merchandise  should  be  paid  in  cash.  That 
goods  upon  which  the  duties  were  not  paid  should 
be  taken  possession  of  by  the  Collector,  and  depos 
ited  in  public  stores  at  the  risk  of  the  owner,  and 
subject  at  all  times  to  his  order,  upon  the  payment 
of  the  proper  duties  and  expenses.  In  case  the 
goods  should  remain  in  the  storehouse  more  than  one 
year  without  the  payment  of  the  duties,  then  they 
are  to  be  appraised,  and  sold  by  the  Collector  at 
public  auction.  Within  one  year  after  the  goods 
are  deposited  in  the  public  storehouse,  they  may  be 
withdrawn  and  transported  to  any  other  port  of 
entry. 

Previous  to  the  passage  of  that  act,  the  ware 
house  system  was  in  existence,  although  the  laws 
which  regulated  it  were  not  so  simple  and  well  de 
fined  as  the  bill  of  1846.  Indeed,  the  principle 
was  established  as  early  as  1799,  and  was  enlarged 
or  contracted  at  various  periods  since  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  for  the  benefit  of  the  commer 
cial  interest.  The  effect  of  the  bill  is  to  give  an 
extension  of  credit  to  the  importer,  who  would  oth 
erwise  be  required  to  pay  the  duties  upon  his 

ernment,  until  they  are  required  for  re-exportation  abroad,  or  consumption 
at  home — in  which  latter  contingency,  and  at  the  time  when  for  that  pur 
pose  they  are  taken  out  of  these  stores  for  consumption,  the  duties  are 
paid,  and,  if  re-exported,  they  pay  no  duty,  but  only  the  expense  of  sto 
rage. — Report  of  Mr.  Walker  to  Congress,  December,  1845- 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  385 

merchandise  as  soon  as  it  was  landed.  No  possible 
danger  of  loss  to  the  Government  can  be  appre 
hended,  because  the  goods  are  retained  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  Collector,  until  the  duties  or  charges 
thereon  are  paid.  The  difficulty  which  the  merch 
ant  would  sometimes  encounter  in  being  forced  to 
sell  a  portion  of  his  wares  to  discharge  the  duties, 
is  obviated.  The  only  effect  is  to  give  him  time  for 
the  payment  of  Government  dues.  This  can  be 
done  without  loss  to  the  United  States,  and  with 
great  benefit  to  the  importer.  How  far  the  bill 
will  meet  the  expectations  of  its  advocates  is  yet  to 
be  seen.  It  is  stated  that  the  amount  of  charges 
received  at  the  port  of  New- York,  is  less  than  the 
sum  expended  by  Government  upon  them.  This  is 
a  reason  why  the  act  should  be  amended  instead  of 
being  repealed.  It  is  easy  to  increase  the  charges 
which  are  exacted  for  storing  goods  in  the  ware 
house,  until  the  amount  received  is  equal  to  the 
sum  disbursed.  The  country  is  very  much  indebted 
to  Mr.  Dix,  the  able  Senator  from  New- York,  for 
the  passage  of  that  law. 

The  Mexican  war  considerably  increased  the  na 
tional  debt,  though  not  so  much  as  was  often  pre 
dicted.  The  amount  of  the  public  debt  remaining 
unpaid  on  the  1st  of  October,  1845,  was  seventeen 
million  seventy-five  thousand  four  hundred  and 
forty-five  dollars  and  fifty-two  cents.*  The  balance 
in  the  treasury  on  the  1st  of  July,  1845,  was  seven 
million  six  hundred  and  forty-eight  thousand  three 
hundred  and  six  dollars  and  twenty-two  cents. f 

*  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1845.         f  Ibid. 
25 


386  HISTOKY     OF     THE 

On  the  22d  of  July,  1846,  the  President  approved 
an  act  authorizing  him  to  issue  treasury  notes  to 
the  amount  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  or  to  borrow 
that  sum  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  at  in 
terest  not  exceeding  six  per  cent.*  On  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  January,  1847,  the  President  was  autho 
rized  by  law  to  cause  treasury  notes  to  be  issued  to 
the  amount  of  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars. 
The  notes  were  to  be  reimbursed  and  redeemed  by 
the  United  States  at  the  expiration  of  one  year,  or 
two  years  from  the  dates  of  the  said  notes  respec 
tively.  They  were  transferable  by  delivery  and  as 
signment  endorsed  upon  them,  and  were  received 
in  payment  of  all  duties  due  the  United  States. 
The  holders  of  these  treasury  notes,  by  presenting 
them  at  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  would 
receive  the  amount  in  certificate  of  funded  stock, 
bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent,  per  annum.  A  dis 
cretionary  power  was  granted  to  borrow  on  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  and  to  issue  stock  to 
the  amount  of  twenty-three  millions  of  dollars. 
On  the  31st  of  March,  1848,  authority  was  granted 
to  the  Executive  to  borrow  within  one  year  there 
after  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  a  sum  not 
exceeding  sixteen  millions  of  dollars,  and  to  issue 
stock  of  the  United  States  as  security  for  its  pay- 
ment.f 

The  receipts  into  the  treasury  during  the  fiscal 
year  ending  on  the  30th  of  June,  1845,  were  twen 
ty-nine  million  seven  hundred  and  sixty-nine  thou- 
j  j 

*  Public  laws  of  the  United  States,  collated  by  Little  &  Brown, 
f  Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  387 

sand  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  dollars  and  fifty- 
six  cents ;  of  which  there  were  derived  from  cus 
toms  twenty-seven  million  five  hundred  and  twen 
ty-eight  thousand  one  hundred  and  twelve  dollars 
and  seventy  cents.  The  expenditures  during  that 
period  were  twenty-nine  million  nine  hundred  and 
sixty-eight  thousand  two  hundred  and  six  dollars 
and  ninety-eight  cents.* 

The  amount  of  money  received  into  the  treasury 
for  the  year  ending  June  30th,  1846,  was  twenty- 
nine  million  four  hundred  and  ninety-nine  thou 
sand  two  hundred  and  forty-seven  dollars  and  six 
cents,  of  w^hich  there  was  derived  from  the  customs 
twenty-six  million  seven  hundred  and  twelve  thou 
sand  six  hundred  and  sixty-seven  dollars  and  eighty- 
seven  cents.  Expenditures  for  the  same  period  were 
twenty-eight  million  thirty-one  thousand  one  hun 
dred  and  fourteen  dollars  and  twenty  cents  ;  the 
balance  in  the  treasury  on  the  1st  day  of  July,  1846, 
was  nine  million  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  thou 
sand  four  hundred  and  thirty-nine  dollars  and  eight 
cents.  The  amount  of  the  public  debt,  including 
treasury  notes,  on  the  1st  of  December,  1846,  was 
twenty-four  million  two  hundred  and  fifty-six  thou 
sand  four  hundred  and  ninety-four  dollars  and  sixty 
cents ;  of  which  the  sum  of  seventeen  million  seven 
hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  ninety-nine  dollars  and  sixty-two  cents  was  out 
standing  on  the  4th  of  March,  1845,  leaving  the 
amount  incurred  from  that  time  to  December  1846, 
six  million  four  hundred  and  sixty-seven  thousand 

*  First  annual  message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress. 


388  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

six  hundred  and  ninety-four  dollars  and  ninety-eight 
cents.*  For  the  purpose  of  increasing  the  revenue, 
the  Executive  recommended  the  war  tax  upon  tea 
and  coffee,  and  also  upon  the  principal  articles  that 
were  at  that  time  upon  the  free  list.  He  also  urged 
the  graduation  and  reduction  of  the  price  of  the 
public  lands,  as  a  means  of  increasing  the  revenue.f 
The  receipts  into  the  treasury  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  the  30th  of  June  1847,  amounted  to  twenty- 
six  million  three  hundred  and  forty-six  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  ninety  dollars  and  thirty-seven 
cents ;  of  which  there  was  derived  from  customs 
twenty-three  million  seven  hundred  and  forty-seven 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixty-four  dollars  and 
sixty-six  cents.  The  expenditure  during  the  same 
period  was  fifty-nine  million  four  hundred  and  fifty- 
one  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  dollars 
and  sixty-five  cents,  of  which  three  million  five  hun 
dred  and  twenty-two  thousand  and  eighty-two  dol 
lars  and  thirty-seven  cents  was  on  account  of  pay 
ment  of  the  principal  and  interest  on  public  debt, 
including  treasury  notes  redeemed  and  unfunded. 
On  the  1st  of  December,  1847,  the  amount  of  the 
public  debt,  including  treasury  notes,  was  forty-five 
million  six  hundred  and  fifty-nine  thousand  six  hun 
dred  and  fifty-nine  dollars  and  forty  cents.  The  debt 
due  on  the  4th  of  March,  1845,  when  Mr.  Polk  en 
tered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  was,  including 
treasury  notes,  seventeen  million  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-eight  thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety- 

*  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1846. 
f  Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  389 

nine  dollar  and  sixty-two  cents,  and  the  addition 
made  to  that  sum  from  that  period  to  December 
7th,  1847,  was  twenty-seven  million  eight  hundred 
and  seventy  thousand  eight  hundred  and  fifty-nine 
dollars  and  seventy-eight  cents.* 

The  receipts  into  the  treasury  during  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30th,  1848,  amounted  to  thirty-five 
million  four  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars  and  fifty-nine  cents.  Of 
this  sum  there  was  obtained  in  duties  upon  imports 
thirty-one  million  seven  hundred  and  fifty-seven 
thousand  and  seventy  dollars  and  ninety-six  cents. 
The  expenditures  during  the  same  time,  including 
those  for  the  war,  and  exclusive  of  payments  of 
principal  and  interest  for  the  public  debt,  were  for 
ty-two  million  eight  hundred  and  eleven  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  seventy  dollars  and  three  cents,  f 

It  is  extraordinary  that  the  credit  of  the  Govern 
ment  during  the  war  with  Mexico  was  remarkably 
high.  This  is  the  more  surprising  from  the  fact, 
that  the  bonds  of  the  Government  during  the  pre 
ceding  administration,  and  in  time  of  peace,  were 
hawked  about  in  the  markets  of  Europe  without 
success.  A  loan  of  twenty-three  million  was  au 
thorized  by  the  act  of  the  28th  of  January,  1847.  Of 
that  sum  five  million  were  paid  to  satisfy  the  claims 
of  public  creditors,  or  exchanged  for  specie  at  par. 
Eighteen  million  were  offered  for  specie  to  the 
highest  bidder,  and  were  awarded  at  premiums  va 
rying  from  one-eighth  of  one  per  cent,  to  two  per 

*  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1 847. 
f  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  December,  1848. 


390  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

cent,  above  par.  This  was  indeed  not  only  a  very 
extraordinary,  but  an  unexpected  result.  At  the 
time  it  occurred,  there  was  no  prospect  of  an  imme 
diate  termination  of  the  war  with  Mexico.  On  the 
10th  of  April,  1847,  when  it  was  awarded  to  the 
highest  bidders,  Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  San 
Juan  d'Ulloa  had  surrendered  to  our  victorious  arms. 
But  the  enemy  manifested  an  obstinate  determina 
tion  to  resist  the  progress  of  the  invaders,  and  sub 
sequently  to  that  period,  the  road  to  Mexico  was 
rendered  memorable  by  many  a  sanguinary  battle 
field.  Under  these  circumstances,  that  the  money 
should  have  been  obtained  by  the  Government  at  a 
premium,  presented  a  novelty  to  the  financial  world. 
The  amount  of  duties  collected  under  the  opera 
tion  of  the  free-trade  tariff,  was  as  gratifying  to  its 
friends  as  unexpected  to  its  opponents.  The  com 
merce  of  the  United  States,  instead  of  being  embar 
rassed  by  the  Mexican  war,  seemed  to  be  carried  on 
with  more  energy  and  spirit  than  ever,  and  poured 
into  the  coffers  of  the  General  Government  large 
accessions  of  revenue.*  The  tariff  of  1842  would 

*  The  whole  net  revenue  from  duties  during  the  entire  period  of  four 
years  and  three  months  of  the  operation  of  the  tariff  of  1842,  (portable  D,) 
was  $101,554,653  12,  being  an  annual  average  of  $23.895,208  32.  The 
net  revenue  received  from  the  tariff  of  1846  during  its  entire  operation 
from  the  1st  of  December,  1846,  to  the  30th  of  September,  1848,  was  (per 
table  E,)  $56,654,563  79,  or  an  average  of  $30.902,489  28  per  annum, 
being  an  average  of  $7,007,280  96  more  per  annum  under  the  tariff  of 
1846,  than  was  received  under  the  tariff  of  1842.  The  net  revenue  for  the 
first  fiscal  year  under  the  tariff  of  1846  (per  table  A)  was  $31,757,070  96, 
being  $757,070  96  more  than  the  estimate  of  this  department ;  and  this 
amount  would  go  on  augmenting  every  year  under  this  act,  with  a  favor 
able  state  of  foreign  commerce  and  industry,  in  a  ratio  at  least  as  great  as 
the  increase  of  our  population." — Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
December  9,  1848. 


POLK     AD  MINISTRATION.  391 

have  proved  totally  inadequate  to  supply  the  amount 
of  revenue  which  was  yielded  by  the  act  of  1846, 
and  if  the  former  bill  h#d  continued  in  operation, 
the  loans  required  by  Government  would  have  been 
greatly  increased.  Probably  the  accumulation  of 
revenue  which  resulted  from  the  free  trade  policy 
enabled  the  Government  to  obtain  premiums,  while 
a  falling  off  of  the  customs  would  have  forced  the 
United  States  to  sell  their  bonds  at  a  discount. 

The  public  debt  of  the  United  States  was  stated 
by  Mr.  Meredith  in  his  report  to  Congress,  Decem 
ber,  1849,  to  amount  to  sixty-four  million  seven 
hundred  and  four  thousand  six  hundred  and  ninety- 
three  dollars  and  seventy-one  cents.  In  the  same 
report  he  asserts,  that  the  old  funded  debt — the  five 
per  cent,  loan  of  March  3d,  1843,  the  six  per  cent, 
loan  of  the  15th  of  April,  1842,  and  the  debt  of  the 
district  of  Columbia,  assumed  by  Congress,  amount 
ed  to  fifteen  million  seven  hundred  and  forty-nine 
thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty-two  dollars  and  for 
ty-eight  cents.  This  sum  taken  from  the  national 
debt  would  leave  the  amount  of  loans  which  was 
necessary  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war  to  forty- 
eight  million  nine  hundred  and  fifty-five  thousand 
eleven  dollars  and  twenty-three  cents,  making  the 
interest  of  the  whole  war  debt  less  than  three  mil 
lion. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Polk  made  arrange 
ments  to  meet  all  the  demands  upon  the  Govern 
ment  growing  out  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  for 
liquidating  the  instalments  due  under  the  treaty  of 


392  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

peace,  for  the  fiscal  years,  ending  on  the  30th  of 
June,  1849  and  1850.* 

In  order  to  diminish  the  amount  of  loans  neces 
sary  to  prosecute  the  war,  Mr.  Polk,  in  his  message 
to  Congress,  December,  1846,  in  general  terms  re 
commended  the  levying  of  duties  upon  articles, 
which,  by  the  tariff  of  1846,  were  placed  upon  the 
free  list.f  This  proposition  created  much  excite 
ment  in  Congress,  in  the  ranks  of  both  political  par 
ties.  Democratic  members  who  were  ultra  in  their 
views  upon  the  propriety  of  taxing  tea  and  coffee, 
were  unmeasured  in  their  denunciations  of  the  Ex 
ecutive.  The  views  which  he  entertained  before  his 
elevation  to  the  presidential  chair,  were  freely  com- 

*  "  This  statement  shows  a  balance  in  the  Treasury,  on  the  30th  of 
June,  1849,  of  $2.853,694  84  ;  and  a  balance  in  the  Treasury  on  the  30th 
of  June,  1850,  of  $5,040,542  11.  In  the  estimated  expenditures  for  the 
year  ending  on  the  SOth  of  June,  1850,  are  included  balances  of  appropri 
ations,  amounting  to  the  sum  of  $3,762,537  29,  a  considerable  portion  of 
which  may  not  be  required.  Unless  new  and  extraordinary  expenditures 
are  authorized  by  Congress,  no  further  loans  will  be  required,  and  the  pub 
lic  debt  may  be  reduced. — Report  of  Mr.  Walker,  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury,  December  9,  1848. 

f  ';  If,  however,  Congress  should,  at  the  present  session,  impose  a  re 
venue  duty  on  the  principal  articles  now  embraced  in  the  free  list,  it  is 
estimated  that  an  additional  annual  revenue  of  about  two  million  and  a  half, 
amounting,  it  is  estimated,  on  the  thirtieth  of  June,  1848,  to  four  million 
of  dollars,  would  be  derived  from  that  source  ;  and  the  loan  required  would 
be  reduced  by  that  amount." — Message  of  the  President  to  Congress,  De 
cember  8,  1846. 

"  It  is  submitted  for  your  consideration,  whether  it  may  not  be  proper, 
as  a  war  measure,  to  impose  revenue  duties  on  some  of  the  articles  now 
embraced  in  the  free  list.  Should  it  be  deemed  proper  to  impose  such  du 
ties,  with  a  view  to  raise  revenue  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  war  with 
Mexico,  or  to  avoid  to  that  extent  the  creation  of  a  public  debt,  they  may 
be  repealed  when  the  emergency  which  gave  rise  to  them  shall  cease  to  ex 
ist,  and  constitute  no  part  of  the  permanent  policy  of  the  country.-— 
Ibid. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  393 

mented  upon.  It  was  asserted  that  lie  had  opposed 
in  his  canvasses  for  the  gubernatorial  chair  of  Ten 
nessee,  a  tax  upon  tea  and  coffee.  It  is  but  justice 
to  Mr.  Polk  to  say,  that  he  only  advocated  the  col* 
lection  of  duties  upon  those  articles  as  a  war  mea 
sure,  to  be  repealed  when  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded.  The  motives  which  governed  him  were 
truly  patriotic,  and  had  for  their  object  the  preser 
vation  of  the  public  credit,  by  keeping  the  stocks  of 
the  United  States  at  par  value.  Unawed  by  the 
denunciations  which  were  levelled  at  him  by  mem 
bers  of  all  political  parties,  he  reiterated  his  recom 
mendation  for  a  tax  upon  the  free  list,  in  a  more 
specific  form.  In  a  special  message  to  Congress  on 
the  13th  of  February,  1847,  he  briefly,  but  in  lan 
guage  of  great  force  and  power,  examined  the  con 
dition  of  our  finances,  and  recommended  the  raising 
of  customs  from  tea  and  coffee.*  Against  the  mea- 

*  "  In  my  Annual  Message  of  the  8th  of  December  last,  I  submitted  for 
the  consideration  of  Congress,  the  propriety  of  imposing  as  a  war  measure, 
revenue  duties  on  some  of  the  articles  now  embraced  in  the  free  list.  The 
principal  articles  now  exempt  from  duty,  from  which  any  considerable  re 
venue  can  be  derived,  are  tea  and  coffee.  A  moderate  revenue  duty  on 
these  articles,  it  is  estimated,  would  produce  annually  an  amount  exceed 
ing  two  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  Though  in  a  period  of  peace,  when 
ample  means  could  be  derived  from  duties  on  other  articles  for  the  support 
of  the  Government,  it  may  have  been  deemed  proper  not  to  resort  to  a 
duty  on  these  articles,  yet  when  the  country  is  engaged  in  a  foreign  war, 
and  all  our  resources  are  demanded  to  meet  the  unavoidable  increased  ex 
penditure  in  maintaining  our  armies  in  the  field,  no  sound  reason  is  per 
ceived  why  we  should  not  avail  ourselves  of  the  revenues  which  may  be 
derived  from  this  source.  The  objections  which  have  heretofore  existed 
to  the  imposition  of  these  duties,  were  applicable  to  a  state  of  peace,  when 
they  were  not  needed.  We  are  now,  however,  engaged  in  a  foreign  war. 
We  need  money  to  prosecute  it,  and  to  maintain  the  public  honor  and 
credit.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  patriotic  people  of  the  United  States 


394  HISTORY     OF     THE 

sure,  however,  was  arrayed  a  large  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives.*  The  opposition  mem 
bers  of  Congress  opposed  the  recommendation  of 
the  President,  and  there  were  only  forty-eight  of 
his  own  party  in  the  House  who  sustained  his 
views.  It  is  difficult  to  see  any  propriety  in  the 
opposition  which  was  made  to  levying  a  war  tax 
upon  tea  and  coifee.  That  the  people  of  the  United 
States  would  submit  to  any  tax  which  might  be  ne 
cessary  to  sustain  the  national  honor,  there  can  be 
no  doubt.  Indeed,  this  was  unanimously  voted  by 
the  House,  with  great  gravity  ,f  If  this  question 
was  divested  of  the  sophistry  with  which  politicians 
have  invested  it,  it  would  be  extremely  difficult  to 
see  why  a  duty  should  not  be  raised  from  tea  and 
coffee  in  time  of  peace.  It  is  asserted  that  these 
articles  have  now  become  necessaries  of  life,  still  it 
cannot  be  maintained  that  they  are  indispensable. 
There  are  other  importations  upon  which  a  tariff  of 
twenty  and  thirty  per  cent,  are  levied,  which  are 
absolutely  necessaries  of  life.  It  is  almost  as  impos 
sible  for  the  people  of  this  country  to  dispense  with 

would  cheerfully,  and  without  complaint,  submit  to  the  payment  of  this 
additional  duty,  or  any  other  that  maybe  necessary  to  maintain  the  honor 
of  the  country,  provide  for  the  unavoidable  expenses  of  the  Government, 
and  to  uphold  the  public  credit.  It  is  recommended  that  any  duties  which 
may  be  imposed  on  these  articles,  be  limited  in  their  duration  to  the  period 
of  the  war." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  February  13,  1847. 

*  "  Resolved,  That  it  is  inexpedient  to  levy  any  duty  on  tea  and 
coffee." 

This  resolution  passed  by  a  vote  of  115  to  48." — Congressional  Globe, 
2d  session  29/fc  Congress,  p.  102. 

f  "  Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  United  States  are  too  patriotic  to 
refuse  any  necessary  tax  in  time  of  war." 

This  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted. — Ibid.  p.  103. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  395 

the  use  of  iron  and  salt,  as  to  exist  without  water. 
Why  then  should  these  necessaries  be  taxed,  and 
tea  and  coffee  be  placed  upon  the  free  list  ?  It  is 
easily  conceived  that  the  protectionists  are  in  favor 
of  this  policy,  because  the  exemption  of  articles 
which  are  not  raised  or  manufactured  in  this  coun 
try  from  taxation,  will  create  the  necessity  for  higher 
duties  upon  merchandise  which  comes  in  competi 
tion  with  their  own  manufactures.  But  that  those 
persons  who  advocate  the  doctrine  of  free  trade, 
should  desire  to  place  tea  and  cofiee  upon  the  free 
list,  and  produce  thereby  the  necessity  for  more  ex 
orbitant  taxes  upon  articles  of  still  greater  import 
ance  to  the  people,  is  equally  surprising  and  pre 
posterous. 


396  HISTORY     OF     THE 


CHAPTEK  XL 

Internal  Improvements.— Contest  between  Congress  and  the  Executive  upon 
that  question. — Discussions  upon  the  power  granted  Congress  to  authorize 
the  States  to  lay  duties  upon  tonnage  in  the  Constitutional  Convention. — 
Public  lands. — Pre-emption  rights. — Lands  granted  to  several  States. — 
Land  granted  to  soldiers. — Post-Office  Department. — Rates  of  postage.— 
Foreign  mails. — Lines  established  to  Chagres  and  California. — The  Navy. 

THE  administration  of  Mr.  Polk  was  signalized  by 
the  struggle  between  the  friends  of  internal  im 
provements,  and  the  Executive.  A  large  majority 
in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  numbering  members 
of  both  political  parties,  were  favorable  to  a  lavish 
expenditure  of  the  public  treasury  for  such  purpo 
ses.  The  struggle  was  commenced  during  the  first 
session  of  the  29th  Congress,  and  was  continued 
with  unabated  energy  throughout.  On  the  31st 
of  December,  1845,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Tibbatts,  for  the 
improvement  of  harbors  and  rivers,  and  passed  that 
body  on  the  20th  of  March,  by  a  vote  of  109  to 
90.  It  passed  the  Senate  precisely  as  it  was  re 
ported  to  that  body  on  the  24th  of  July,  1846,  by 
a  vote  of  34  to  16.*  The  bill  encountered  an  Ex 
ecutive  veto.  The  message  which  the  President 
transmitted  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  as 
signing  the  reasons  why  he  could  not  approve  the 

*  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p.  1136. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  397 

bill,  is  charactized  by  remarkable  vigor  and  power.* 
The  authority  of  the  General  Government  to  make 
internal  improvements  within  the  States,  was  tho- 

*  "  The  Constitution  has  not,  in  my  judgment,  conferred  upon  the 
Federal  Government  the  power  to  construct  works  of  internal  improve 
ment  within  the  States,  or  to  appropriate  money  from  the  treasury  for  that 
purpose.  That  this  bill  assumes  for  the  Federal  Government  the  right  to 
exercise  this  power,  cannot,  I  think,  be  doubted.  The  approved  course  of 
the  Government,  and  the  deliberately  expressed  judgment  of  the  people, 
have  denied  the  existence  of  such  a  power  under  the  Constitution.  Seve 
ral  of  my  predecessors  have  denied  its  existence  in  the  most  solemn  forms." 

"  The  general  proposition  that  the  Federal  Government  does  not  pos 
sess  this  power  is  so  well  settled,  and  has  for  a  considerable  period  been 
so  generally  acquiesced  in,  that  it  is  not  deemed  necessary  to  reiterate  the 
arguments  by  which  it  is  sustained.  Nor  do  I  deem  it  necessary,  after 
the  full  and  elaborate  discussions  which  have  taken  place  before  the  coun 
try  on  this  subject,  to  do  more  than  state  the  general  considerations  which 
have  satisfied  me  of  the  unconstitutionally  and  inexpediency  of  the  exer 
cise  of  such  a  power." 

"  That  the  power  in  question  is  not  properly  an  incident  to  any  of  the 
granted  powers,  I  am  fully  satisfied ;  but  if  there  were  doubts  on  this  sub 
ject,  experience  has  demonstrated  the  wisdom  of  the  rule  that  all  the  func 
tionaries  of  the  Federal  Government  should  abstain  from  the  exercise  of 
all  questionable  or  doubtful  powers.  If  an  enlargement  of  the  powers  of 
the  Federal  Government  should  be  deemed  proper,  it  is  safer  and  wiser 
to  appeal  to  the  States  and  the  people  in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Con 
stitution  for  the  grant  desired,  than  to  assume  its  exercise  without  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution.  If  Congress  does  not  possess  the  gene 
ral  power  to  construct  works  of  internal  improvement  within  the  States, 
or  to  appropriate  money  from  the  treasury  for  that  purpose,  what  is  there 
to  exempt  some,  at  least,  of  the  objects  of  appropriation  included  in  this 
bill  from  the  operation  of  the  general  rule  ?  This  bill  assumes  the  exist 
ence  of  the  power,  and  in  some  of  its  provisions  asserts  the  principle  that 
Congress  may  exercise  it  as  fully  as  though  the  appropriations  which  it 
proposes  were  applicable  to  the  construction  of  roads  and  canals.  If 
there  be  a  distinction  in  principle,  it  is  not  perceived,  and  should  be  clearly 
defined.  Some  of  the  objects  of  appropriation  contained  in  this  bill  are 
local  in  their  character,  and  lie  within  the  limits  of  a  single  State ;  and 
though,  in  the  language  of  the  bill,  they  are  called  harbors,  they  are  not 
connected  with  foreign  commerce,  nor  are  they  places  of  refuge  or  shelter 
for  our  navy  or  commercial  marine  on  the  ocean  or  lake  shores.  To  call 


398  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

roughly  examined,  and  the  corruptions  of  the  sys 
tem,  which  expended  money  in  particular  sections, 

the  mouth  of  a  creek,  or  a  shallow  inlet  on  our  coasts  a  harbor,  cannot 
confer  the  authority  to  expend  the  public  money  in  its  improvement.  Con 
gress  have  exercised  the  power  coeval  with  the  Constitution,  of  establish 
ing  light-houses,  beacons,  buoys,  and  piers,  on  our  ocean  and  lake  shores, 
for  the  purpose  of  rendering  navigation  safe  and  easy,  and  of  affording 
protection  and  shelter  for  our  navy  and  other  shipping.  These  are  safe 
guards  placed  in  existing  channels  of  navigation.  After  the  long  acqui 
escence  of  the  Government  through  all  preceding  administrations,  I  am 
not  disposed  to  question  or  disturb  the  authority  to  make  appropriations 
for  such  purposes." 

"  When  we  advance  a  step  beyond  this  point,  and  in  addition  to  the 
establishment  and  support,  by  appropriations  from  the  treasury,  of  light 
houses,  beacons,  buoys,  piers,  and  other  improvements  within  the  bays, 
inlets  and  harbors  on  our  ocean  and  lake  coasts,  immediately  connected 
with  our  foreign  commerce,  and  attempt  to  make  improvements  in  the  in 
terior  at  points  unconnected  with  foreign  commerce,  and  where  they  are 
not  needed  for  the  protection  and  security  of  our  navy  and  commercial 
marine,  the  difficulty  arises  in  drawing  a  line  beyond  which  appropriations 
may  not  be  made  by  the  Federal  Government." 

"  It  not  only  leads  to  a  consolidation  of  power  in  the  Federal  Govern 
ment,  at  the  expense  of  the  rightful  authority  of  the  States,  but  its  inev 
itable  tendency  is,  to  embrace  objects  for  the  expenditure  of  the  public 
money,  which  are  local  in  their  character,  benefiting  but  few  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  common  treasury  of  the  whole.  It  will  engender  sectional 
feelings  and  prejudices,  calculated  to  disturb  the  harmony  of  the  Union. 
It  will  destroy  the  harmony  which  should  prevail  in  our  legislative  coun 
cils.  It  will  produce  combinations  of  local  and  sectional  interest,  strong 
enough  when  united,  to  carry  propositions  for  appropriations  of  public 
money  which  could  not  of  themselves,  and  standing  alone,  succeed,  and 
cannot  fail  to  lead  to  wasteful  and  extravagant  expenditures." 

"  It  must  produce  a  disreputable  scramble  for  the  public  money,  by  the 
conflict  which  is  inseparable  from  such  a  system,  between  local  and  indi 
vidual  interests,  and  the  general  interest  of  the  whole.  It  is  unjust  to 
those  States  which  have  with  their  own  means  constructed  their  own  in 
ternal  improvements,  to  make  from  the  common  treasury  appropriations 
for  similar  improvements  in  other  States." 

"  In  its  operation  it  will  be  oppressive  and  unjust  towards  those  States 
whose  representatives  and  people  either  deny  or  doubt  the  existence  of  the 
power,  or  think  its  exercise  inexpedient,  and  who,  while  they  equally  con- 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  399 

leaving  other  parts  of  the  Union  without  receiving 
the  aid  of  the  Government,  was  alluded  to.* 

tribute  to  the  treasury,  cannot,  consistently  with  their  opinions,  engage  in 
the  general  competition  for  a  share  of  the  public  money.  Thus  a  large 
portion  of  the  Union  in  numbers  and  in  geographical  extent,  contributing 
its  equal  proportion  of  taxes  to  the  support  of  the  Government,  would, 
under  the  operation  of  such  a  system,  be  compelled  to  see  the  national 
treasure — the  common  stock  of  all — unequally  disbursed,  and  often  im- 
providently  wasted  for  the  advantage  of  small  sections,  instead  of  being 
applied  to  the  great  national  purposes  in  which  all  have  a  common  interest, 
and  for  which  alone  the  power  to  collect  the  revenue  was  given.  Should 
the  system  of  internal  improvements  proposed  prevail,  all  these  evils  will 
multiply  arid  increase  with  the  increase  of  the  number  of  the  States,  and 
the  extension  of  the  geographical  limits  of  the  settled  portions  of  our 
country.  With  the  increase  of  our  numbers  and  the  extension  of  our 
settlements,  the  local  objects  demanding  appropriations  of  the  public  mo 
ney  for  their  improvement  will  be  proportionately  increased.  In  each 
case  the  expenditure  of  the  public  money  would  confer  benefits,  direct  or 
indirect,  only  on  a  section,  while  these  sections  would  become  daily  less 
in  comparison  with  the  whole." 

"  The  wisdom  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  in  withholding  power 
over  such  objects  from  the  Federal  Government,  and  leaving  them  to  the 
local  governments  of  the  States,  becomes  more  and  more  manifest  with 
every  year's  experience  of  the  operations  of  our  system." 

"  If  no  constitutional  objections  existed  to  the  bill,  there  are  others  of 
a  serious  nature  which  deserve  some  consideration.  It  appropriates  be 
tween  one  and  two  millions  of  dollars  for  objects  which  are  of  no  pressing 
necessity  ;  and  this  is  proposed  at  a  time  when  the  country  is  engaged  in 
a  foreign  war,  and  when  Congress,  at  its  present  session,  has  authorized 
a  loan,  or  the  issue  of  treasury  notes,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
to  be  resorted  to  if  the  '  exigencies  of  the  Government  shall  require  it.' 
It  wouid  seem  to  be  the  dictate  of  wisdom,  under  such  circumstances,  to 
husband  our  means,  and  not  to  waste  them  on  comparatively  unimportant 
objects,  so  that  we  may  reduce  the  loan  or  issue  of  treasury  notes,  which 
may  become  necessary,  to  the  smallest  practicable  sum.  It  would  seem 
to  be  wise,  too,  to  abstain  from  such  expenditures,  with  a  view  to  avoid 
the  accumulation  of  a  large  public  debt ;  the  existence  of  which  would 
be  opposed  to  the  interest  of  our  people,  as  well  as  to  to  the  genius  of  our 
free  institutions." — Veto  Message  of  Mr.  Polk,  August  3d,  1846. 

*  Any  one  at  all  acquainted  with  the  management  which  is  resorted 
to  in  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  passing  internal  improvement  bills,  can 


400  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Unawed  by  the  Executive  veto,  the  House  of 
Representatives,  on  the  20th  of  February,  1847, 
passed  a  bill  making  appropriations  to  the  amount 

at  once  appreciate  the  arguments  of  the  Executive.  To  obtain  appropria 
tions  of  money  to  be  expended  in  a  congressional  district,  is  generally  a 
very  popular  movement  upon  the  part  of  a  Member  of  Congress.  His 
influence  and  usefulness  are  judged  by  the  amount  of  money  which  he 
can  procure  from  the  public  treasury,  to  be  expended  among  his  constitu 
ents.  He  consequently  employs  all  his  energy  in  having  a  clause  for  that 
purpose  inserted  in  the  appropriation  bill.  Those  who  have  no  scruples 
upon  the  subject,  ascertain  the  number  of  votes  which  are  necessary  to 
carry  a  bill  triumphantly  through  Congress.  The  votes  of  some  members 
are  counted  upon  as  a  matter  of  course,  because  they  are  in  favor  of  the 
doctrine  of  internal  improvements  by  the  General  Government.  While 
others,  who  favor  the  protective  policy,  gladly  avail  themselves  of  every 
opportunity  that  offers  to  appropriate  public  money,  for  the  purpose  of  cre 
ating  a  necessity  of  increasing  the  tariff,  to  supply  the  deficit.  If  these  two 
classes  do  not  combine  a  sufficient  number  to  insure  success,  the  support  of 
others  is  secured  by  making  appropriations  of  money  to  be  expended  within 
their  Congressional  districts.  The  requisite  number  thus  become  inter 
ested,  and  the  bill  passes.  This  is  a  state  of  political  profligacy,  deplora 
ble,  indeed,  and  the  contemplation  of  which  is  truly  painful.  While  the 
bill  which  received  the  Executive  veto  was  under  consideration  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  an  appropriation  was  made  of  $5,000  for  the 
removal  of  the  obstructions  at  the  Crook,  in  the  harbor  of  Providence. 
Five  members  from  a  southern  State  voted  for  the  appropriation.*  An 
amendment  was  then  offered  to  the  bill,  appropriating  $100,000  for  the 
canal  round  the  muscle  shoals  in  the  Tennessee  river,  those  five  members 
voting  in  the  affirmative.  The  proposition  was  rejected,  and  one  of  them 
moved  to  reconsider  the  amendment  which  had  been  adopted  making  the 
appropriation  of  $5.000  for  the  harbor  at  Providence,  and  voted  with  the 
other  four  for  its  reconsideration,!  and  they  all  finally  voted  against  the 
passage  of  the  bill.J  Two  of  these  gentlemen  were  committed  to  the 
doctrine  of  internal  improvements  by  the  General  Government ;  two  ad 
vocated  the  propriety  of  improving  the  Mississippi,  Ohio  and  Tennessee 
rivers,  and  all  would  have  voted  for  the  passage  of  the  bill,  if  the  appro 
priation  of  $100.000  to  the  Tennessee  river  had  been  inserted.  It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  if  the  appropriation  which  was  asked  for  the  Tennessee 


*  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  29th  Congress,  p,  524. 
t  Ibid.  p.  525.  t  Ibid.  p.  530. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  401 

of  $600,000,  for  river  and  harbor  improvements, 
by  a  vote  of  89  to  72.  This  bill  passed  the  Senate 
on  the  last  day  of  the  second  session  of  the  29th 
Congress.  The  President  did  not  avail  himself  of  his 
constitutional  privilege  to  defeat  the  measure  by  refu 
sing  to  approve  it,  because  it  was  passed  within  ten 
days  of  the  termination  of  the  session.  Undismayed 
by  the  denunciations  with  which  the  politicians  fierce 
ly  assailed  him,  and  by  the  abuse  which  teemed  from 
the  press,  he  again  boldly  met  the  question,  and 
defeated  the  bill  by  the  exercise  of  the  veto  power.* 
In  that  message,  which  probably  displayed  greater 
stretch  of  thought,  and  more  thorough  investigation, 
than  any  other  state  paper  which  he  ever  prepared, 

river  had  been  necessary  to  insure  the  passage  of  the  bill,  it  would  have 
been  granted  without  the  least  hesitation.  The  friends  of  the  bill  had  suffi 
cient  strength,  however,  to  insure  its  success,  and  the  sum  of  $100,000 
was  not  unnecessarily  thrown  away.  Such  are  the  fruits  of  a  system  of 
legislation  which,  unless  arrested,  will  produce  an  unscrupulous  scramble 
for  the  public  money,  resulting  in  exorbitant  taxation,  and  financial  em 
barrassment  and  ruin.  What  makes  the  policy  still  more  dangerous  and 
reprehensible,  is  the  readiness  with  which  members  yield  to  the  current, 
and  give  utterance  to  the  sentiment  that  while  others  are  helping  their 
constituents  so  bountifully,  they  will  put  their  hands  also  into  the  treasury. 
The  clamor  which  is  raised  in  the  halls  of  Congress  for  a  system  of  in 
ternal  improvements  is  as  mortifying  as  it  is  deplorable.  It  places  sove 
reign  States  in  the  position  of  mendicants,  claiming  the  bounty  of  the 
General  Government.  The  demand  for  more  money  is  made  with  as  much 
assurance  as  though  to  yield  it  is  the  plain  and  undeniable  duty  of  Con 
gress.  Immense  sums  are  called  for  with  as  much  sang  froid  as  if  the 
revenue  rained  into  the  treasury,  instead  of  being  exacted  from  the  people. 
No  circumstances  will  prevent  Congress  from  making  these  appropriations. 
The  bill  which  was  vetoed  by  the  Executive,  proposed  an  appropriation  of 
$1,378,450  to  objects  of  no  pressing  necessity,  at  a  time  when  the  Govern 
ment  was  contracting  loans  for  the  prosecution  of  the  Mexican  war. — 
Author. 

*  Veto  message  of  Mr.  Polk,  December  15th,  1847. 
26 


402  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

he  examined  at  length  the  origin  and  progress  of 
the  doctrine  of  internal  improvements.  He  com 
mented  upon  the  rapid  strides  which  were  made 
during  the  twenty  years  preceding,  in  favor  of  that 
system.* 

To  show  that  the  States  are  not  without  a  reme 
dy,  so  far  as  the  improvements  of  rivers  and  harbors 
are  concerned,  it  is  only  necessary  to  examine  the 
powers  which  the  Constitution  authorizes  Congress 
to  confer  upon  the  States.f  When  the  draft  of  the 
Constitution  was  under  consideration  in  the  Conven 
tion,  it  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Madison,  that  the 
clause  restraining  the  States  from  laying  duties 
upon  imports  should  be  transferred  from  the  article 
authorizing  Congress  to  sanction  the  act,  to  another 
which  made  the  prohibition  absolute.  This  motion 
was  rejected,  and  Congress  can  now  authorize  the 
States  to  lay  imposts  or  duties  upon  imports  or  ex 
ports,  with  the  condition,  however,  that  the  net  pro 
ceeds  shall  be  paid  into  the  treasury  of  the  United 

*  "  The  policy  of  embarking  the  Federal  Government  in  a  general  sys 
tem  of  internal  improvements  had  its  origin  but  little  more  than  twenty 
years  ago.  In  a  very  few  years  the  applications  to  Congress  for  appropri 
ations  in  furtherance  of  such  objects  exceeded  $200,000.000." — Veto 
Message  of  Mr.  Polk,  December  I5lh,  1847. 

f  "  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any  imposts 
or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  absolutely  necessary 
for  executing  its  inspection  laws;  and  the  net  produce  of  all  duties 
and  imposts  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use 
of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject 
to  the  revision  and  control  of  the  Congress.  No  State  shall,  without  the 
consent  of  Congress,  lay  any  duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops,  or  ships  of  war 
in  time  of  peace,  enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State, 
or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in 
such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay." — Constitution  of  the 
United  States. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  403 

States.*  But  the  power  granted  to  Congress  to  per 
mit  the  States  to  lay  duties  of  tonnage  is  subject  to 
no  such  restriction,  and  they  may  lay  duties  of  ton 
nage,  with  the  consent  of  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of 
improving  harbors  and  rivers.  This  power  has  been 
exercised  at  various  periods  since  the  year  1790.f 

*  Mr.  Madison  moved,  that  the  words  "  nor  lay  imposts  or  duties  on 
imports"  be  transferred  from  Article  13,  where  the  consent  of  the  general 
legislature  may  license  the  act,  into  Article  12,  which  will  make  the  pro 
hibition  on  the  States  absolute. 

Mr.  Sherman  "  thought  the  power  might  safely  be  left  to  the  legisla 
ture  of  the  United  States."  The  motion  was  rejected. 

Mr.  King  moved  to  insert  after  the  words  "  imports,"  the  words  "  or 
exports,"  "  so  as  to  prohibit  States  from  taxing  either."  This  motion 
passed  in  the  affirmative. 

Mr.  Sherman  moved  to  add,  after  the  word  "exports,"  the  words, 
"  nor  with  such  consent,  but  for  the  use  of  the  United  States ;"  so  as  to 
carry  the  proceeds  of  all  State  duties  on  imports  or  exports  into  the  com 
mon  treasury.  This  motion  was  agreed  to — Madison  Papers  contain 
ing  Debates  of  the  Convention,  pp.  485-7. 

f  Under  this  wise  system,  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  rivers  was 
commenced,  or  rather  continued,  from  the  organization  of  the  Government 
under  the  present  Constitution.  Many  acts  were  passed  by  the  several 
States  levying  duties  of  tonnage,  and  many  were  passed  by  Congress  giving 
their  consent  to  those  acts.  Such  acts  have  been  passed  by  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia.  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  and  have  been  sanctioned  by  the  consent  of  Con 
gress.  Without  enumerating  them  all,  it  may  be  instructive  to  refer  to 
some  of  them,  as  illustrative  of  the  mode  of  improving  harbors  and  rivers 
in  the  early  periods  of  our  Government,  as  to  the  constitutionality  of  which 
there  can  be  no  doubt. 

In  January,  1790,  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  passed  a  law  levying 
tonnage  duty  on  vessels  arriving  in  the  port  of  Providence,  "  for  the  pur 
pose  of  clearing  and  deepening  the  channel  of  the  Providence  river,  and 
making  the  same  more  navio-able." 

On  the  2d  of  February.  1798,  the  State  of  Massachusetts  passed  a  law 
levying  tonnage  duty  on  all  vessels,  whether  employed  in  the  foreign  or 
coasting  trade,  which  might  enter  into  the  Kennebunk  river,  for  the  im 
provement  of  the  same,  by  "  rendering  the  passage  in  and  out  of  said  river 
less  difficult  and  dangerous." 


404  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

The  power  of  Congress  to  make  appropriations 
for  river  and  harbor  improvements,  is  far  from  being 
a  settled  question.  The  precedents  are  too  conflict- 
On  the  1st  of  April,  1805,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  to  remove  the  obstructions  to  the 
navigation  of  the  river  Delaware,  below  the  city  of  Philadelphia." 

On  the  23d  of  January,  1804,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law  levy 
ing  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  for  improving  the  navigation  of  James 
river." 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1826,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law  levy 
ing  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  for  "  improving  the  navigation  of  James 
river,  from  Warwick  to  Rockett's  Landing." 

On  the  8th  of  December,  1824,  the  State  of  Virginia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  for  "  improving  the  navigation  of  Appo- 
matox  river,  from  Pocahontas  bridge  to  Broadway." 

In  November,  1821,  the  State  of  North  Carolina  passed  a  law  levying 
a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  for  the  purpose  of  opening  an  inlet  at  the 
lower  end  of  Albemarle  Sound,  near  a  place  called  Nag's  Head,  and  im 
proving  the  navigation  of  said  Sound,  with  its  branches  ;"  and  in  Novem 
ber,  1828,  an  emendatory  law  was  passed. 

On  the  21st  of  December,  1804,  the  State  of  South  Carolina  passed  a 
law  levying  a  tonnage  duty,  for  the  purpose  of  "  building  a  marine  hospi 
tal  in  the  vicinity  of  Charleston ;"  and  on  the  17th  of  December,  1816, 
another  law  was  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  that  State,  for  the  "  main 
tenance  of  a  marine  hospital." 

On  the  10th  of  February,  1787,  the  State  of  Georgia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  all  vessels  entering  in  the  port  of  Savannah, 
for  the  purpose  of  "  clearing"  the  Savannah  river  of  "  wrecks  and  other 
obstructions"  to  the  navigation. 

On  the  12th  of  December,  1804,  the  State  of  Georgia  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  "  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the 
fees  of  the  harbor-master  and  health  officer  of  the  ports  of  Savannah  and 
St.  Mary's." 

In  April,  1783,  the  State  of  Maryland  passed  a  law  laying  a  ton 
nage  duty  on  vessels,  for  the  improvement  of  the  "  basin"  and  "  harbor"  of 
Baltimore,  and  the  "  river  Patapsco." 

On  the  26th  of  December,  1791,  the  State  of  Maryland  passed  a  law 
levying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels,  for  the  improvement  of  the  "  harbor  and 
port  of  Baltimore." 

On  the  28th  of  December  1793,  the  State  of  Maryland  passed  a  law 
authorizing  the  appointment  of  a  health  officer  for  the  port  of  Baltimore, 
and  laying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels  to  defray  the  expenses. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  405 

ing,  and  the  interests  involved  too  numerous  to  in 
dicate  such  a  result.  In  the  discussions  upon  that 
subject,  in  the  30th  Congress,  much  ability  was  dis 
played  by  the  champions  upon  both  sides.  The  ex 
press  and  implied  powers  which  are  conferred  by  the 
Constitution  were  examined  in  every  aspect,  and  the 
sanction  which  had  been  given  in  various  forms  to 
the  policy,  by  the  statesmen  who  had  occupied  the 
presidential  chair,  was  shown.*  The  vetoes  of  Mr. 

Congress  have  passed  many  acts  giving  its  "  consent"  to  these  and 
other  State  laws,  the  first  of  which  is  dated  in  1790,  and  the  last  in  1843. 
By  the  latter  act,  the  "  consent"  of  Congress  was  given  to  the  law  of  the 
Legislature  of  the  State  of  Maryland,  laying  a  tonnage  duty  on  vessels 
for  the  improvement  of  the  harbor  of  Baltimore,  and  continuing  it  in  force 
until  the  first  day  of  June,  1850.  I  transmit  herewith  copies  of  such  of  the 
acts  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  States  on  the  subject,  and  also  the  acts  of  Con 
gress  giving  its  "consent"  thereto,  as  have  been  collated." — Veto  Message 
of  Mr.  Polk,  December  15,  1847. 

*  "  Here,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  find  General  Jackson  asserting  the 
very  power,  and  specifying  the  identical  objects  of  the  appropriations  made 
by  this  bill, '  the  improvement  of  our  harbors,  and  the  removal  of  partial 
and  temporary  obstructions  in  our  navigable  rivers,  for  the  security  and 
facility  of  foreign  commerce' — a  power  not  only  to  protect,  but  to  facilitate 
commerce,  and  as  such,  exercisable  for  its  convenience,  as  well  as  its 
safety.  And  in  succeeding  pages  of  this  Message,  he  lays  down  the  rule, 
that  these  appropriations  should  be  confined  to  the  removal  of  obstructions 
below  ports  of  entry.  This  rule,  sir,  the  honorable  gentleman  from  Ala 
bama,  [Mr.  Yancey,]  told  us  on  yesterday,  that  he  was  willing  to  adopt ; 
but  he  took  the  precaution  to  annex  a  qualification,  which  is  not  to  be  found 
in  the  rule  itself,  as  laid  down  by  General  Jackson — a  condition  or  limita 
tion,  which,  if  ingrafted  upon  it,  would  imply  a  want  of  information  wholly 
inexcusable  on  the  part  of  that  great  hero  and  statesman.  The  gentleman 
insisted  that  General  Jackson  meant  ports  of  entry,  in  which  the  proud 
ships  that  brought  the  cargo  across  the  ocean,  might  enter,  and  not  those 
established  where  an  Indian  canoe  would  scarcely  float.  Sir,  was  not 
General  Jackson  aware,  at  the  time  that  he  prescribed  the  rule,  that  ports 
of  entry  had  been  established  far  in  the  interior,  where  the  shipping  en 
gaged  in  our  foreign  commerce  never  entered,  and  could  not  float  ?  Did 
he  not  know  that  Pittsburg,  two  thousand  miles  distant  from  the  seaboard, 


406  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

Polk  did  not  have  the  effect  of  arresting  the  tide  of 
popular  feeling  in  favor  of  the  system ;  and  when 
ever  it  is  not  opposed  by  Executive  power,  it  will  be 

was  a  port  of  entry  ?  What  does  he  tell  us  in  the  part  of  the  Message 
just  read?  '  As  a  natural  consequence  of  the  increase  and  extension  of 
our  foreign  commerce,  ports  of  entry  and  delivery  have  been  multiplied 
and  established,  not  only  on  the  seaboard,  but  in  the  interior  of  the  coun 
try  /'  He  knew,  then,  that  the  ports  of  entry  had  been  established  in  the 
interior,  and  yet  makes  no  discrimination  in  the  application  of  the  rule  be 
tween  any  of  them,  whether  found  in  the  interior  or  on  the  seaboard  ! 

"  If,  sir,  General  Jackson  had  intended  what  the  honorable  gentleman 
from  Alabama  supposes,  why  did  he  not  make  the  rule  exclusively  appli 
cable  to  ports  of  entry  on  the  seaboard  ?  Why,  at  the  very  moment  that 
his  attention  was  engrossed  by  the  whole  subject,  and  when  he  was  fash 
ioning  a  rule  to  govern  his  future  conduct,  and  especially  when  he  men 
tioned  the  multiplication  of  these  ports,  did  he  not  designate  to  which  the 
rule  should  apply,  if  not  intended  to  be  general  ?  No  reason  can  be  as 
signed.  It  is  therefore  manifest  that  General  Jackson  did  not  design  to 
limit  the  rule  to  those  ports  of  entry  only,  in  which  cargoes  were  dis 
charged  from  the  gallant  vessels  that  floated  them  over  the  billows  of  the 
Atlantic.  And,  sir,  while  General  Jackson  affirms  that  these  expenditures 
have  sometimes  been  extravagant,  so  far  from  interposing  any  constitu 
tional  check  to  the  exercise  of  the  power  by  Congress  to  make  such  ap 
propriations,  he  expressly  tells  us  that  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  '  assent  to  the 
bills  containing  them,'  and  to  '  follow,  in  this  respect,  in  the  footsteps  of 
all  his  predecessors.'  This  power,  then,  was  sanctioned  by  every  chief 
magistrate  of  the  country  who  preceded  him,  as  well  as  by  the  profound 
and  distinguished  statesman  (Mr.  Van  Buren)  who  succeeded  him ;  and 
yet  honorable  gentlemen  assume  to  denounce  it  as  a  departure  from  the 
old  landmarks  of  the  republican  party  !" — Speech  of  Mr.  Constable  of  Mary 
land  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  March  llth, 
1846. 

"  I  derive  the  power  to  pass  this  bill  from  the  first  article  and  eighth 
section  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  first  clause  of  that  section,  which  reads 
as  follows  :  '  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes,  du 
ties,  imposts,  and  excises ;  to  pay  the  debts,  and  provide  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States  ;  but  all  duties,  imposts, 
and  excises,  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United  States.'  It  is  no  an 
swer  to  me  to  say  that  this  ground  has  been  taken  by  federalists,  by  the 
advocates  of  a  strong  government,  by  the  opponents  of  State  rights,  &c. ; 
that  it  has  been  exploded,  or  is  anti-republican.  I  profess  to  be  a  sincere 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  407 

adopted  as  the  policy  of  the  land,  for  a  time  at 
least. 

The  national  domain  has  ever  been  a  subject  of 
great  interest  with  the  Government  and  people  of 

friend  to  the  union  of  these  States,  and  an  inflexible  advocate  of  the  largest 
liberty  of  the  citizen,  and  yet  I  believe  Congress  to  possess  the  power  of 
internal  improvement  under  this  clause  of  this  Constitution.  I  believe  the 
clause  to  be  big  with  meaning,  and  that  upon  its  proper  construction  may 
yet  depend  the  destinies  of  this  mighty  people.  I  believe  a  proper  and 
well-digested  system  of  internal  improvements  to  be  for  the  general  wel 
fare  of  the  United  States,  and  therefore  to  come  within  this  power  to  pro 
vide  for  the  general  welfare.  It  is  said,  however,  that  no  power  is  given 
by  this  clause,  except  that  to  raise  taxes,  &c.,  and  to  apply  them  to  the 
common  defence,  &c. ;  and  that  these  words,  common  defence  and  gene 
ral  welfare,  relate  to  the  subsequent  clauses  of  the  Constitution,  and  that 
they  were  at  best  rather  supererogatory  than  otherwise.  Now  I  deny  that 
the  words  to  raise  taxes,  &c.,  have  any  controlling  power  over  the  other 
parts  of  the  sentence,  and  insist  upon  the  rules  both  of  grammar  and  of 
correct  criticism,  that  three  distinct  powers  are  given  under  this  clause, 
viz. :  1st,  to  lay  and  collect  taxes ;  2d,  to  pay  the  debts  ;  and  3d,  to  pro 
vide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare  :  and  I  say,  further,  that 
the  expression  '  to  lay  taxes  to  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  gene 
ral  welfare,'  is  not  true  Anglo-Saxon  language,  according  to  the  gram 
mars  now  in  use  and  force.  To  lay  taxes  with  which  to  provide,  &c., 
will  do,  and  yet  I  am  at  a  loss  to  perceive  the  necessity,  if  this  were  the 
meaning,  to  introduce  these  words,  common  defence  and  general  wel 
fare,  unless,  indeed,  they  were  to  mean  something  more  than  what 
the  other  clauses  of  the  Constitution  embraced  ;  and  upon  this  latter 
supposition  it  would  be  very  little  material  whether  the  first  clause  of  the 
sentence  controlled  the  two  last  or  not ;  for,  if  taxes  are  to  be  raised  to 
provide  for  the  common  defence,  &c.,  and  these  last  words  are  not  re 
stricted  by  the  subsequent  parts  of  the  Constitution,  then  the  limit  to  the 
raising  of  taxes  is  only  what  Congress  may  deem  proper  for  the  common 
defence  and  general  welfare.  I  cannot  hold  that  the  words  here  used,  '  to 
provide,'  &c.  are  words  of  supererogation,  introduced  to  round  off  the  sen 
tence.  Such  a  supposition  is  totally  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  the 
instrument,  and  the  framers  of  it — an  instrument  in  which  the  utmost 
chastity  and  precision  of  language,  and  freedom  from  all  superfluous  ver 
biage,  was  not  only  to  be  desired,  but  was  evidently  sought,  and  it  is  to  be 
hoped,  attained."—  Speech  of  E.  H.  Ewing,  H.  of  R.  V.  S.9  March  16th, 
1846. 


408  HIS TOE Y     OF     THE 

this  country.  There  have  been  acquired  by  revolu 
tion,  treaty,  and  conquest,  vast  quantities  of  virgin 
soil,  out  of  which  have  been  carved  new  States.  A 
large  amount  still  remains  unoccupied,  over  which 
roams  the  native  tenant  of  the  wilds.  These  forests 
are  disappearing  before  the  advance  of  civilization, 
and  populous  cities  and  thriving  villages,  are  rapidly 
rising  along  the  plains  and  valleys  of  the  far  West. 
It  has  been  the  policy  of  many  of  our  public  men  to 
graduate  and  reduce  the  price  of  the  public  lands, 
so  that  each  of  our  frontier  settlers  could  obtain 
homes.*  While  others  have  been  opposed  to  this 
course,  either  for  the  purpose  of  contributing  to  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  the  greatest  amount 
of  money,  or  of  appropriating  the  proceeds  thereof 
to  distribution  among  the  States.f 


*  See  Messages  of  Jackson  and  Polk,  and  Speeches  of  Messrs. 
McClernand,  Bowlin,  and  others,  during  the  29th  and  30th  Congresses. 

f  Referring  to  the  instructions  of  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania, 
Mr.  Buchanan  in  the  Senate,  August  12th,  1841,  said  :  "  They  were  thus 
commanded  to  resist  every  attempt  to  deprive  Pennsylvania  of  her  just 
proportion  of  the  public  lands.  And  what  was  that  just  proportion  ?  She 
had  stated  in  clear  and  explicit  terms,  and  had  asserted  her  claim  in  the 
most  solemn  form,  to  such  a  portion  of  the  proceeds  of  these  lands  as  her 
federal  representative  population  would  bear  to  the  federal  representa 
tive  population  of  the  whole  Union  under  the  late  census." — Congressional 
Globe,  1st  session  With  Congress,  328. 

"  Mr.  Allen  offered  the  following  amendment :  That  no  money  shall 
be  distributed  under  this  Act,  until  there  shall  be  a  surplus  in  the  Trea 
sury,  without  keeping  on  the  taxes  now  levied,  or  that  may  hereafter  be 
levied  upon  the  people,  in  the  form  of  duties  on  tea,  coffee,  salt,  and  other 
necessaries  of  life,  used  by  the  general  body  of  the  community." 

"  Yeas — Messrs.  Allen,  Benton,  Calhoun,  Clay  of  Alabama,  Fulton, 
King,  Linn,  McRoberts,  Mouton,  Nicholson,  Pierce,  Sevier,  Tappan, 
Walker,  Williams,  Woodbury,  Wright,  and  Young,  18. 

"  Nays — Messrs.  Archer.  Barrow,  Bates,  Bayard,  Berrian,  Choate, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  409 

The  propriety  of  reducing  the  price  of  the  pub 
lic  lands,  and  granting  pre-emption  rights  upon  the 
most  liberal  terms  to  the  settlers,  was  recommended 
by  Mr.  Polk  in  his  first  annual  message.*  These  views 

Clay  of  Kentucky,  Clayton,  Dixon,  Evans,  Graham,  Henderson,  Hunting- 
ton,  Ker,  Mangum,  Merrick,  Miller,  Moorehead,  Phelps,  Porter,  Prentiss, 
Rives,  Simmons,  Smith  of  Indiana,  Southard,  Tallmadge,  White,  and 
Woodbridge,  28. — Congressional  Globe,  extra  session  21lh  Congress, 
357. 

*  "  Under  our  present  land  system,  limiting  the  minimum  price  at 
which  the  public  lands  can  be  entered,  to  one  dollar  and  twenty-five  cents 
per  acre,  large  quantities  of  lands  of  inferior  quality  remain  unsold,  because 
they  will  not  command  that  price.  From  the  records  of  the  General  Land 
Office  it  appears,  that  of  all  the  public  lands  remaining  unsold  in  the  several 
States  and  Territories  in  which  they  are  situated,  thirty-nine  millions  one 
hundred  and  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  seventy-seven  acres  have  been 
in  the  market,  subject  to  entry  more  than  twenty  years ;  forty-nine  mil 
lions  six  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thousand  six  hundred  and  forty-four 
acres,  for  more  than  fifteen  years  ;  seventy-three  millions  seventy-four 
thousand  and  six  hundred  acres  for  more  than  ten  years  ;  and  one  hun 
dred  and  six  millions  one  hundred  seventy-six  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
sixty-one  acres  for  more  than  five  years.  Much  the  largest  portion  of 
these  lands  will  continue  to  be  unsaleable  at  the  minimum  price  at  which 
they  are  permitted  to  be  sold,  so  long  as  large  territories  of  land  from 
which  the  more  valuable  portions  have  not  been  selected,  are  annually 
brought  into  the  market  by  the  Government.  With  the  view  to  the  sale 
and  settlement  of  these  inferior  lands,  I  recommend  that  the  price  be  gra 
duated  and  reduced  below  the  present  minimum  rate,  confining  the  sales 
at  the  reduced  prices  to  settlers  and  cultivators,  in  limited  quantities.  If 
graduated  and  reduced  in  price  for  a  limited  term  to  one  dollar  per  acre,  and 
after  the  expiration  of  that  period,  fora  second  and  third  term  to  lower 
rates,  a  large  portion  of  these  lands  would  be  purchased,  and  many  worthy 
citizens,  who  are  unable  to  pay  higher  rates,  could  purchase  homes  for 
themselves  and  their  families.  By  adopting  the  policy  of  graduation  and 
reduction  of  price,  these  inferior  lands  will  be  sold  for  their  real  value, 
while  the  States  in  which  they  lie  will  be  freed  from  the  inconvenience,  if 
not  injustice,  to  which  they  are  subjected,  in  consequence  of  the  United 
States  continuing  to  own  large  quantities  of  public  lands  within  their  bor 
ders,  not  liable  to  taxation  for  the  support  of  their  local  government. 

I  recommend  the  continuance  of  the  policy  of 'granting  pre-emp 
tions  in  its  most  liberal  extent,  to  all  those  who  have  settled,  or  may  here- 


410  HISTORY     OF     THE 

were  enforced  in  each  of  his  annual  messages  to 
Congress,  with  an  earnestness  and  force  which 
proved  that  his  feelings  were  enlisted  in  that  mea 
sure  of  justice  and  reform. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  1846,  the  President  ap 
proved  a  bill  granting  the  right  of  pre-emption  to 
actual  settlers  on  the  lands  acquired  by  treaty  from 
the  Miami  Indians,  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  and 
making  the  minimum  price  per  acre  two  dollars. 
On  the  same  day  an  act  was  approved,  authorizing 
the  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office  to  de 
termine,  upon  principles  of  equity  and  justice,  all 
cases  of  suspended  entries  then  existing  in  the  land 
office,  and  to  decide  in  what  cases  patents  should 
issue  upon  them.  On  the  8th  of  May,  1846,  a  law 
was  passed  repealing  an  act  approved  April  5th, 
1832,  and  which  declared  that  no  person  should  be 
permitted  to  enter  more  than  one  half  quarter  sec 
tion  of  land  in  quarter  sections,  in  his  own  name,  or 
in  the  name  of  any  other  person,  and  in  no  case,  un 
less  he  intended  it  for  cultivation,  or  for  the  use  of 
his  improvement.  And  it  was  enacted  that  all  en 
tries,  selections,  or  locations  of  lands  suspended  in 
the  General  Land  Office  should  be  confirmed,  pro 
vided  they  were  in  all  other  respects  fair  and  regu 
lar.  On  the  llth  of  July,  1846,  a  law  was  passed 
conferring  power  upon  the  President  to  sell  the  re 
served  mineral  lands  in  the  States  of  Illinois,  Ar 
kansas,  and  the  Territories  of  Wisconsin  and  Iowa. 

after  settle,  on  the  public  lands,  whether  surveyed  or  unsurveyed,  to  which 
the  Indian  title  may  have  been  extinguished  at  the  time  of  settlement. 
— Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress  December,  1845. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  411 

On  the  8th  of  August,  1846,  Congress  granted  to 
the  Territory  of  Iowa  one  equal  moiety,  in  alternate 
sections  of  the  public  lands  remaining  unsold  and 
unincumbered,  in  a  strip  five  miles  in  width  on  each 
side  of  the  Des  Moines  river,  for  the  improvement 
thereof.  On  the  1st  of  March,  1847,  a  law  was 
enacted  by  Congress  authorizing  the  sale  of  the  mi- 
neral  land  in  quarter  sections,  at  a  sum  of  not  less 
than  five  dollars  per  acre ;  and  on  the  3d  of  March, 
1847,  the  States  of  Michigan,  Illinois,  and  Arkansas, 
were  empowered  to  sell  the  salt  spring  lands  lying 
within  their  respective  boundaries.  By  the  provi 
sions  of  the  Act  of  February  llth,  1847,  it  was  de 
clared  that  each  non-commissioned  officer,  musician, 
or  private,  enlisted  or  to  be  enlisted  in  the  regular 
army,  or  regularly  mustered  into  any  volunteer 
company  for  a  period  of  not  less  than  twelve  months, 
who  had  served  or  might  serve  during  the  war  with 
Mexico,  and  who  should  receive  an  honorable  dis 
charge,  or  had  been  killed  or  died  of  wounds  re 
ceived,  or  sickness  incurred  in  the  course  of  such 
service,  or  who  was  discharged  before  the  expiration 
of  his  term  of  service,  in  consequence  of  wounds  re 
ceived  or  sickness  incurred  in  the  course  of  such 
service,  was  entitled  to  receive  himself,  or  his  rela 
tions  in  case  of  his  death,  a .  certificate  or  warrant 
from  the  War  Department  for  160  acres  of  land. 
This  act  of  justice  to  those  persons  who  had  so  gal 
lantly  rallied  under  the  standard  of  their  country, 
appropriated  immense  tracts  of  the  public  domain. 
Notwithstanding  the  repeated  recommendations 
of  the  President  for  a  general  reduction  of  the  price 


412  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

of  the  public  lands,  and  in  favor  of  a  more  liberal 
policy  towards  the  actual  settlers,  no  radical  change 
was  made  in  the  system  during  his  administration. 

The  administration  of  the  Post-Office  Depart 
ment  was  conducted  with  great  vigor  during  the 
entire  term  of  Mr.  Polk,  by  Cave  Johnson.  Before 
he  was  appointed  to  preside  over  that  department, 
there  had  been  a  radical  change  in  the  rates  of  post 
age  and  the  method  of  transmitting  the  mails. 

That  law  was  passed  on  the  3d  of  March,  1845, 
and  went  into  operation  on  the  1st  of  July  follow 
ing.*  .  The  rates  of  postage  established  by  this  act 
for  the  transmission  of  every  single  letter  in  manu 
script,  or  paper  of  any  kind  upon  which  information 
is  asked  for,  or  communicated  in  writing,  &c.,  were 
five  cents  for  any  distance  under  three  hundred 
miles,  and  for  more  than  that,  ten  cents.  The  Post- 
'master  General  was  directed  to  contract  for  the 
transportation  of  the  mail  with  the  lowest  bidder 
who  tendered  sufficient  guarantees  for  the  faithful 
performance  of  his  duty,  without  any  reference  to 
the  mode  of  such  transportation,  except  as  to  its  due 
celerity,  certainty,  and  security. 

For  the  purpose  of  avoiding  the  embarrassment 
which  might  result  from  a  falling  off  in  the  Post- 

O  O 

Office  receipts,  the  sum  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  dollars  was  appropriated,  and  placed  to 
the  credit  of  the  Post-Office  Department  in  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  to  supply  any  defi 
ciency  which  might  occur.  Not  only  was  the  close 

*  For  this  act,  see  United   States  Statutes  at  large,   by  Little  and 
Brown,  vol.  5,  p.  733. 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  413 

of  the  last  session  of  the  28th  Congress  character 
ized  by  this  reduction  of  postage,  but  a  law  was 
passed  authorizing  the  Postmaster  General  not  only 
to  make  arrangements  with  the  English  government 
for  the  transmission  of  the  British  mail  between 
Boston  and  Canada,  but  he  was  also  empowered  to 
make  arrangements  with  the  governments  of  France 
and  Germany  for  the  direct  transmission  of  the 
mails  between  the  United  States  and  those  countries. 
The  ports  of  Bremen  in  the  latter  country,  and 
Havre  in  the  former,  were  designated  as  the  points 
where  the  mails  would  be  delivered.* 

Another  act  of  Congress  was  passed  on  the  3d 
of  March,  1845,  conferring  authority  upon  the  Post 
master  General  to  contract  for  the  transportation  of 
the  United  States  mail  between  any  of  our  ports 
and  those  of  foreign  powers,  whenever,  in  his  opin 
ion,  the  public  interest  would  be  promoted  by  it. 
The  contracts  were  to  be  made  with  citizens  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  mail  to  be  conveyed  in 
American  vessels.  A  preference  was  to  be  given  to 
such  bidders  for  the  contract  as  proposed  to  carry 
the  mail  in  steamships,  the  contractor  stipulating  to 
deliver  the  ships  to  the  United  States,  upon  demand 
made,  for  the  purpose  of  being  converted  into  ves 
sels  of  war,  the  United  States  being  bound  to  pay 
to  the  owners  the  full  value  thereof.  The  Postmas 
ter  General  was  still  further  empowered  to  make 
contracts  for  a  period  of  not  more  than  ten  years, 
for  the  transportation  of  the  mail  from  one  point  to 
another  in  the  United  States  in  steamboats  by  sea, 

*  Little  and  Brown's  compilation  of  United  States  Laws,  vol.  5,  p.  718. 


414  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  on  the  Mississippi  river 
to  New  Orleans.* 

Such  were  some  of  the  laws  which  governed  the 
Post-Office  Department  when  its  management  was 
assumed  by  Mr.  Johnson.  In  his  first  report  to 
Congress  he  disclosed  its  operations.f  By  a  coni- 

*  Little  and  Brown's  compilation  of  United  States  Laws,  vol.  5,  p.  748. 

REPORT  OF  THE  POSTMASTER  GENERAL. 

POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT,  December  1,  1845. 

Sir :  The  extent  of  the  post  routes  in  the  United  States  over  which 
the  mails  were  transported,  on  the  30th  day  of  June  last,  was  143,844 
miles.  *  The  annual  transportation  of  the  mails  over  these  routes,  on  the 
same  day,  was  35,634.269  miles ;  on  horseback  and  in  sulkies,  11,225,631 
miles  ;  by  stage  and  coach,  17,924,046  miles  ;  by  steamboats  and  railroads, 
6,484,592  miles  ;  which  cost  the  United  States  $2,905,504. 

For  the  service  on  horseback  and  in  sulkies  .  .  $  548,482 
For  the  service  in  coaches  and  stages  .  .  .  1,476,079 
For  the  service  on  railroads  and  in  steamboats  .  843,430 

For  local  and  mail  agents,  and  mail  messengers  in-  ) 
cident  to  the  service  on  railroads  and  steamboats  ) 

$2,905,504 

The  number  of  contractors  on  that  day  in  the  service  of  the  department 
was  3,277;  mail  agents  30  ;  and  mail  messengers  114;  the  number  of  local 
agents  13  ;  all  connected  with  the  railroad  and  steamboat  service. 

It  is  gratifying  to  find  that,  whilst  the  annual  transportation  was  great 
er  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1845,  than  for  the  preceding 
year  by  224,645  miles,  the  cost  was  less  by  $62,791.  On  the  30th  of 
June,  1845,  there  were  14,183  post-offices.  There  were  established  du 
ring  the  preceding  year  352  new  offices,  and  269  discontinued. 

On  this  day  the  number  is  14,003. 

There  were  appointed  during  the  same  period,  3,033  postmasters: 
897  were  appointed  in  consequence  of  deaths  or  resignations  ;  17  in  con 
sequence  of  a  change  in  the  site  of  the  offices  ;  753  removals  ;  14  where  the 
commissions  expired,  and  not  reappointed ;  352  by  the  establishment  of 
new  offices  ;  516  of  the  number  of  contractors  were  fined,  or  deductions 
made  from  their  pay  for  omissions  to  perform,  or  irregularities  in  the  per 
formance  of  their  contracts,  which  amounted  to  $10,521  50,  after  deduct 
ing  the  remission  of  fines. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  415 

parison  of  the  returns,  he  ascertained  that  there  was 
a  diminution  of  the  means  of  the  department  to 
meet  the  expenses  of  the  current  year  of  $1,323,997 
less  than  the  preceding  year.  The  cost  of  trans 
porting  the  mail,  however,  under  the  provisions  of 
the  new  law,  was  reduced  $252,732  for  the  year 
ending  30th  of  June,  1846,  in  New- York  and  New- 
England.  The  Postmaster  General  had  much  diffi 
culty  in  making  contracts  with  several  railroad 
companies.  This  was  owing  to  the  fact,  that  the 
demand  on  their  part,  exceeded  the  rates  prescribed 
by  the  act  of  Congress  of  March  3d,  1845.  Mr. 
Johnson  recommended  the  passage  of  a  law  requir 
ing  the  prepayment  of  postages  upon  all  matter 
passing  through  the  mails,  asserting  that  the  trans 
portation  of  letters  is  at  the  request  of  the  person 
who  deposits  them  in  the  office,  and  the  risk  of  their 
delivery  should  not  be  thrown  upon  the  depart 
ment. 

In  his  report  to  the  President  on  the  7th  of  De 
cember,  1846,  the  Postmaster  General  stated  with 
great  minuteness  the  operations  of  his  department. 
He  examined  the  annual  average  income  from  the 
1st  of  July,  1836,  to  the  30th  of  June,  1845,*  and 

The  revenue  of  the  department  for  the  same  period  amounted  to 
84,289,841  80.  The  expenditure  for  the  same  time  amounted  to 
$4,320,731  99. 

The  net  revenue,  after  deducting  the  commissions  of  postmasters,  con 
tingent  and  incidental  expenses,  amounted  to  $2,942,217  27." — Report  of 
the  Postmaster  General,  December  1st,  1845. 

*  "  Sir :  The  general  interest  felt  in  the  operation  of  the  act  of  the 
3d  of  March,  1845,  on  the  revenues  and  expenditures  of  the  Post-Office 
Department,  induced  me  to  direct  the  Auditor  to  prepare  a  quarterly  state 
ment  of  them,  from  its  reorganization  in  1836,  to  the  30th  of  June  last. 


416 


HISTORY     OF     THE 


the  annual  average  expenditure  for  the  same  period.* 
It  appeared  that  the  mail  service  of  the  United 
States,  exclusive  of  Texas,  was  performed  at  that 


The  tables  accompanying  this  report,  marked  A  and  B. 

From  table  A  it  appears  that  the  annual  average  income, 
from  the  1st  of  July,  1836,  to  the  30th  of  June,  1845, 
amounted  to  the  sum  of $4,364,624  65 

Whilst  the  income  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of  June, 

1846,  the  first  under  the  new  law,  amounted  to  .  3,487,199  35 

"  Making  a  loss  of  revenue  the  first  year  under  the  new 
when  compared  with  the  annual  average  of  the  nine 
preceding  years,  of  ......  877,425  30 

"  And  making  a  loss  of  revenue  the  first  year  under  the 

new  law,  as  compared  with  the  preceding,  of  .  .  802,642  45 

"  The  revenues,  as  above  stated,  include  the  postages  paid 
on  matter  which  went  free  through  the  mails  prior  to 
the  passage  of  the  late  law,  of  which  no  account  was 
kept  prior  to  the  commencement  of  the  last  fiscal 
year.  This  diminution  of  the  revenues  of  the  De 
partment  arises  principally  from  the  loss  on  letter 
postage,  which,  when  compared  with  that  of  the  pre 
ceding  year,  amounted  to  .  .  .  .  .  778,533  64 

"  Being  the  entire  loss  sustained  by  the  Department,  ex 
cept  824,108  81 

"  No  inconsiderable  portion  of  this  deficiency  in  the  revenues  of  the 
past  year,  may  be  traced  to  other  causes  than  a  reduction  of  the  rates  of 
postage  by  the  act  of  the  3d  of  March,  1845.'; 

*  "  Table  B  exhibits  the  expenditures  quarterly  under 
the  appropriate  heads.  From  this  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  annual  average  expenditure  from  the  1st  of  July, 
1836,  to  the  30th  of  June,  1845,  amounted  to  .  $4,499,593  58 

"  And  the  expenditure  for  the  year  ending  30th  of  June, 
1846 — the  first  year  under  the  new  law — to  the  sum 
of  4,084,297  22 


"  Making  a  reduction  for  the  first  year,  under  the  new 
law,  when  compared  with  the  annual  average  expen 
diture  of  the  nine  preceding  years, 


$415,296  36 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION. 

time  by  3,530  contractors  on  4,285  post  routes,  the 
aggregate  length  of  which  was  149,679  miles. 
That  exceeded  the  amount  of  the  service  rendered 
the  previous  year  in  length  of  routes,  5,739  miles, 
but  at  a  cost  of  $202,913  less  than  the  year  before. 
This  was  occasioned  by  the  reduction  of  price  for 
carrying  the  mails  in  New- York  and  New-England, 
under  the  operation  of  the  law  of  March  3d,  1845. 
A  similar  reduction  of  price  for  the  transportation 
of  the  mails  in  the  .Northwestern  and  Southwestern 
States  and  Territories  was  effected,  amounting  to 
$223,901  per  annum.  Nearly  one  third  of  the  post 
masters  in  the  United  States  resigned  their  offices 
under  the  operations  of  the  act  of  1845,  owing  to 
the  diminished  compensation  which  that  law  gave 
them. 

Contracts  had  been  made  for  the  transportation 
of  the  mails  between  New- York  and  Bremen,  and 
the  Ocean  steamers  were  rapidly  progressing  for 
that  purpose.  On  the  19th  of  June,  1846,  a  law 


"  And  when  compared  with  the  expenditures  of  the  pre 
vious  year,  a  reduction  of  .  ....  $236,437  77 

"  The  whole  expenditure  for  the  year  ending  the  30th  of 

June,  1846,  amounted  to 4,084.297  22 

"  The  income  for  the  same  time,  including  the  postages 
paid  by  the  different  branches  of  the  Executive  Go 
vernment,  amounted  to 3,487.199  35 


"  Leaving  a  deficiency  of  revenue  of     .         .         .         .      $597,097  87 

"  The  deficiency  was  supplied  by  drafts  from  the  treasu 
ry,  as  the  service  required,  ....  650,000  00 

"  Leaving  a  balance  in  hand  on  the  1st  of  July,  of  the 
moneys  drawn  from  the  treasury  during  the  fiscal 
year,  of $52,902  23 

Report  of  the  Postmaster  General,  December  8th,  1846. 
27 


418  HISTORY     OF     THE 

was  passed,  authorizing  the  Postmaster  General  to 
apply  $25,000  for  a  line  of  mail  steamers  from  the 
United  States  to  that  city ;  and  on  the  2d  of  March, 
1847,  there  was  appropriated  $258,609  to  enable 
the  Postmaster  General  to  comply  with  the  con 
tract  made  with  Edward  Mills  for  that  purpose. 
By  the  act  approved  July  10th,  1848,  the  Post 
master  General  was  authorized  to  pay  $400,000  for 
the  same  object,  and  for  the  transportation  of  the 
mails  between  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  by  way 
of  Key  West,  $50,000  was  appropriated.  On  the 
30th  of  June,  the  post  routes  in  operation  in  the 
United  States  were  in  extent  153,818  miles,  and 
the  annual  transportation  of  the  mails  over  them 
was  38,887,899  miles.*  The  increase  in  the  extent 
during  the  year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1847,  was 
9,878  miles,  and  in  the  transportation,  3,253,630 
miles.  The  contracts  for  carrying  the  mail  in  Vir 
ginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Flo 
rida,  was  made  at  a  reduction  of  price  amounting 
to  $108,697  per  annum.  The  expenditures  for  the 
year  ending  the  30th  of  June,  1847,  amounted  to 
$3,979,570  63,  being  $33,677  32  more  than  the 
revenues.  These  facts  confirmed  the  warmest  anti 
cipations  of  the  friends  of  cheap  postage,  and  con 
verted  the  Postmaster  General  himself  into  a  sup 
porter  of  the  system. 

The  establishment  of  the  line  of  mail  steamers 
between  the  United  States  and  Europe,  was  op 
posed  by  an  act  of  illiberality  upon  the  part  of 
Great  Britain.  An  order  was  issued  on  the  9th  of 

*  Report  of  the  Postmaster  General,  December  6th.  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  419 

June,  1847,  by  the  direction  of  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury,  subjecting  all  letters  and  newspapers  taken 
by  the  Washington  to  England,  to  the  same  rate  of 
postage  as  if  they  had  been  conveyed  in  the  British 
steamers,  at  their  own  expense.*  The  conduct  of 
our  Government  towards  that  of  Great  Britain  had 
been  characterized  by  great  liberality.  An  agree 
ment  had  been  made  in  1844,  authorizing  the  trans 
mission  of  the  British  closed  mails  to  Canada 
through  the  United  States.  When  Mr.  Johnson 
was  informed  of  the  order  issued  by  the  Lords  of 
the  Treasury,  he  promptly  annulled  the  agreement 
of  1844. 

An  express  line  was  established  in  Montreal  for 
the  purpose  of  transmitting  letters  to  the  British 
steamers  through  the  United  States,  and  in  this 
way  it  was  intended  to  defeat  the  policy  adopted 
by  the  Postmaster  General.  But  they  were  mis 
taken  in  supposing  that  they  could  thwart  his  de 
signs.  Orders  were  communicated  from  the  Post- 
Office  Department  to  the  officers  stationed  along 
the  line,  to  prevent  this  violation  of  the  laws,  and 
persons  were  arrested  having  in  their  possession 
mails  for  the  British  steamers. 

The  post  routes  in  operation  within  the  United 
States  on  the  30th  of  June,  1848,  were  163,208 
miles  in  extent,  and  the  annual  transportation  of 
the  mails  over  them  was  41,012,579  miles.  There 
was  an  increase  in  the  length  of  the  routes  during 
the  preceding  year  of  9,390  miles,  and  an  increase 
on  the  amount  of  annual  transportation  of  2,124,680 

*  Report  of  the  Postmaster  General,  December  6th,  1847. 


420  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

miles.*  The  contracts  made  for  the  conveyance  of 
the  mails  in  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland  and  Ohio,  went  into  operation  on  the  1st 
of  July,  1848.  The  cost  to  the  Government  was 
$61,674  less  than  the  preceding  year.  The  opera 
tions  of  three  years  under  the  act  of  March  3d, 
1845,  exhibited  an  augmentation  of  the  mail  ser 
vice  15  per  cent.,  and  the  cost  for  the  same  time 
was  diminished  15ft  per  cent. 

The  assignees  of  the  contract  for  conveying  the 
mails  to  San  Francisco,  had  completed  on  the  4th 
of  December,  1848,  the  number  of  steamers  re 
quired  by  the  contract,  f  and  they  sailed  from  New- 
York  for  the  purpose  of  engaging  in  the  service. 
The  steamers  which  had  been  built  to  convey  the 
mails  from  New.- York  to  Havana  and  Chagres,  were 
launched  and  nearly  ready  to  take  their  place  in 
the  line.  The  steamer  Falcon  sailed  from  New- 
York  in  time  to  deliver  her  mails  at  Chagres,  in 
season  for  their  transmission  to  Panama,  to  meet 
the  Pacific  steamer  that  was  to  touch  at  that  place. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  was  directed  to  ac 
cept  the  proposals  which  had  been  made  by  E.  K. 
Collins,  to  the  Postmaster  General,  for  the  trans 
portation  of  the  United  States  mail  between  New- 
York  and  Liverpool.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
was  also  instructed  to  contract  with  A.  G.  Slow,  for 
the  transportation  of  the  mail  from  New- York  to 
New-Orleans  twice  a  month  and  back,  touching  at 
Charleston,  Savannah  and  Havana,  and  from  the 

*  Report  of  the  Postmaster  General,  December  2d,  1848. 
f  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December  4th,  1848. 


POLK     ADMINISTE  ATION.  421 

latter  place  to  Chagres  and  back  twice  a  month. 
He  was  also  empowered  by  that  act,  to  make  ar 
rangements  to  convey  the  mail  from  Panama  to 
some  point  in  the  territory  of  Oregon  once  a  month 
each  way.*  An  appropriation  was  subsequently 
made  of  $874,600  for  carrying  the  contracts  into 
effect.f  The  contracts  which  were  made  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  required  the  steam  vessels 
to  be  ready  for  service  in  October  and  November, 
1848.  The  annual  compensation  under  those  agree 
ments  were,  to  Collins  $385,000 ;  to  Slow  $290,000; 
to  Arnold  Harris  $199,000. 

Thus  mail  routes  were  extended  throughout  the 
interior  of  the  country,  wherever  the  necessities  of 
the  case  required  them  to  afford  facilities  for  the 
transmission  of  intelligence,  and  the  diffusion  of 
knowledge.  Ocean  steam  ships  were  employed  to 
carry  the  mails  of  the  United  States  to  Liverpool 
and  Bremen,  to  Chagres  and  California.  The  most 
enlarged  and  liberal  enterprises  followed  fast  upon 
the  establishment  of  cheap  postage,  and  the  w^ants 
of  the  people  throughout  this  extended  confederacy 
were  supplied,  and  thus  still  farther  illustrated  this 
age  of  progress. 

During  the  year  1845,  the  American  squadron 
in  the  Mediterranean  consisted  of  the  Cumberland 
and  the  Plymouth,  under  the  command  of  Commo 
dore  Smith.  J  The  African  squadron  was  organized 
by  Commodore  Perry,  who  was  relieved  by  Com- 

*  Little  &  Brown's  compilation  of  the  United  States  Statutes  at  large. 

f  Act  of  August  3d,  1848.— Ibid. 

|  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December,  1847. 


422  HISTORY     OF     THE 

modore  Skinner  in  the  Jamestown.  The  Preble 
and  the  Truxton  were  ordered  to  return  home,  and 
the  Southampton,  the  Marion,  Dolphin,  and  Boxer, 
were  ordered  to  supply  their  places.  Commodore 
Read,  in  the  Cumberland,  proceeded  in  January  to 
relieve  the  Jamestown  and  Yorktown,  which  were 
ordered  to  the  Mediterranean.  On  the  Brazil  sta 
tion,  Commodore  Rousseau  was  directed  to  succeed 
Commodore  Turner,  in  command  of  the  Columbia, 
the  Saratoga,  the  Plymouth,  and  the  Bainbridge. 
Commodore  Parker  returned  from  a  very  successful 
cruise  upon  the  Asiatic  station,  in  September,  1845, 
with  the  Brandy  wine,  the  St.  Louis,  and  the  Perry. 
In  May,  of  that  year,  Commodore  Biddle  sailed  for 
the  East  Indies,  with  the  Columbus  ship  of  the  line, 
and  the  Vincennes.  The  Pacific  squadron,  consist 
ing  of  the  Savannah,  the  Levant,  the  Warren,  and 
the  Shark,  was  .under  the  command  of  Commodore 
Sloat,  while  the  home  squadron,  consisting  of  the 
Potomac,  the  Falmouth,  the  Vandalia,  the  St.  Law 
rence,  and  the  Somers,  was  under  the  command  of 
Commodore  Conner.  That  force  was  increased  by 
the  Princeton  and  Porpoise,  the  St.  Marys  and  the 
Saratoga,  under  Commodore  Stockton,  and  soon 
after  by  the  John  Adams,  and  the  steam  ship  Mis 
sissippi.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  on  the  5th  of 
December,  1846,  in  his  annual  report  to  the  Presi 
dent,  referred  to  the  disposition  which  had  been 
made  of  the  United  States  navy  during  the  prece 
ding  year.  No  naval  force  had  been  maintained  in 
the  Mediterranean.  Commodore  Biddle,  with  the 
Columbus  and  Yincemies,  visited  various  places  in 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  423 

the  China  seas.  Commodore  Skinner  was  relieved  on 
the  coast  of  Africa  by  Commodore  Read,  while 
Rousseau  continued  in  command  of  the  Brazil  sta 
tion,  and  Commodore  Sloat  was  in  command  of  the 
Pacific  squadron.  On  the  7th  of  June,  1846,  Sloat, 
while  at  Mazatlan,  was  informed  of  the  commence 
ment  of  hostilities  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico,  and  sailed  for  California.  On  the  7th  of 
July  he  demanded  the  surrender  of  Monterey,  which, 
not  being  complied  with,  he  landed  a  force  from  the 
squadron,  and  took  possession  of  the  place  by  a 
bloodless  achievement.  On  the  9th,  Commander 
Montgomery,  of  the  sloop  Plymouth,  seized  San 
Francisco.  About  this  time  Stockton  arrived,  and 
succeeded  Sloat  in  the  command  of  the  squadron. 
On  the  13th  of  August,  Stockton  and  Fremont  cap 
tured  Ciudad  de  los  Angeles ;  and  before  the  close 
of  that  month,  California  was  in  the  undisputed  pos 
session  of  the  American  forces. 

In  the  meantime,  an  effective  squadron  was  con 
centrated  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  After  the  decla 
ration  of  war  of  the  13th  of  May,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  directed  the  home  squadron  to  blockade 
the  principal  ports  of  the  enemy  on  the  Gulf.  Two 
unsuccessful  attempts  were  made  by  Commodore 
Conner  to  capture  Alvarado,  one  on  the  7th  of  Au 
gust,  and  the  other  on  the  loth  of  October.  This 
was  the  place  subsequently  captured  without  loss, 
by  Lieutenant  Hunter,  and  -for  which  he  was  found 
guilty  by  a  Court  of  Inquiry.  On  the  16th  of  Oc 
tober,  Commodore  Perry,  with  the  steamer  Missis 
sippi,  and  the  small  vessels  belonging  to  the  squad- 


424  HIST  GET      OF     THE 

ron,  captured  Fronteira,  sailed  up  the  river,  and 
took  Tabasco.  On  the  14th  of  November,  Tampico 
surrendered  to  Commodore  Conner.  It  was  upon 
this  occasion  that  the  patriotism  and  daring  of  Mrs. 
Ann  Chase,  wife  of  the  American  Consul  at  Tam 
pico,  was  conspicuously  displayed.  As  the  squad 
ron  approached  the  town,  she  heroically  dis 
played  the  American  flag,  under  circumstances 
calculated  to  appal  the  stoutest  heart,  and  won  for 
herself  a  national  reputation.  About  that  time,  the 
brig  Truxton  was  lost,  and  her  officers  and  crew  be 
came  prisoners  to  the  Mexicans,  but  were  subse 
quently  exchanged  for  General  La  Vega,  and  seve 
ral  officers  who  were  taken  with  him  at  the  battle 
of  Kesaca  de  la  Palma.  The  brig  Perry  was  also 
wrecked. 

During  the  year  1847,  not  more  than  8,000  men 
were  at  any  one  time  in  the  naval  service.*  The 
difficulty  in  procuring  sailors  to  man  our  vessels  of 
war,  was  owing  to  the  great  activity  in  the  mer 
chants'  service,  the  increased  price  paid  for  the 
transportation  of  goods,  and  the  high  wages  paid  to 
the  seamen.  Squadrons  were  maintained  during  the 
year  1847  in  the  Mediterranean,  upon  the  coast  of 
Africa,  at  Rio  Janeiro,  in  the  Pacific,  and  upon  the 
Gulf  coast.  The  most  exciting  service  which  had 
been  performed  for  years  by  the  American  navy, 
was  enacted  upon  the  Mexican  coast.  On  the  21st 
of  March,  1847,  Commodore  Conner,  whose  health 
had  become  impaired  by  his  service  in  that  climate, 
devolved  the  command  of  the  home  squadron  upon 

*  Reoort  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December,  1847. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  425 

Commodore  Perry.  This  enterprising  officer  faith 
fully  discharged  his  duty  during  the  remainder  of 
the  campaign.  The  operations  of  the  squadron  be 
fore  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  service  performed  by  the 
seamen  on  shore,  greatly  assisted  in  the  capture  of 
the  formidable  castle  of  San  Juan  d'Ulloa.  During 
that  year  the  brig  Somers  was  lost,  making  the  third 
vessel  which  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  of 
Mexico. 

Congress,  by  joint  resolution  of  the  3d  of  March, 
1847,  authorized  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  to  place 
at  the  disposal  of  Captain  De  Kay  the  United  States 
ship  Macedonian,  and  the  United  States  sloop  of 
war  Jamestown,  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Forbes,  of  Boston,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting 
to  Ireland  contributions  which  had  been  made  to 
relieve  the  sufferings  of  that  people,  It  was  a  sin 
gular  coincidence  that  the  Macedonian,  a  ship  that 
had  been  captured  from  Great  Britain,  should  be 
sent  thither  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  her  subjects 
from  the  horrors  of  starvation. 

The  construction  of  four  steam  ships  of  war  was 
authorized  by  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  3d  of 
March,  1847.  The  Saranac  was  to  be  built  at  Kit- 
tery,  the  Powhatan  at  Norfolk,  the  Susquehanna  at 
Philadelphia,  the  San  Jacinto  at  New- York.*  The 
Pacific  squadron,  in  1848,  consisted  of  the  Ohio  and 
Columbus,  ships  of  the  line,  razee  Independence, 
frigate  Congress,  sloops  Portsmouth,  Warren,  Cyane, 
Dale,  Preble,  with  the  storeships  Erie,  Lexington, 
and  Southampton.  The  Columbus,  the  flag  ship  of 

*  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December  4th,  1848. 


426  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Commodore  Biddle,  arrived  in  the  United  States  on 
the  13th  of  March,  1848.  The  frigate  Congress  was 
ordered  home,  the  Portsmouth  returned  on  the  5th 
of  May,  and  the  Cyane  on  the  9th  of  October.  The 
Pacific  squadron,  for  the  time,  was  under  the  com 
mand  of  Commodore  Biddle,  who  was  succeeded  by 
Commodore  Shubrick,who  was  in  turn  relieved  by 
Commodore  Thomas  Ap  Catesby  Jones.  The  home 
squadron  was  continued  under  the  command  of  Com 
modore  Perry  till  the  20th  of  November,  1848, 
when  Commodore  Wilkinson  relieved  him.  It  con 
sisted  of  the  frigate  Cumberland,  the  sloops  Albany, 
John  Adams,  Germantown,  and  Saratoga ;  the  steam 
ers  Mississippi,  Spitfire,  Vixen,  Scorpion,  Water- 
Witch,  Scourge,  Iris,  and  Petrita;  the  schooners 
Reefer,  Petrel,  Bonito,  Flirt,  Mahonese,  Falcon,  and 
Tampico  ;  and  of  the  bomb- vessels  Etna,  Stromboli, 
Vesuvius,  and  Hecla ;  with  the  storeships  Relief  and 
Electra* 

The  African  squadron,  under  Commodore  Bol- 
ton,  consisted  of  the  sloops  Jamestown,  Portsmouth, 
Decatur ;  the  brigs  Boxer,  Bell,  Porpoise,  and  Bain- 
bridge.  The  Mediterranean  squadron,  under  Com 
modore  Read,  consisted  of  the  frigate  United  States, 
sloop  Marion,  the  steamer  Princeton,  the  schooner 
Fancy,  and  the  storeship  Supply ;  while  the  Brazil 
squadron,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  Sto- 
rer,  was  comprised  of  the  frigate  Brandywine,  the 
brig  Perry,  and  the  steamer  Alleghany. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen,  that  the  small  navy  of  the 
United  States  was  actively  employed  in  all  parts  of 

*  Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  December,  1848. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  42? 

the  world  in  the  protection  of  our  extensive  com 
merce.  When  we  take  into  consideration  the  varied 
interests  which  are  involved  in  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  inadequacy  of  our  marine  to 
protect  it  in  case  of  a  rupture  with  any  of  the  mari 
time  powers  of  Europe,  the  importance  of  strength 
ening  that  arm  of  the  public  defence  forcibly  sug 
gests  itself.  Within  the  last  twenty  years  the  navies 
of  Great  Britain  and  France  have  been  immensely  in 
creased,  especially  in  war  steamers.  Without  possess 
ing  the  same  advantages  for  the  construction  of  war 
vessels,  and  with  a  more  contracted  coast  to  defend 
than  the  United  States,  the  navies  of  both  of  those 
powers  greatly  preponderate  in  number  of  vessels, 
and  weight  of  metal,  over  our  own.  The  material 
which  we  have  for  building  a  marine  far  exceeds 
that  which  is  possessed  by  any  other  commercial 
power,  while  the  American  seamen  are  unrivalled 
in  professional  skill  and  gallantry.  Our  naval 
schools  furnish  instruction  to  the  youth  of  the  coun 
try,  while  the  extensive  fisheries  in  which  the  Amer 
ican  seamen  are  engaged,  prepare  them  to  discharge 
the  duty  which  devolves  upon  them,  when  they  en 
list  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  England  is 
our  great  rival  upon  the  deep  :  possessing  the  same 
language,  and  controlled  by  an  indomitable  will, 
which  can  overcome  all  obstacles ;  with  a  commerce 
whose  sails  whiten  every  ocean,  it  is  not  improbable 
that  before  the  lapse  of  half  a  century,  the  do 
minion  of  the  seas  will  be  disputed  by  the  rival 
branches  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  England  pos 
sesses  a  more  powerful  navy,  and  the  prestige  Avhich 


428  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

repeated  victories  over  the  Dutch  and  the  French 
gave  her.  There  is  one  fact,  which  will  enable 
us  to  triumph  over  England  in  a  protracted  con 
flict  upon  the  seas :  we  possess  internal  resources 
which  will  enable  us  to  exist,  if  our  commerce 
was  utterly  destroyed;  while  the  prosperity  of 
England,  and  the  stability  of  its  throne,  essen 
tially  depend  upon  the  supremacy  of  her  mari 
time  power.  If  a  war  should  be  declared  between 
the  two  countries,  the  navy  of  the  United  States 
would  be  increased  so  as  to  contend  successfully 
with  England  upon  her  own  element,  while  it  would 
be  powerfully  assisted  by  the  privateers,  which 
would  issue  from  every  port  along  our  extended  line 
of  sea-coast,  to  cut  up  and  destroy  the  commerce  of 
Great  Britain.  This  result  will  weaken  her  pow 
er,  destroy  the  source  from  whence  flows  her  im 
mense  wealth,  until  the  English  throne  itself  totters 
to  its  fall. 

As  long  as  the  navy  of  England  so  much  exceeds 
that  of  the  United  States,  we  shall  always  be  han 
dled  roughly  at  the  commencement  of  a  struggle. 
And  it  is  to  avoid  such  a  result  which  creates  the 
necessity  for  a  large  increase  of  our  war  steamers. 
This  is  rendered  the  more  justifiable,  because  the 
contest  with  Mexico  proved  that  perfect  reliance  can 
be  placed  upon  the  volunteers,  so  far  as  the  land  ser 
vice  is  concerned,  and  renders  unnecessary  the  sup 
port  of  a  large  standing  army. 


POLK      ADMINISTRATION.  429 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  veto  power  exercised  by  Mr.  Polk. — The  instructions  to  Mr.  Slidell. — 
The  slavery  question. — The  Wilmot  Proviso. — The  slavery  question  in  the 
Constitutional  Convention. — The  Missouri  compromise. — Territorial  Go 
vernment  for  Oregon. — Admission  of  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  into  the  Union. 
— Progress  made  in  the  arts  and  sciences. — State  of  American  literature 
and  education. — Conclusion. 

UPON  several  occasions  during  the  administration 
of  Mr.  Polk,  the  acts  of  Congress  brought  that 
branch  of  the  Government  into  collision  with  the 
Executive.  Elected  as  the  representative  of  the 
entire  nation,  it  was  his  right,  as  well  as  his  duty, 
to  guard  and  protect  the  interests  of  all.  Upon 
three  several  occasions  he  deemed  it  his  duty  to  ex 
ercise  the  veto  power  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Constitution,  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  legis 
lation  of  Congress.  In  shielding  the  Constitution 
from  encroachment,  he  followed  the  example  which 
had  been  set  him  by  several  of  his  predecessors.* 
The  veto  power  has  been  exercised  twenty-four 
times,  since  the  organization  of  the  Government 
under  the  present  Constitution,  and  seven  thousand 
seven  hundred  laws  have  been  passed  since  that 
time. 

*  The  veto  power  was  exercised  twice  by  Washington,  six  times  by 
Madison,  once  by  Monroe,  upon  nine  occasions  by  Jackson,  four  by  Tyler, 
and  three  times  by  Polk. 


430  HISTORY      OF     THE 

Mr.  Polk  vetoed  two  bills  which,  were  passed  by 
Congress,  for  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  riv 
ers,  and  also  the  bill  making  appropriations  to  sat 
isfy  the  claims  of  our  citizens  for  the  spoliations 
committed  by  the  French.  In  his  last  annual  mes 
sage  to  Congress,  the  President  examined  at  some 
length  the  constitutional  negative  which  the  Execu 
tive  has  upon  the  action  of  Congress.*  The  demo- 

*  "  The  President  is  bound  to  approve,  or  disapprove,  every  bill  which 
passes  Congress,  and  is  presented  to  him  for  his  signature.  The  Consti 
tution  makes  this  his  duty,  and  he  cannot  escape  it  if  he  would.  He  has 
no  election.  In  deciding  upon  any  bill  presented  to  him,  he  must  exercise 
his  own  best  judgment.  If  he  cannot  approve,  the  Constitution  commands 
him  to  return  the  bill  to  the  House  in  which  it  originated,  with  his  objec 
tions  ;  and  if  he  fail  to  do  this  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted),  it 
shall  become  a  law  without  his  signature.  Right  or  wrong,  he  may  be 
overruled  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  each  House ;  and,  in  that  event,  the 
bill  becomes  a  law  without  his  sanction.  If  his  objections  be  not  thus 
overruled,  the  subject  is  only  postponed,  and  is  referred  to  the  States  and 
the  people  for  their  consideration  and  decision.  The  President's  power  is 
negative  merely,  and  not  affirmative.  He  can  enact  no  law.  The  only 
effect,  therefore,  of  his  withholding  his  approval  of  a  bill  passed  by  Con 
gress,  is  to  suffer  the  existing  laws  to  remain  unchanged,  and  the  delay 
occasioned  is  only  that  required  to  enable  the  States  and  the  people  to 
consider  and  act  upon  the  subject,  in  the  election  of  public  agents  who 
will  carry  out  their  wishes  and  instructions." 

"  Congress,  and  each  House  of  Congress,  hold  under  the  Constitution 
a  check  upon  the  President,  and  he,  by  the  power  of  the  qualified  veto,  a 
check  upon  Congress.  When  the  President  recommends  measures  to 
Congress,  he  avows,  in  the  most  solemn  form,  his  opinions,  gives  his  voice 
in  their  favor,  and  pledges  himself  in  advance  to  approve  them  if  passed 
by  Congress.  If  he  acts  without  due  consideration,  or  has  been  influ 
enced  by  improper  or  corrupt  motives — or  if  from  any  other  cause  Con 
gress,  or  either  House  of  Congress,  shall  differ  from  him  in  opinion, 
they  exercise  their  veto  upon  his  recommendations,  and  reject  them  ;  and 
there  is  no  appeal  from  their  decision,  but  to  the  people  at  the  ballot-box. 
These  are  proper  checks  upon  the  Executive,  wisely  interposed  by  the 
Constitution.  None  -will  be  found  to  object  to  them,  or  wish  them  to  be 
removed.  It  is  equally  important  that  the  constitutional  checks  of  the  Ex 
ecutive  upon  the  legislative  branch  should  be  preserved. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  431 

cratic  party  have  sustained,  with  great  unanimity, 
the  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  authorized 
the  President  to  postpone  or  defeat  the  passage  of 
a  law  by  the  exercise  of  the  veto,  while  the  whig 
party,  at  various  periods,  have  endeavored  to  amend 
that  instrument,  by  abolishing  the  power  alto 
gether.* 

"  If  it  be  said  that* the  Representatives  in  the  popular  branch  of  Con 
gress  are  chosen  directly  by  the  people,  it  is  answered,  the  people  elect 
the  President.  If  both  Houses  represent  the  States  and  the  people,  so 
does  the  P/esident.  The  President  represents  in  the  Executive  Depart 
ment  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States,  as  each  member  of  the  legis 
lative  department  represents  portions  of  them." 

"  Upon  the  same  principle  that  the  veto  of  the  President  should  be 
practically  abolished,  the  power  of  the  Vice  President  to  give  the  casting 
vote  upon  an  equal  division  of  the  Senate  should  be  abolished  also.  The 
Vice  President  exercises  the  veto  power  as  effectually  by  rejecting  a  bill 
by  his  casting  vote,  as  the  President  does  by  refusing  to  approve  and  sign 
it.  This  power  has  been  exercised  by  the  Vice  President  in  a  few  instan 
ces,  the  most  important  of  which  was  the  rejection  of  a  bill  to  re-charter 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in  1811.  It  may  happen  that  a  bill  may  be 
passed  by  a  large  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  may  be 
supported  by  Senators  from  the  larger  States,  and  the  Vice  President  may 
reject  it  by  giving  his  vote  with  the  Senators  from  the  smaller  States  ;  and 
yet  none,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  are  prepared  to  deny  to  him  the  exercise 
of  this  power  under  the  Constitution." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk,  December 
5th,  1848. 

*  "  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  (two-thirds  of  both  Houses 
concurring,)  That  when  a  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  shall  be  returned  by  the 
President,  with  his  objections  to  his  approbation  and  signature,  if,  upon  its 
reconsideration,  it  shall  pass  each  House  by  a  majority  of  all  the  mem 
bers  belonging  to  such  House,  notwithstanding  the  President's  objection, 
it  shall  become  a  law ;  and  the  requisition  by  the  existing  Constitution  of 
two-thirds  of  each  House  again  to  pass  the  bill  in  such  case  is  hereby  an 
nulled." — Resolution  introduced  into  the  Senate  by  Henry  Clay,  December 
29//i,  1841. 

"  No  doubt  the  idea  of  ingrafting  this  power  upon  our  own  Constitu 
tion  was  adopted  by  the  Convention,  from  having  always  found  it  as  a 


432  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

On  the  4th  of  January,  184*T,  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives  passed  a  resolution  calling  upon  the 
President  to  cornrnunicate  to  that  body,  the  instruc- 

power  recognized  in  European  Governments,  just  as  it  had  been  before 
derived  by  them  from  the  practice  and  history  of  Rome.  At  all  events, 
the  power  was  inserted  as  one  feature,  not  only  in  the  general  Constitu 
tion  of  the  Federal  Government,  but  also  in  the  Constitutions  of  a  portion 
of  the  States.  Fifty  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Federal  Constitu 
tion  was  formed,  and  it  was  no  derogation  from  the  wisdom  and  patriotism 
of  the  venerable  men  who  framed  it,  now  to  say  that  the  work  of  their 
hands,  though  as  perfect  as  ever  had  proceeded  from  human  hands,  was, 
nevertheless,  not  absolutely  so ;  because  that  was  what  nothing  that 
sprang  from  man  had  ever  been.  But  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a  half  a 
century,  it  was  interesting  to  pause — to  look  back — to  review  the  history 
of  that  period,  and  to  compare  the  predictions  of  those  who  then  looked 
into  the  future,  with  the  actual  results  of  subsequent  experience.  Any 
one  at  all  acquainted  with  the  contemporaneous  history  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  must  know  that  one  great  and  radical  error  which  possessed  the 
minds  of  the  wise  men  who  drew  up  that  instrument,  was  an  apprehen 
sion  that  the  Executive  Department  of  the  then  proposed  Government 
wrould  be  too  feeble  to  contend  successfully  in  a  struggle  with  the  power 
of  the  Legislature  ;  hence  it  was  found  that  various  expedients  had  been 
proposed  in  the  Convention,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  strengthening 
the  Executive  arm  ;  one  of  which  went  so  far  as  to  propose  that  the  Pre 
sident  should  be  the  chief  magistrate  for  life.  All  these  proposals  had 
their  origin  in  the  one  prevailing  idea — that  of  the  weakness  of  the  Exec 
utive,  and  its  incompetence  to  defend  itself  against  the  encroachments  of 
legislative  domination  and  dictation." 

"  But  while  there  had  been  no  such  thing  in  practice  as  an  encroachment 
by  the  Federal  upon  the  State  Governments,  there  had,  within  the  Federal 
Government  itself,  been  a  constant  encroachment  by  the  Executive  upon 
the  Legislative  Department." 

';  First,  it  attacked  the  treaty-making  power.  None  could  now  read 
the  language  of  the  Constitution,  without  at  once  coming  to  the  conclu 
sion  that  the  intention  of  the  authors  of  that  instrument  was  that  the 
Senate  should  be  consulted  by  the  President,  not  merely  in  the  ratification 
but  in  the  inception  of  all  treaties :  that  in  the  commencement  of  the  ne 
gotiations,  the  instructions  of  the  ministers  appointed  to  treat,  the  charter 
and  provisions  of  the  treaty,  the  Senate  should  be  consulted,  and  should 
first  yield  its  assent." 

"  The  President  now,  without  a  word  of  consultation  with  the  Senate, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  433 

tions  and  orders  issued  to  Mr.  Slidell,  at  any  time 
prior  or  subsequent  to  his  departure  for  Mexico,  as 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to 
that  country.  An  effort  was  made  to  amend  the 
resolution,  by  stating,  "  if  not  incompatible  with  the 
public  interest."  This  amendment  was  rejected,  and 
the  resolution,  in  its  original  form,  passed,  and  the 
call  of  the  House  upon  the  Executive  was  uncondi 
tional.  On  the  13th  of  that  month,  Mr.  Polk  re 
sponded  to  the  demand  made  upon  him,  and  de 
clined  complying  with  that  part  of  the  resolution.* 

on  his  own  mere  personal  sense  of  propriety,  concluded  a  treaty,  and 
promised  to  the  foreign  power  its  ratification,  and  then,  after  all  this  had 
been  done,  and  the  terms  of  the  treaty  agreed  upon,  he  for  the  first  time 
submitted  it  to  the  Senate  for  ratification.  Now  every  one  must  see  that 
there  was  a  great  difference  between  rejecting  what  had  already  been  ac 
tually  done,  and  refusing  to  do  that  thing  if  asked  beforehand." 

"  The  next  Executive  encroachment  he  should  notice  was  that  which 
occurred  in  the  dismissal  from  office,  of  persons  appointed  by  and  with  the 
consent  of  the  Senate.  The  effect  of  this  practice  was  virtually  to  de 
stroy  all  agency  and  co-operations  of  the  Senate  in  such  appointments." — 
Speech  of  Mr.  Clay  in  the  Senate,  January  24th,  1842. 

*  "  The  information  called  for  respects  negotiations  which  the  United 
States  offered  to  open  with  Mexico,  immediately  preceding  the  commence 
ment  of  the  existing  war.  The  instructions  given  to  the  Minister  of  the 
United  States  relate  to  the  differences  between  the  two  countries,  out  of 
which  the  war  grew,  and  the  terms  of  adjustment  which  we  were  pre 
pared  to  offer  to  Mexico  in  our  anxiety  to  prevent  the  war.  These  differ 
ences  still  remain  unsettled ;  and  to  comply  with  the  call  of  the  House, 
would  be  to  make  public  through  that  channel,  and  communicate  to  Mex 
ico,  now  a  public  enemy  engaged  in  war,  information  which  could  not  fail 
to  produce  serious  embarrassment  in  any  future  negotiations  between  the 
two  countries."  "  Entertaining  this  conviction,  and  with  a  sincere  desire 
to  furnish  any  information  which  may  be  in  possession  of  the  Executive 
Department,  and  which  either  House  of  Congress  may  at  any  time  re 
quest,  I  regard  it  to  be  my  constitutional  right,  and  my  solemn  duty  under 
the  circumstances  of  this  case,  to  decline  a  compliance  with  the  request 
of  the  House  contained  in  their  resolution." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  January  12th,  1848. 
28 


434  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

The  issue  that  was  thus  raised  between  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  of  the 
gravest  character,  and  created  much  asperity  of  feel 
ing.  A  great  deal  depends  upon  properly  denning 
the  relative  powers  of  the  co-ordinate  branches  of 
the  General  Government ;  and  the  debate  upon  the 
President's  message  exhibited  great  ability.  Prece 
dents  were  adduced  by  the  opposition  members  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  President  had 
transcended  his  powers,*  while  it  was  as  strenuously 

*  "  He  (Mr.  T.)  must  draw  a  hasty  distinction  between  the  treaty  power 
and  the  war  power.  The  Constitution  vested  in  the  President  and  Senate 
the  power  to  make  treaties ;  and  the  question  arose,  should  the  House  or 
not,  without  inquiring  into  the  proprieties  of  the  treaties  made,  or  their  ope 
ration  upon  the  people,  as  affecting  the  interests,  the  prosperity,  the  liberty 
of  the  American  people — should  it  blindly  vote  appropriations  to  carry  them 
into  effect  ?  He  agreed  with  Mr.  Representative  Polk,  that  they  should 
not.  Suppose  the  President  and  the  Senate  should  surrender  New-York  to 
the  English,  as  the  Spaniards  surrendered  Gibraltar,  ought  the  House  to 
vote  the  appropriations  which  might  be  necessary  to  carry  the  treaty  into 
effect  ?  He  admitted  this  was  an  extreme  case,  but  it  exhibited  more 
clearly  the  principle.  The  representatives  of  the  people  would  be  derelict 
to  the  highest  obligations  of  freemen,  to  vote  appropriations  to  carry  into 
effect  a  treaty  without  understanding  how  that  treaty  is  to  affect  the  pub 
lic  interests.  But  widely  different  was  the  case  of  war.  The  Constitu 
tion  did  not  vest  that  power  with  the  President  and  Senate.  When  the 
people  adopted  the  Constitution,  they  retained  the  right — being  the  true 
sovereigns — of  the  war-making  power,  to  be  exercised  through  their  Re 
presentatives  in  Congress  ;  and  this  information  now  called  for  of  Mr.  Polk 
was  in  relation  to  war.  Congress  wanted  to  know,  in  relation  to  this  war, 
what  was  to  be  accomplished,  and  how  it  was  to  be  accomplished." — 
Speech  of  Patrick  W.  Tompkinsin  the  House  of  Representatives,  January 
19,  1848.  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  pp.  203 
and  204. 

"  I  will  state,  sir,  that  the  reason  why  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  take 
this  course,  is,  that  I  consider  it  a  novel  thing,  and  a  thing  affecting  the 
rights  of  this  House,  and  of  the  constituency  of  this  House — the  people 
of  the  United  States.  It  denies,  sir,  as  I  understand  it,  the  power,  the 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  435 

contended  by  the  democratic  party,  that  the  course 
pursued  by  the  Executive  was  sustained  by  the  ac 
tion  of  his  predecessors,  and  by  the  Constitution  of 

constitutional  power  of  this  House  to  call  for  that  information.  I  believe 
it  is  the  first  time  in  the  History  of  the  Union  that  it  has  been  denied. 

"  Now,  sir,  the  President  has  not  added  what  was  the  action  of  the 
House  upon  that,  and  the  action  of  the  House  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
resistance  of  President  Washington  to  their  call.  The  House  formally 
declared — and  I  wish  the  journal  might  be  looked  to  to  see — the  House 
formally  declared,  against  President  Washington,  their  right  to  call  for 
such  information.  That  was  their  action ;  and  as  far  as  I  know — al 
though  the  very  memory  of  Washington,  by  every  body  in  this  country, 
at  this  time,  (and  by  none  more  than  myself,)  is  reverenced  next  to  wor 
ship — the  President  was  wrong  in  that  particular  instance,  and  went  too 
far  to  deny  the  power  of  the  House  ;  and  as  to  his  reasons,  I  never  thought 
they  were  sufficient  in  that  case.  And  I  have  always  been  of  the  opinion, 
and  most  assuredly  that  has  been  the  opinion  of  the  democratic  party,  to 
which  I  do  not  profess  to  belong,  [a  laugh,]  they  have  unanimously  dis 
approved  of  that  act  of  President  Washington,  as  interfering  with  the  rights 
of  this  House,  and  of  their  constituents,  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  think  this  House  ought  to  sustain,  in  the  strongest  manner,  their 
right  to  call  for  information  upon  questions  in  which  war  and  peace  are 
concerned.  They  ought  to  maintain  their  right,  and  maintain  it  in  a  very 
distinct  manner,  against  this  assertion  upon  the  part  of  the  President  of 
the  United  States." — Last  remarks  ever  addressed  by  John  Q.  Adams,  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  January  12th,  1848. 

"  The  President  came  and  asked  supplies — men  and  money  to  carry  on 
this  war — to  maintain  him  in  the  position,  he  said,  of  honorable  fair  deal 
ing  towards  Mexico,  with  whom  we  were  at  war ;  and  as  the  justification, 
they  were  told,  was  to  be  found  in  connection  with  the  history  of  this  por 
tion  of  the  war,  they  inquired  of  him  whether  or  not  he  could  give  them 
light  upon  this  subject ;  and  he  declined  to  do  so,  and  declined  upon  the 
pretext  that  by  it  would  be  made  public  to  the  country,  and  to  Mexico,  the 
matters  in  relation  to  the  passport  of  Santa  Anna,  and  the  instructions  of 
Mr.  Slidell.  The  lllth  rule  of  this  House  provided  as  follows,  and  he 
wished  it  to  be  read  by  the  Clerk : 

"  '  Whenever  confidential  communications  are  received  from  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  the  House  shall  be  cleared  of  all  persons  except 
the  Members,  Clerk^  Sergeant-at-Arms,  and  Doorkeeper,  and  so  continue 
during  the  reading  of  such  communications,  and  (unless  otherwise  di 
rected  by  the  House,)  during  all  debates  and  proceedings  to  be  had 
thereon.' 


436  HISTORY     OF     THE 

the  United  States.*  In  a  constitution  of  checks  and 
balances,  like  our  own,  it  is  a  matter  of  the  most 
vital  importance  that  one  branch  of  the  Government 

"  If  the  President  of  the  United  States,  (continued  Mr.  S.,)  had  been 
willing  to  trust  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
there  would  have  been  no  difficulty  about  this  communication.  He  could 
have  marked  it '  confidential ;'  then  it  would  have  been  the  duty  of  the 
Speaker  to  have  advised  the  House  that  it  was  a  confidential  communica 
tion,  and  to  have  had  the  House  cleared  of  all  persons  except  the  members 
and  officers,  while  they  took  up  the  subject  of  the  information  which  was 
necessary  for  their  wise  and  judicious  action  in  time  of  war." — Remarks 
of  Mr.  Schenckin  the  House  of  Representatives,  January  122ft,  1848. 

*        GENERAL  WASHINGTON'S  MESSAGE,  IN  1796. 

There  was  a  resolution  introduced  into  the  House  of  Representatives 
on  the  7th  of  March,  1796,  to  the  following  effect : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to 
lay  before  this  House  a  copy  of  the  instructions  to  the  minister  of  the 
United  States  who  negotiated  the  treaty  with  the  King  of  Great  Britain, 
(communicated  by  his  message  of  the  first  instant,)  together  with  the  cor 
respondence  and  other  documents  relative  to  the  said  treaty,  excepting 
such  of  the  said  papers  as  any  existing  negotiation  may  render  it  impro 
per  to  be  disclosed." 

"  A  motion  was  made  and  seconded  to  amend  the  said  motion,  by  strik 
ing  out  the  words  '  excepting  such  of  the  said  papers  as  any  existing  nego 
tiation  may  render  it  improper  to  be  disclosed?  and  inserting  in  lieu  thereof 
the  words,  *  except  so  much  of  the  said  papers  as,  in  his  judgment,  it  may 
not  be  consistent  with  the  interest  of  the  United  States  to  disclose.'  " 

This  amendment  was  rejected,  and  the  resolution  as  originally  intro 
duced  was  passed  on  the  24th  of  March,  1796. 

The  object  of  the  amendment  was  to  leave  the  communication  of  the 
instructions  and  correspondence  called  for  in  the  resolution  entirely  to  the 
discretion  of  the  President.  His  judgment,  alone,  was  to  control  him  in 
the  premises.  That  amendment  was  rejected,  and  the  demand  was  made 
for  the  instructions  and  correspondence,  with  the  single  qualification,  thai 
the  President  might  withhold  such  "  papers  as  any  existing  negotiations 
may  render  it  improper  to  be  disclosed." 

That  portion  of  the  instructions  and  correspondence  which  was  dis 
connected  with  the  future,  was  peremptorily  demanded  by  the  House,  and 
as  flatly  refused  by  President  Washington. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  437 

should  not  trench  upon  the  powers  of  another. 
Upon  a  strict  adherence  to  the  constitutional  boun 
dary  of  each,  hinges  the  successful  operation  of  all. 

President  Washington,  on  the  30th  of  March,  1796,  responded  to  the 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  is  nowhere  asserted  in 
his  message  that  the  communication  of  the  instructions  and  correspond 
ence  called  for  would  be  detrimental  to  the  public  interest.  He  only  goes 
so  far  as  to  insist,  that  after  negotiations  are  brought  to  a  conclusion,  a 
full  disclosure  of  all  the  measures,  demands,  or  eventual  concessions, 
"  might  have  a  pernicious  influence  on  future  negotiations,"  &c.  He  did 
not  for  that  reason  refuse  to  comply  with  their  request.  He  based  his 
argument  upon  altogether  different  grounds.  He  denied  the  right  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  ••  to  possess  the  information,  and  asserted  that 
the  Constitution  had  vested  the  power  to  make  treaties  in  the  President 
and  Senate,  and  that  when  made  and  promulgated  they  became  the  law  of 
the  land. 

It  has  been  asserted,  that  if  confidential  communications  are  made  to 
the  House,  it  can  resolve  itself  into  secret  session.  President  Washing 
ton  said,  that  the  necessity  for  "  caution  and  secrecy  was  one  cogent  rea 
son  for  vesting  the  power  of  making  treaties  in  the  President,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate ;  the  principle  on  which  that  body  was 
formed,  confining  it  to  a  small  number  of  members." 

Washington's  message  forcibly  illustrates  his  opinions. 

"  The  nature  of  foreign  negotiations  requires  caution,  and  their  suc 
cess  must  often  depend  on  secrecy  :  and  even  when  brought  to  a  conclu 
sion,  a  full  disclosure  of  all  the  measures,  demands,  or  eventual  concessions, 
which  may  have  been  proposed  or  contemplated,  would  be  extremely  impo 
litic  ;  for  this  might  have  a  pernicious  influence  on  future  negotiations,  or 
produce  immediate  inconveniences,  perhaps  danger  and  mischief,  in  rela 
tion  to  other  powers.  The  necessity  of  such  caution  and  secrecy  was 
one  cogent  reason  for  vesting  the  power  of  making  treaties  in  the  Presi 
dent,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  ;  the  principle  on  which 
that  body  was  formed,  confining  it  to  a  small  number  of  members. 

"  To  admit  then  a  right  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  demand, 
and  to  have,  as  a  matter  of  course,  all  the  papers  respecting  a  negotiation 
with  a  foreign  power,  would  be  to  establish  a  dangerous  precedent." 

"  Having  been  a  member  of  the  General  Convention,  and  knowing  the 
principles  on  which  the  Constitution  was  formed,  I  have  ever  entertained 
but  one  opinion  on  this  subject ;  and  from  the  first  establishment  of  the 
Government  to  this  moment,  my  conduct  has  exemplified  that  opinion,  that 
the  power  of  making  treaties  is  exclusively  vested  in  the  President,  by  and 


438  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

No  question  that  can  ever  arise  in  this  country  will 
be  more  delicate ;  and,  upon  its  proper  adjustment, 
the  stability  of  the  Union  may  yet  depend. 

with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate ;  provided  two-thirds  of  the 
senators  present  concur,  and  that  every  treaty  so  made  and  promulgated, 
thenceforward  is  the  law  of  the  land." 

"  If  other  proofs  than  these,  and  the  plain  letter  of  the  Constitution 
itself,  be  necessary  to  ascertain  the  point  under  consideration,  they  may  be 
found  in  the  journals  of  the  general  convention,  which  I  have  deposited  in 
the  office  of  the  department  of  State.  In  those  journals  it  will  appear, 
that  a  proposition  was  made  '  that  no  treaty  should  be  binding  on  the 
United  States  which  was  not  ratified  by  law,'  and  that  the  proposition  was 
explicitly  rejected." 

Here  is  a  decided  expression  of  opinion  upon  the  part  of  General 
Washington,  who  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  convention  which  framed 
the  Constitution,  that  the  House  of  Representatives  can  take  no  part  in 
conducting  the  foreign  negotiations  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Webster,  in  his  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the 
Panama  mission,  cites  the  case  of  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to 
Ghent,  where  the  President  gave  them  such  instructions  as  he  saw  fit. 
Although  the  war  was  begun  for  certain  purposes,  yet  Congress  did  not 
assume  a  right  to  ascertain  from  the  Executive,  whether  the  negotiations 
were  to  be  conducted  with  a  view  to  accomplish  those  ends. 

Mr.  Webster  was  then  denying  the  right  of  the  House  to  interfere  with 
foreign  negotiations. 

"  But,  in  truth,  there  have  been  much  stronger  cases  for  the  interfer 
ence  of  the  House,  where,  nevertheless,  the  House  has  not  interfered. 
For  example :  in  the  negotiations  for  peace,  carried  on  at  Ghent.  In 
that  case,  Congress,  by  both  Houses,  had  declared  war  for  certain  alleged 
causes.  After  the  war  had  lasted  some  years,  the  President,  with  the  ad 
vice  of  the  Senate,  appointed  ministers  to  treat  of  peace ;  and  he  gave 
them  such  instructions  as  he  saw  fit.  Now,  as  the  war  was  declared  by 
Congress,  and  was  waged  to  obtain  certain  ends,  it  would  have  been  plau 
sible  to  say  that  Congress  ought  to  know  the  instructions  under  which 
peace  was  to  be  negotiated,  that  they  might  see  whether  the  objects  for 
which  the  war  was  declared  had  been  abandoned ;  yet  no  such  claim  was 
set  up.  The  President  gave  instructions  such  as  his  judgment  dictated, 
and  neither  House  asserted  any  right  of  interference." — Speech  of  Mr. 
Webster,  April  14,  1826. 

In  the  case  cited  by  Mr.  Webster,  the  declaration  of  war  had  been 
made  by  Congress,  and  afterwards,  and  during  the  progress  of  that  war, 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  439 

The  acquisition  of  territory  from  Mexico,  appa 
rently,  increased  the  dangers  which  the  question  of 
slavery  presents  to  the  Government  of  this  country. 

the  ministers  were  appointed  and  the  instruction  given,  and  yet  the  House 
of  Representatives  did  not  assume  the  right  to  interfere. 

In  the  case  now  under  consideration,  the  instructions  were  given  before 
the  declaration  of  war,  and  consequently  no  assertion  can  be  made  that  the 
instructions  to  Mr.  Slidell  were  a  departure  from  the  line  of  policy  indi 
cated  in  that  declaration. 

• 

MISSION  TO  PANAMA. 

Ministers  were  appointed  by  President  Adams  for  the  purpose  of  at 
tending  the  Congress  to  assemble  at  Panama. 

This  question  produced  a  long  and  able  debate  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives. 

Upon  the  one  hand  it  was  contended,  that  while  the  appropriation 
should  be  made,  to  enable  the  President  to  send  ministers  to  the  Congress 
of  Panama,  yet  that  the  House  had  the  power  to  express  what  should  be 
done,  and  to  withhold  their  sanction  to  any  departure  from  what  was  con 
sidered  the  settled  policy  of  the  country,  in  relation  to  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations. 

Upon  the  other  side  it  was  insisted  that  the  right  to  appoint  ambassa 
dors  being  vested  in  the  President  and  Senate,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
House  to  grant  the  necessary  appropriation,  without  any  restriction  upon 
the  right  of  the  other  branches  of.  the  Government. 

Where  the  simple  resolution  to  grant  the  appropriation  was  amended, 
by  an  expression  of  the  views  of  the  House  as  to  the  manner  in  which 
the  mission  should  be  conducted,  it  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  143  to  54. 

Mr.  Webster  referring  to  the  appointment  of  the  minister  by  President 
Adams,  remarked  :  "  These  officers  do,  indeed,  already  exist.  They  are 
public  ministers.  If  they  were  to  negotiate  a  treaty,  and  the  Senate 
should  ratify  it,  it  would  become  a  law  of  the  land,  whether  we  voted  their 
salaries  or  not.  This  shows  that  the  Constitution  never  contemplated 
that  the  House  of  Representatives  should  act  a  part  in  originating  nego 
tiations  or  concluding  treaties." 

The  House  of  Representatives  in  1832  was  desirous  of  obtaining  the 
correspondence  between  our  Government  and  Buenos  Ayres,  and  passed 
a  resolution  calling  upon  the  President  for  it. 

On  the  28th  of  December,  1832,  President  Jackson  sent  the  following 
message  to  the  House  of  Representatives  : 


440  HISTORY      OF     THE 

This  result  was  anticipated  by  several  southern 
members  of  Congress,  who  were  opposed  to  the 
dismemberment  of  the  Mexican  territory.*  Diffi- 

"  To  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  : 

"  I  have  taken  into  consideration  the  resolution  of  the  House  request 
ing  me  to  communicate  to  it,  so  far  as,  in  my  opinion,  may  be  consistent 
with  the  public  interest,  the  correspondence  between  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  and  that  of  the  Republic  of  Buenos  Ayres,  which 
has  resulted  in  the  departure  of  the  charge  d'  affaires  of  the  United  States 
from  that  Republic,  together  with  the  instructions  given  to  the  said  charge 

*  "  Mr.  Gentry  supposed  that  the  gentleman  only  meant  that  we  must 
indemnify  ourselves  for  the  expenses  of  the  war ;  and  to  do  this  we  should 
be  obliged — most  reluctantly  obliged — to  annex  some  of  her  provinces, 
though  the  whole  nation  was  opposed  to  it.  Yes  ;  the  President  had  not 
waged  war  for  conquest — not  at  all.  But  he  found  conquest  in  his  path, 
and  he  could  neither  get  over  it,  nor  get  around  it ;  so  he  e'en  picked  it 
up.  Now,  Mr.  G.  insisted,  that  no  such  annexation  could  take  place  with 
out  an  act  of  the  Legislature,  or  a  violation  of  the  Constitution.  If  it  was 
the  desire  of  the  people  that  these  provinces  should  become  a  part  of  the 
United  States,  let  them  say  so.  But  they  had  not,  and  they  would  not." 

"  Would  the  Northern  States  consent  that  slavery  should  be  established 
in  these  new  provinces  ?  Qertainly  not.  Then  we  were  to  have  at  the 
extreme  South  a  cordon  of  free  States.  What  would  the  present  South 
say  to  that  ?" 

"  Did  not  gentlemen  see  the  difficulties  which  lay  in  prospect  before 
us  ?  What  was  the  President  going  to  do  with  these  provinces  when  he 
got  them  ?  This  question  of  slavery  had  been  met  by  our  revolutionary 
fathers  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  and  even  then  it 
was  one  of  the  utmost  difficulty.  It  came  up  again  on  the  admission  of 
Missouri,  and  then  it  shook  the  deepest  foundation  of  this  entire  Union ; 
nor  was  the  danger  averted  but  by  the  efforts  of  that  illustrious  patriot,  to 
whom  the  country  owed  so  much  of  its  prosperity.  Should  it  be  brought 
up  again  in  this  new  form,  and  on  so  wide  a  scale,  he  feared  it  was  destined 
to  produce  the  wreck  of  all  our  hopes.  These  men  in  power  were  evi 
dently  going  to  build  up  the  South  at  the  hazard  of  the  Union  itself. 
There  were  bad  men  among  us  who  desired  its  dissolution,  and,  unless 
Congress  put  a  curb  into  the  mouth  of  this  petty  tyrant,  (and,  as  his  side 
of  the  House  could  not  do  this  alone,  he  invoked  gentlemen  on  the  other 
who  loved  their  country,  to  aid  in  the  work.)  we  might  anticipate  conse 
quences  more  disastrous  than  any  thing  that  had  happened  to  us  since  the 


POLK     ADMINISTBATION.  441 

culties  were  also  apprehended  by  the  Executive, 
who  warned  Congress  to  avoid  them,  and  he  invok 
ed  a  spirit  of  concession  and  harmony  upon  their 
deliberations.* 

d'  affaires,  and  in  answer  to  the  said  request,  state,  for  the  information  of 
the  House,  that,  although  the  charge  d'  affaires  of  the  United  States  has 
found  it  necessary  to  return,  yet  the  negotiation  between  the  two  countries 
for  the  arrangement  of  the  differences  between  them,  are  not  considered 
as  broken  off,  but  are  suspended  only  until  the  arrival  of  a  minister,  who, 

adoption  of  the  Constitution." — Speech  of  Mr.  Gentry,  of  Tennessee,  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  December  16th,  1846. 

"  Be  it.,  therefore,  resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,: 
of  the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  present 
war  with  Mexico  '  is  not  waged  with  a  view  to  conquest,'  or  the  dismem 
berment  of  that  republic  by  the  acquisition  of  any  portion  of  her  territory." 
— Resolution  introduced  by  Mr.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  January  22d,  1847, 
Congressional  Globe,  %d  session  29th  Congress,  p.  240. 

The  House  refused  to  suspend  the  rules  for  the  introduction  of  that 
resolution,  76  members  voting  in  the  affirmative,  and  88  in  the  negative. 

*  "  In  organizing  governments  over  these  territories,  fraught  with  such 
vast  advantages  to  every  portion  of  our  Union,  I  invoke  that  spirit  of  con 
cession,  conciliation,  and  compromise  in  your  deliberations,  in  which  the 
Constitution  was  framed,  in  which  it  should  be  administered,  and  which  is 
so  indispensable  to  preserve  and  perpetuate  the  harmony  and  union  of  the 
States.  We  should  never  forget  that  this  union  of  confederated  States 
was  established  and  cemented  by  kindred  blood,  and  by  the  common 
toils,  sufferings,  dangers,  and  triumphs  of  all  its  parts,  and  has  been  the 
ever  augmenting  source  of  our  national  greatness  and  of  all  our  blessings. 

There  has,  perhaps,  been  no  period  since  the  warning  so  impressively 
given  to  his  countrymen  by  Washington,  to  guard  against  geographical 
divisions  and  sectional  parties,  which  appeals  with  greater  force  than  the 
present  to  the  patriotic,  sober-minded,  and  reflecting  of  all  parties  and  of 
all  sections  of  our  country.  Who  can  calculate  the  value  of  our  glorious 
Union  ?  It  is  a  model  and  example  of  free  government  to  all  the  world, 
and  is  the  star  of  hope  and  haven  of  rest  to  the  oppressed  of  every  clime. 
By  its  preservation  we  have  been  rapidly  advanced  as  a  nation  to  a  height, 
of  strength,  power,  and  happiness,  without  a  parallel  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  As  we  extend  its  blessings  over  new  regions,  shall  we  be  so  un 
wise  as  to  endanger  its  existence  by  geographical  divisions  and  dissen 
sions  ?" — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress,  July  6,  1848. 


442  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Indeed,  the  agitation  upon  the  subject  of  slavery 
had  increased  in  violence  since  the  elevation  of  Mr. 
Polk  to  the  presidential  chair.  The  question  which 

it  is  officially  announced,  will  be  sent  to  this  country,  with  power  to  treat 
on  the  subject. 

"  This  fact,  it  is  believed,  will  justify  the  opinion  I  have  formed,  thai  it 
will  not  be  consistent  with  the  public  interest  to  communicate  the  corres 
pondence  and  instructions  requested  by  the  House,  so  long  as  the  nego 
tiations  shall  be  pending. 

"  Signed,  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

In  that  resolution  the  demand  was  for  the  correspondence  between  the 
two  Republics,  as  well  as  the  instructions  to  the  charge  d'  affaires.  The 
President  refused  to  give  either.  And  yet  in  that  case  the  correspondence 
was  as  \vell  known  to  the  Government  of  Buenos  Ayres  as  to  our  own. 
No  fear  could  be  expressed,  therefore,  that  injury  would  result  from  the 
correspondence  falling  into  the  possession  of  that  Government,  because  it 
was  already  in  their  possession.  Not  so  in  the  case  of  the  Slidell  instruc 
tions. 

The  evils  resulting  from  the  publication  of  diplomatic  correspondence, 
was  demonstrated  in  the  case  of  the  treaty  with  France.  After  that  treaty 
was  ratified  by  our  Government,  the  correspondence  was  called  for  and 
published,  and  the  effect  was  a  refusal  for  a  time  of  the  French  Chambers 
to  ratify  the  treaty,  and  the  two  countries  were  brought  to  the  verge  of  a 
war.  This  danger  would  undoubtedly  have  been  obviated,  if  the  corres 
pondence  had  been  withheld  until  the  treaty  had  been  ratified  by  both  Go 
vernments. 

On  the  22d  of  April,  1842,  a  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Allen,  came 
up  for  action  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  The  resolution  called 
upon  the  President  for  all  the  information  in  his  possession  with  regard 
to  the  establishment  in  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  of  a  republican  form  of 
government,  in  the  place  of  the  land  company  charter  granted  by  King 
Charles  II.  of  England;  and  with  that  information  all  correspondence,  proc 
lamations,  orders  and  proceedings  of  any  character  and  description  what 
soever,  which  had  been  taken  on  the  part  of  the  Executive  Government 
of  the  United  States  touching  that  matter. 

Mr.  Allen  remarked  that  he  wanted  distinctly  to  be  understood  before 
the  country,  that  the  resolution  pointed  to  Executive  action,  and  not  to  the 
merits  or  demerits  of  the  controversy  in  that  State.  Mr.  Preston  spoke 
of  the  impolicy  of  any  action  on  the  subject  by  the  Senate  in  the  present 
juncture  of  affairs,  and  moved  to  lay  the  resolution  on  the  table.  Those 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  443 

had  been  compromised  by  the  framers  of  the  Con 
stitution,  and  again  by  Congress  when  Missouri  was 
admitted  into  the  Union,  now  raged  with  startling 

who  voted  in  the  affirmative,  were  Messrs.  Archer,  Bagby,  Barrow,  Bates, 
Berrien,  Calhoun,  Choate,  Clayton,  Conrad,  Crittenden,  Cuthbert,  Evans, 
Graham,  Huntington,  King,  Mangum,  Miller,  Phelps,  Porter,  Preston, 
Simmons,  Smith  of  Indiana,  Sprague,  and  Tallmadge,  so  it  was  laid  upon 
the  table. 

Here  was  a  case  where  it  was  supposed  that  the  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  had  or  was  about  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  a  State, 
and  that  he  intended  to  exercise  the  power  vested  in  him  as  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  for  that  purpose,  the  effect  of  which  might  be  to  in 
volve  the  country  in  a  civil  war.  Although  it  was  purely  a  domestic  ques 
tion,  and  did  not  involve  delicate  negotiations  with  foreign  powers,  yet  the 
Senate  refused  to  make  the  call  upon  the  President. 

THE  McLEOD  CASE. 

On  the  22d  of  February,  1842,  Mr.  Allen  of  Ohio,  introduced  the  fol 
lowing  resolution  into  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to 
inform  the  Senate,  if  in  his  opinion  it  may  be  done  without  detriment  to 
the  public  interest,  what  proceedings,  if  any,  have  taken  place  between 
this  and  the  British  Government  relative  to  the  matter  of  the  Caroline,  and 
the  arrest  and  demand  of  McLeod,  since  the  date  of  his  last  communica 
tion  on  this  subject,  and  to  lay  before  the  Senate  a  copy  of  the  corres 
pondence  which  may,  subsequently  to  that  date,  have  passed  between  these 
Governments  relative  to  the  same  matters." 

Mr.  Rives,  who  was  at  that  time  chairman  of  the  committee  on  for 
eign  affairs,  made  the  following  observations.  (Congressional  Globe,  p. 
259.)  "  Mr.  Rives  said  it  appeared  to  him  it  would  be  virtually  taking 
the  department  of  foreign  affairs  into  their  own  hands.  What  was  it  the 
honorable  Senator  desired  ?  Not  the  facts  connected  with  the  case. 
These  he  was  already  in  possession  of.  But  he  wants  to  know  in  what 
manner  the  negotiation  had  been  carried  on  between  the  two  Govern 
ments.  In  what  respect  was  the  Constitution  so  impaired  that  it  became 
•necessary  for  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  take  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  Executive  the  control  of  foreign  negotiations  ?" 

"  It  was  said  that  the  public  interests  was  not  likely  to  sustain  any  de 
triment  by  the  publication  of  these  negotiations,  but  independently  of  the 
want  of  courtesy  arid  indelicacy  towards  the  Executive,  there  were 


444  HISTORY     OF     THE 

violence,  and  fresh  materials  were  given  to  the 
raging  element  by  the  acquisition  of  territory  from 
Mexico. 

abundant  reasons  why  an  inquiry  of  this  kind  should  not  be  made  at  this 
moment." 

"  Mr.  Rives  moved  that  the  resolution  be  laid  upon  the  table.  The  mo 
tion  was  decided  in  the  affirmative.  Yeas  24 ;  nays  13." — Senate  Journal, 
p.  186. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  affirmative  were  Archer,  Barrow,  Bates,  Ber- 
rien,  Calhoun,  Choate,  Clay,  Clayton,  Evans,  Henderson,  King,  Mangum, 
Merrick,  Morehead,  Porter,  Prentiss,  Preston,  Rives,  Simmons,  Smith  of 
Indiana,  Southard,  Sprague,  Tallmadge,  Woodbridge. 

Those  who  voted  in  the  negative  were  Allen,  Benton,  Fulton,  Linn, 
McRoberts,  Pierce,  Sevier,  Smith  of  Conn.,  Sturgeon,  Tappan,  Wood- 
bury,  Wright,  Young. 

In  this  case  the  reason  assigned  for  laying  the  resolution  on  the  table, 
was  that  the  Senate  had  no  right  to  take  the  foreign  negotiations  of  the 
country  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Executive,  and  that  it  would  exhibit  a 
want  of  courtesy,  and  be  an  act  of  indelicacy  towards  the  Executive. 

In  that  case  the  lives  of  our  citizens  had  been  sacrificed,  and  their  pro 
perty  destroyed,  upon  the  undisputed  soil  of  the  Republic.  The  injury 
was  still  unredressed.  The  solemn  appeal,  "  I  am  an  American  citizen," 
was  unanswered  ;  and  it  was  to  hasten  the  day  of  atonement,  that  the  de 
mand  was  to  be  made  upon  the  Executive,  and  yet  Senators  who  now  cla 
mor  about  "  unlawful  assumption  of  power,"  could  then  fold  their  arms 
upon  their  breasts,  because  it  would  be  "  indelicate  to  interfere." 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1846,  resolutions  were  introduced  into  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll,  calling  upon  the  State  Depart 
ment  for  information  relative  to  the  conduct  of  Daniel  Webster,  while  act 
ing  as  Secretary  of  State. 

Mr.  Ingersoll  prefaced  his  resolutions  with  the  distinct  charge,  that 
Mr.  Webster  while  Secretary  of  State  had  been  guilty  of  misdemeanors 
in  office,  and  that  he  had  made  a  fraudulent  misapplication  and  personal 
use  of  the  public  fund,  (fee.,  and  that  the  information  sought  for  would  es 
tablish  those  facts. 

Among  those  who  voted  against  the  resolutions  were  Messrs.  J.  Q. 
Adavns,  Ashmun,  Garrett  Davis,  Hudson,  Thomas  Butler  King,  Schenck, 
and  Trumun  Smith. 

The  President  declined  to  comply  with  the  resolution,  assigning  as  a 
reason  that  there  was  a  law  in  existence  to  the  following  effect  :  When 
money  is  drawn  from  the  treasury  under  any  law  making  appropriations 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  445 

During  the  first  session  of  the  29th  Congress  a 
bill  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  appropriating  $2,000,000,  for  the  purpose  of 
defraying  any  extraordinary  expenses  which  might 
be  incurred  in  the  intercourse  between  the  United 
States  and  foreign  nations.  This  appropriation  was 
desired  to  enable  the  President  to  obtain  California 
in  any  treaty  which  might  be  concluded  between 
the  two  countries.*  It  was  to  this  bill  that  Mr. 
David  Wilniot,  of  Pennsylvania,  proposed  his  cele- 


for  the  contingent  expenses  between  the  United  States  and  foreign  na 
tions,  if  in  the  judgment  of  the  President  the  expenditure  of  any  sums 
should  not  be  made  public,  he  has  only  to  make  a  certificate  of  the  amount 
thereof,  which  is  a  sufficient  voucher. 

Here  a  law  which  can  be  repealed,  authorized  the  President  to  be  con 
trolled  by  his  judgment  merely,  and  upon  the  ground  that  certificates  had 
been  made  by  some  of  his  predecessors,  President  Polk  refused  to  comply 
with  the  request  of  the  House. 

In  that  case  a  distinct  charge  had  been  made  against  a  man  high  in  of 
fice,  which,  if  true,  would  subject  him  to  impeachment.  In  was  a  matter 
in  which  foreign  Governments  had  no  concern ;  it  was  a  domestic  question 
strictly,  and  yet  those  gentlemen  not  only  vote  against  the  passage  of  the 
resolution,  but  upon  the  refusal  of  the  Executive  to  comply  with  the  call, 
they  are  warm  in  their  commendations  of  his  conduct. 

In  the  case  now  under  consideration,  where  the  President  intrenches 
himself  behind  his  constitutional  rights,  and  his  duty  to  his  country,  when 
the  subject  of  controversy  is  not  a  domestic  question  merely,  but  one  in 
volving  the  foreign  policy  of  the  country,  and  that,  too,  in  a  time  of  war, 
these  same  gentlemen  are  loud  in  their  denunciations  of  the  President. 

After  an  examination  of  all  these  precedents,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
members  of  the  whig  party  can  complain  of  the  exercise  of  the  power  by 
the  President  in  refusing  to  comply  with  the  resolutions.  Upon  constitu 
tional  grounds,  upon  the  precedents  set  by  his  predecessors,  and  upon  the 
question  of  expediency,  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  conduct  of  the  Exec 
utive  can  be  successfully  assailed  for  discharging  a  sacred  obligation  to 
the  Constitution  and  to  the  country. — Note  by  the  author. 

*  See  Congressional  Globe,  1st  Session  29th  Congress,  p.  1213-6 
Ibid.  1218. 


446  HISTORY     OF     THE 

brated  proviso,  winch  was  incorporated  into  it  by 
the  votes  of  northern  Representatives.*  On  the  en 
grossment  of  the  bill,  which  was  the  test  vote,  there 
were  85  yeas,  and  79  nays.  All  who  voted  in  the  af 
firmative  were  from  the  free  States,  except  two,  and 
all  who  voted  in  the  negative  were  from  the  slave 
States,  except  twelve. 

When  the  Senate  took  up  this  bill  for  considera 
tion,  Mr.  Lewis,  of  Alabama,  moved  to  strike  out 
the  Wilmot  proviso.  It  was  near  the  hour  fixed  by 
joint  resolution  of  the  two  Houses  for  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress.  Mr.  Davis,  of  Massachusetts, 
proceeded  to  discuss  the  bill,  and  although  twice 
reminded  by  Mr.  Lewis  that  he  would  prevent  ac 
tion  by  thus  consuming  time,  he  continued  to  ad 
dress  the  Senate  until  the  House  had  adjourned 
sine  die. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  29th  Congress, 
a  bill  was  introduced  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the 
President  $3,000,000,  to  be  used  if  necessary  in  con 
cluding  a  treaty  of  peace.  The  Wilmot  proviso 
was  again  offered  as  an  amendment  to  the  bill.  Mr. 
Douglas,  of  Illinois,  moved  to  amend  the  proviso, 
by  declaring  that  it  should  apply  alone  to  territory 
north  of  36°  and  30'  north  latitude.f  This  propo- 

*  Congressional  Globe,  2d  session  29th  Congress,  424. 

f  "  Provided,  That  as  an  express  and  fundamental  condition  to  the  ac 
quisition  of  any  territory  from  the  republic  of  Mexico  by  the  United  States, 
by  virtue  of  any  treaty  that  may  be  negotiated  between  them,  and  to  the 
use  by  the  Executive  of  the  moneys  herein  appropriated,  neither  slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  shall  ever  exist  in  any  part  of  said  territory,  ex 
cept  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  first  be  duly  convicted." — Proviso 
introduced  by  Wilmot,  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  %9th  Congress^ 
p.  1217. 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  447 

sition  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  82  to  100.  Mr. 
Graham  moved  to  amend  the  proviso,  by  asserting 
that  slavery  should  be  prohibited  north  of  the  Mis 
souri  compromise  line  of  36°  and  30',  and  tolerated 
south  of  it,  if  a  majority  of  the  people  in  any  new 
State  should  authorize  it  by  their  constitution.  This 
motion  was  also  rejected,  by  a  vote  of  81  to  104. 
On  the  proposition  to  incorporate  the  Wilmot  pro 
viso  into  the  three  million  bill,  the  vote  was  115 
yeas,  and  106  nays.*  All  who  voted  in  the  affirma 
tive  were  from  the  free  States,  except  John  W. 
Houston,  of  Delaware,  and  all  who  voted  in  the 
negative  were  from  the  slave  States,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  Messrs.  Charles  J.  Ingersoll,  Me  Clean,  Erd- 
man,  of  Pennsylvania;  Douglas,  Ficklin,  and  Mc- 
Clernard,  of  Illinois ;  Owen  and  Wick,  of  Indiana ; 
Sawyer,  St.  John,  Morris,  Parish,  Cunningham,  and 
Morris,  of  Ohio ;  and  Strong,  of  New- York.  On  the 
passage  of  the  bill  as  amended,  the  vote  was  115  to 
105.  The  three  million  bill  passed  the  Senate  on 
the  1st  of  March,  1847,  without  the  proviso,  by  a 
vote  of  29  to  24.  The  two  Houses  upon  this  ques 
tion,  then,  were  at  issue,  and  one  had  to  yield,  or 
the  bill  would  fail.  On  the  3d  of  March,  1847,  the 
Senate  bill  was  taken  up  for  consideration  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  Mr.  Wilrnot  moved 
to  amend  it  by  inserting  his  proviso :  the  motion  was 
rejected  by  a  vote  of  97  in  the  affirmative,  to  102  in 
the  negative.  The  bill  then  passed  the  House  by  a 
majority  of  34. 

*  Congressional  Globe,  2d  session  29th  Congress,  p.  425. 


448  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

Tims  the  proviso  was  temporarily  defeated  in 
both  branches  of  the  national  legislature.  The  ques 
tion,  however,  was  not  decided,  but  only  postponed, 
and  the  excitement  which  resulted  from  it  rages 
with  a  violence  that  threatens  the  most  disastrous 
consequences. 

The  President  attempted  to  pour  oil  upon  the 
troubled  waters  which  the  storm  had  driven  against 
the  pillars  of  the  Constitution,  and  threatened  to 
undermine  that  glorious  fabric,  and  involve  it  in  ir 
retrievable  ruin.  In  his  message  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  approving  the  Oregon  territorial 
bill,  he  laid  down  a  chart  by  which  the  American 
people  might  be  governed  in  the  admission  of  new 
States,  while  he  solemnly  appealed  to  the  patriotism 
and  good  sense  of  all  to  allay  the  excitement.* 

*  "  The  Missouri  compromise  contains  a  prohibition  of  slavery  through 
out  all  the  vast  regions,  extending  twelve  and  a  half  degrees  along  the 
Pacific,  from  the  parallel  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes,  to  that  of  for 
ty-nine  degrees  ;  and  east  from  that  ocean  to  and  beyond  the  summit  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  Why,  then,  should  our  institutions  be  endangered 
because  it  is  proposed  to  submit  to  the  people  of  the  remainder  of  our 
newly  acquired  territory  lying  south  of  thirty-six  degrees,  thirty  minutes, 
embracing  less  than  four  degrees  of  latitude,  the  question  whether,  in  the 
language  of  the  Texas  compromise,  they  '  shall  be  admitted  (as  a  State) 
into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery  ?'  Is  this  a  question  to  be  pushed 
to  such  extremities  by  excited  partisans  on  the  one  side  or  on  the  other,  in 
regard  to  our  newly  acquired  distant  possessions  on  the  Pacific,  as  to  en 
danger  the  union  of  thirty  glorious  States  which  constitute  our  confede 
racy  ?  I  have  an  abiding  confidence  that  the  sober  reflection  and  sound 
patriotism  of  all  the  States,  will  bring  them  to  the  conclusion  that  the  dic 
tate  of  wisdom  is  to  follow  the  example  of  those  who  have  gone  before  us, 
and  settle  this  dangerous  question  on  the  Missouri  Compromise,  or  some 
other  equitable  compromise,  which  would  respect  the  rights  of  all,  and 
prove  satisfactory  to  the  different  portions  of  the  Union. 

"  Holding  as  a  sacred  trust  the  Executive  authority  for  the  whole 
Union,  and  bound  to  guard  the  rights  of  all,  I  should  be  constrained,  by  a 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  449 

In  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  question  of  slavery  was  the  subject  of  earn 
est  discussion.  The  views  of  the  delegates  differed 
widely,*  and  only  harmonized  when  they  were  con- 
sense  of  duty,  to  withhold  my  official  sanction  from  any  measure  which 
would  conflict  with  these  important  objects." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  August  14,  1848. 

*  "  Mr.  King  thought  the  subject  should  be  considered  in  a  political 
light  only.  If  two  States  will  not  agree  to  the  Constitution,  as  stated  on 
one  side,  he  would  affirm  with  equal  belief,  on  the  other,  that  great  and 
equal  opposition  would  be  experienced  from  the  other  States.  He  re 
marked  on  the  exemption  of  slaves  from  duty,  whilst  every  other  impost 
was  subjected  to  it,  as  an  inequality  that  could  not  fail  to  strike  the  com 
mercial  sagacity  of  the  Northern  and  Middle  States. 

"  Mr.  Langdon  was  strenuous  for  giving  the  power  to  the  General 
Government.  He  could  not,  with  a  good  conscience,  leave  it  with  the 
States,  who  could  then  go  on  with  the  traffic,  without  being  restrained 
by  the  opinions  here  given,  that  they  will  themselves  cease  to  import 
slaves. 

"  General  Pinckney  thought  himself  bound  to  declare  candidly,  that  he 
did  not  think  South  Carolina  would  stop  her  importations  of  slaves  in  any 
short  time  ;  but  only  stop  them  occasionally,  as  she  now  does.  He  moved 
to  commit  the  clause,  that  slaves  might  be  made  liable  to  an  equal  tax 
with  other  imposts,  which  he  thought  right,  and  which  would  remove  one 
difficulty  that  had  been  started. 

"  Mr.  Rutledge.  If  the  Convention  thinks  that  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  will  ever  agree  to  the  plan,  unless  their  right  to  im 
port  slaves  be  untouched,  the  expectation  is  vain.  The  people  of  these 
States  will  never  be  such  fools  as  to  give  up  so  important  an  interest.  He 
was  strenuous  against  striking  out  the  section,  and  seconded  the  motion  of 
General  Pinckney  for  a  commitment. 

"  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  wished  the  whole  subject  to  be  committed, 
including  the  clauses  relating  to  taxes  on  imports,  and  to  a  naviga 
tion  act.  These  tilings  may  form  a  bargain  among  the  Northern  and 
Southern  States. 

"  Mr.  Butler  declared  that  he  never  would  agree  to  the  power  of  tax 
ing  exports. 

"  Mr.  Sherman  said  it  was  better  to  let  the  Southern  States  import 
slaves,  than  to  part  with  them,  if  they  made  that  a  sine  qua  non?  He  was 
opposed  to  a  tax  on  slaves  imported,  as  making  the  matter  worse,  be 
cause  it  implied  they  were  property.  He  acknowledged  that,  if  the  power 
29 


450  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

trolled  by  a  spirit  of  concession  and  compromise. 
If  they  had  adhered  to  their  personal  opinions  with 
the  same  dogmatical  purpose  which  governs  the  po 
liticians  of  the  present  age,  the  draft  of  a  Constitu 
tion  would  not  have  been  submitted  to  the  people 
for  ratification.  And  if  one  of  the  extremes  had 
yielded  every  thing  to  the  other,  the  instrument, 
instead  of  being  sanctioned,  would  have  been  sum 
marily  and  indignantly  rejected. 

Mr.  King,  a  member  of  the  Convention  from 
Massachusetts,  remarked,  that  the  exemption  of 
slaves  from  a  duty,  while  upon  every  other  article 
of  import  the  tariff  was  levied,  would  produce  an 
inequality  which  could  not  fail  to  strike  the  com 
mercial  sagacity  of  the  North.  It  was  evident  that 
he  not  only  contemplated  the  existence  of  slavery 
within  the  borders  of  the  Union,  but  that  he  counted 
upon  raising  revenue  upon  all  negroes  who  might 
thereafter  be  imported.  Mr.  Rutledge  declared  that 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  would 
never  agree  to  the  Constitution,  unless  their  right 
to  import  slaves  was  unimpaired,  while  Grouverneur 
Morris  declared  the  subject  should  be  referred  to  a 
Committee,  and  made  the  subject  of  a  bargain,  be 
tween  the  Northern  and  Southern  States.  Colonel 
Mason,  from  Virginia,  denounced  the  traffic  as  in 
fernal,  originating  in  the  avarice  of  British  mer 
chants  ;*  while  Koger  Sherman  declared  that  it  was 

of  prohibiting  the  importation  should  be  given  to  the  General  Government, 
it  would  be  exercised.  He  thought  it  would  be  its  duty  to  exercise  the 
power." — The  Madison  Papers,  containing  Debates  in  the  Convention, 
p.  460-1. 

*  "  Colonel  Mason.     This  infernal  traffic  originated  in  the  avarice  of 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  451 

better  to  let  the  Southern  States  import  slaves, 
than  to  part  with  them,  although  he  refused  to  tax 
them,  because  it  implied  they  were  property. 

The  question  was  compromised  by  allowing  the 
States  to  import  slaves  until  the  year  1808,  by  pay 
ing  a  duty  of  ten  dollars  upon  each  person.* 

The  right  of  the  South  to  slave  representation  in 
Congress,  was  also  a  delicate  matter  to  adjust.f 

British  merchants.  The  British  Government  constantly  checked  the  at 
tempts  of  Virginia  to  put  a  stop  to  it.  The  present  question  concerns  not 
the  importing  States  alone,  but  the  whole  Union.  The  evil  of  having 
slaves  was  experienced  during  the  late  war.  Had  slaves  been  treated  as 
they  might  have  been  by  the  enemy,  they  would  have  proved  dangerous 
instruments  in  their  hands.  But  their  folly  dealt  by  the  slaves  as  it  did 
by  the  tories.  He  mentioned  the  dangerous  insurrections  of  the  slaves  in 
Greece  and  Sicily  ;  and  the  instructions  given  by  Cromwell  to  the  Com 
missioners  sent  to  Virginia,  to  arm  the  servants  and  slaves,  in  case  other 
means  of  obtaining  its  submission  should  fail.  Maryland  and  Virginia,  he 
said,  had  already  prohibited  the  importation  of  slaves,  expressly.  North 
Carolina  had  done  the  same  in  substance.  All  this  would  be  in  vain,  if 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  be  at  liberty  to  import.  The  western  people 
are  already  calling  out  for  slaves  for  their  new  lands,  and  will  fill  that 
country  with  slaves,  if  they  can  be  got  through  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia.  Slavery  discourages  arts  and  manufactures.  The  poor  despise 
labor  when  performed  by  slaves.  They  prevent  the  emigration  of  whites, 
who  really  enrich  and  strengthen  a  country.  They  produce  the  most  per 
nicious  effect  on  manners.  Every  master  of  slaves  is  born  a  petty  tyrant. 
They  bring  the  judgment  of  Heaven  on  a  country.  As  nations  cannot  be 
rewarded  or  punished  in  the  next  world,  they  must  be  in  this.  By  an  in 
evitable  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  Providence  punishes  national  sins  by 
national  calamities.  He  lamented  that  some  of  our  eastern  brethren  had, 
from  a  lust  of  gain,  embarked  in  this  nefarious  traffic.  As  to  the  States 
being  in  possession  of  the  right  to  import,  this  was  the  case  with  many 
other  rights,  now  to  be  properly  given  up.  He  held  it  essential,  in  every 
point  of  view,  that  the  General  Government  should  have  power  to  prevent 
the  increase  of  slavery." — ^ladison  Papers,  containing  Debates  in  the 
Convention,  p.  458. 

*  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Article  1,  Section  9. 

f  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Article  5,  Section  2,  Madison 
Papers,  p.  181. 


452  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

That  too  was  compromised  by  giving  to  the  slave 
States  three  votes  in  the  enumeration  for  every  five 
slaves,  in  making  out  the  ratio  of  representation.  It 
has  been  erroneously  asserted,  that  this  right  of  the 
South  to  slave  representation  gave  that  portion  of 
the  Union  greatly  the  advantage  over  the  North. 
That  this  is  not  true,  is  evident  from  the  fact,  that 
three-fifths  only  of  the  slaves  are  counted  in  enu 
merating  the  population,  while  if  they  were  free, 
five-fifths,  or  all,  would  be  taken  into  the  calcula 
tion.  The  proposition  to  include  three-fifths  of  the 
slaves  in  the  ratio  of  representation,  was  made 
by  Mr.  Wilson,  of  Pennsylvania.*  Mr.  Gerry  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  as  property  should  not  be 
the  rule  of  representation,  that  the  blacks,  who  were 
property  in  the  South,  could  not  come  within  the 
rule  of  representation,  more  than  the  cattle  and 
horses  of  the  North.f 

*  Madison  Papers,  containing  Debates  in  the  Convention,  p.  181. 

f  Mr.  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  "  thought  property  not  the  rule  of  re 
presentation.  Why,  then,  should  the  blacks,  who  were  property  in  the 
South,  be  in  the  rule  of  representation  more  than  the  cattle  and  horses  of 
the  North." 

"  Mr.  King  wished  to  know  what  influence  the  vote  just  passed  was 
meant  to  have  on  the  succeeding  part  of  the  report,  concerning  the  admis 
sion  of  slavery  into  the  rule  of  representation.  He  could  not  reconcile  his 
mind  to  the  article,  if  it  was  to  prevent  objections  to  the  latter  part.  The 
admission  of  slaves  was  a  most  grating  circumstance  to  his  mind,  and  he 
believed  would  be  so  to  a  great  part  of  the  people  of  America.  He  had 
not  made  a  strenuous  opposition  to  it  heretofore,  because  he  had  hoped 
that  this  concession  had  produced  a  readiness,  which  had  not  been  mani 
fested,  to  strengthen  the  General  Government,  and  to  mark  a  full  confi 
dence  in  it.  The  report  under  consideration  had,  by  the  tenor  of  it,  put  an 
end  to  all  these  hopes.  In  two  great  points,  the  hands  of  the  Legislature 
were  absolutely  tied.  The  importation  of  slaves  could  not  be  prohibited. 
Exports  could  not  be  taxed.  Is  this  reasonable  ?  What  are  the  great 


POLK     ADMINISTE  ATION.  453 

The  question  of  domestic  slavery,  which  was  a 
fruitful  source  of  dissension  and  anarchy,  was  com 
promised  by  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  In 
settling  so  delicate  a  subject  their  course  was  char 
acterized  by  great  candor  and  fairness,  and  had  a 
great  effect  in  procuring  the  adoption  of  that  instru 
ment  by  the  people. 

The  arrest  and  delivery  of  fugitive  slaves  also 
claimed  the  attention  of  the  Convention.  It  was 
proposed  that  they  should  be  delivered  up  like  cri 
minals  by  the  Executives  of  each  State  whither  they 
might  flee ;  in  the  same  way  that  persons  charged 
with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  are  surrender 
ed.*  This  was  opposed,  and  the  clause  as  it  now 
stands  was  substituted.f 

objects  of  the  general  system  ?  First,  defence  against  foreign  invasion  ; 
secondly,  against  internal  sedition.  Shall  all  these  States,  then,  be  bound  to 
defend  each  other,  and  shall  each  be  at  liberty  to  introduce  a  weakness  which 
will  render  defence  more  difficult  ?  Shall  one  part  of  the  United  States  be 
bound  to  defend  another  part,  and  that  other  part  be  at  liberty,  not  only  to 
increase  its  own  danger,  but  to  withhold  the  compensation  for  the  burden  ? 
If  slaves  are  to  be  imported,  shall  not  the  exports  produced  by  their  labor, 
supply  a  revenue  the  better  to  enable  the  General  Government  to  defend 
their  masters  ?" — Madison  Papers,  containing  the  Debates  in  the  Conven 
tion,  p.  391. 

*  "  Mr.  Butler  and  Mr.  Pinckney  moved  to  require  '  fugitive  slaves 
and  servants  to  be  delivered  up  like  criminals.'  " 

"  Mr.  Wilson.  This  would  oblige  the  Executive  of  the  State  to  do  it 
at  the  public  expense." 

"  Mr.  Sherman  saw  no  more  propriety  in  the  public  seizing  and  sur 
rendering  a  slave  or  servant  than  a  horse." 

"  Mr.  Butler  withdrew  his  proposition,  in  order  that  some  particular 
provision  might  be  made,  apart  from  this  article." — Madison  Papers,  487. 

f  "  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation 
therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered 
up,  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due." — 
Constitution  of  the  United  States. 


454  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

These  provisions  of  the  Constitution  received  the 
sanction  of  every  section  of  the  Union,  until  the 
whole  question  was  re-opened  when  Missouri  applied 
for  admission  into  the  Union,  in  1819.  The  hio'h 

o 

degree  of  excitement  which  prevailed  at  that  period, 
indicated  the  deep  feeling  with  which  the  question 
was  regarded.  When  patriots  had  almost  despair 
ed,  and  the  hopes  which  were  entertained  for  the 
stability  of  the  Union  began  to  grow  faint,  the  dan 
ger  was  averted  by  the  Missouri  Compromise  bill, 
which  passed  Congress  on  the  6th  of  March,  1820.* 
The  rock  upon  which  the  ship  of  state  had  been  near 
ly  wrecked  was  passed.  The  watchful  and  vigilant 
pilots  steered  her  in  safety  along  the  very  border 
of  the  breakers,  but  so  near,  that  her  timbers  trem 
bled  in  every  joint  as  the  angry  waves  dashed  rude 
ly  upon  her  deck. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  author 
izes  the  admission  of  new  States  into  the  Union,  and 
the  only  condition  which  governs  the  subject  is  the 
clause  making  it  necessary  for  the  United  States  to 
guarantee  to  every  State  a  republican  form  of  gov 
ernment.  The  citizens  of  each  State  have  the  right 

*  "  That,  in  all  that  territory  ceded  by  France  to  the  United  States. 
under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  which  lies  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  and 
thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  not  included  within  the  limits  of  the  State 
contemplated  by  this  act,  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude,  otherwise  than 
for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  parties  shall  be  duly  convicted, 
shall  be,  and  is  hereby,  for  ever  prohibited  :  Provided,  always,  That  any 
person  escaping  into  the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully 
claimed  in  any  State  or  Territory  of  the  United  States,  such  fugitive  may  be 
lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming  his  or  her  labor 
or  services  aforesaid." — Section  8lh  of  act  of  Congress,  passed  March 
6th,  1820. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  455 

to  manage  their  domestic  institutions,  and  possess 
the  constitutional  power  to  establish  or  abolish  slave 
ry  after  being  admitted  into  the  Union.*  If  this 
position  is  conceded,  what  authority  does  Congress 
possess,  incidentally,  to  control  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  States  to  establish  or  prohibit  slavery, 
at  the  time  they  apply  for  admission  into  the 
Union.  Suppose  the  General  Government  should 
pass  a  law  establishing  slavery  in  New  Mexico,  it 
would  probably  have  the  effect  of  making  that  a 
a  slave  State.  If,  on  the  contrary,  Congress  should 
pass  a  bill  containing  the  Wilmot  proviso,  it  might 
have  the  effect  of  creating  a  free  State  in  New  Mex 
ico.  The  question  then  arises,  does  the  General 
Government  possess  the  power  thus  incidentally  to 
affect  the  rights  of  the  States.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  territories  have  more  interest  in  properly  set 
tling  the  slave  question  than  members  of  Congress. 
They  understand  much  better  their  necessities,  and 
their  responsibilities,  than  persons  who  do  not  re 
side  within  their  borders;  and  they  will  appreci 
ate  to  a  far  greater  degree  the  blessings  of  the 

*  "  Should  Congress,  when  California  shall  present  herself  for  an  in 
corporation  into  the  Union,  annex  a  condition  to  her  admisson  as  a  State, 
affecting  her  domestic  institutions,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  her  people, 
and  even  compel  her  temporarily  to  comply  with  it,  yet  the  State  could 
change  her  constitution  at  any  time  after  her  admission,  when  to  her  it 
should  seem  expedient.  It  is  to  be  expected  that  any  attempt  to  deny  the 
people  of  the  State  the  rights  of  self-government,  in  a  matter  which  pecu 
liarly  affects  themselves,  will  infallibly  be  regarded  by  them  as  an  invasion 
of  their  rights,  and  upon  the  principles  laid  down  in  our  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  they  will  certainly  be  sustained  in  their  resistance  against  it 
by  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people." — Message  of  President  Tay 
lor  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  January  21st,  1850. 


456  HISTORY      OF     THE 

Union,  if  permitted  to  adjust  their  domestic  policy, 
untrammelled  and  uncontrolled  by  the  General  Gov 
ernment.*  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  sufficient  patriot- 

*  "  It  is  to  be  expected  that  in  the  residue  of  the  territory  ceded  to  us 
by  Mexico,  the  people  residing  there  will,  at  the  time  of  their  incorporation 
into  the  Union  as  a  State,  settle  all  questions  of  domestic  policy  to  suit 
themselves." — Message  of  President  Taylor  to  the  House  of  Representatives^ 
January  2lst,  1850. 

This  policy  was  sustained  by  the  democratic  party  during  the  presiden 
tial  contest  of  1848,  in  their  support  of  General  Cass  for  the  presidency.  The 
whig  party  from  the  north,  as  well  as  a  majority  of  the  democracy  from 
that  section  of  the  Union,  during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Polk,  strenu 
ously  insisted  upon  the  application  of  the  Wilmot  proviso  to  the  territories 
belonging  to  the  United  States.  The  author,  on  the  1st  of  August.  1848, 
introduced  the  following  preamble  as  an  amendment  to  a  territorial  bill : 

"  Provided,  That  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  considered  as  an 
assumption  of  the  power,  upon  the  part  of  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  to  interfere  with  the  establishment  of  slavery  in  said  territory ;  or 
as  authorizing  the  inhabitants  thereof,  having  the  right  to  vote  by  the  pro 
visions  of  this  bill,  to  establish  or  prohibit  slavery  previous  to  an  application 
for  the  admission  of  said  territory  into  the  Union  as  a  sovereign  State." 

The  preamble  was  rejected,  although  it  embraces  the  principles  con 
tained  in  Taylor's  message  of  the  21st  of  January,  1850.  It  remains  to 
be  seen  whether  the  whig  party  of  the  North  will  abandon  the  ground 
which  they  have  hitherto  maintained  for  the  purpose  of  sustaining  General 
Taylor  in  the  positions  which  have  been  already  quoted.  The  New-York 
Tribune,  in  an  article  written  before  the  message  of  General  Taylor  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  January  21st,  1850,  had  been  received  in 
New-York,  having  surmised  with  great  accuracy  what  it  would  contain, 
proceeds  to  say : 

"  On  these  and  similar  grounds  he  will  urge  Congress  to  leave  the 
settlement  of  this  exciting  question  to  the  territories  themselves,  encour 
aging  them  to  form  State  Constitutions  at  an  early  day  and  apply  for  ad 
mission  into  the  Union,  which  Congress  is  exhorted  to  accord  promptly 
and  cordially.  Such,  we  infer  will  be  the  drift  of  the  President's  message. 

"  This  is  as  much,  we  presume,  as  a  Louisiana  planter  could  be  ex 
pected  to  concede,  but  it  by  no  means  follows  that  it  should  satisfy 
northern  freemen  or  their  representatives.  We  are  utterly  indisposed  to 
hazard  the  Union  on  a  punctilio,  or  to  exasperate  the  public  sentiment  of 
a  section,  or  even  State,  on  any  question  of  form  or  etiquette.  We  are 
resigned  to  see  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  or  any  other  Proviso,  again  and  again 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  457 

ism  still  remains  in  our  land  to  preserve  with  un 
changeable  fidelity  that  Constitution,  which  the 
fraternal  affection  of  our  fathers  established.  It  is 
painful  to  contemplate  the  ruin  and  desolation  which 
must  follow  its  destruction.  The  blood  which  our 
ancestors  so  freely  shed,  flowed  in  vain  if  the  Union 
is  dissolved ;  and  all  good  men  should  rally  for  its 
protection,  with  the  same  unalterable  purpose  which 
won  our  liberty  in  the  days  of  the  revolution.  If 
the  Union  was  invaded  by  a  foreign  foe,  a  million 
of  bayonets  would  present  a  glittering  wall  for  its 
defence,  and  a  nation  in  arms  would  attest  its  de 
votion  to  the  country's  honor.  Why,  then,  should 
domestic  feuds  induce  us  to  destroy  that  ourselves 
which  is  impregnable  against  the  assaults  of  the 
world  combined.  There  are  breakers  ahead  which 
warn  us  that  shoals  He  within  the  bosom  of  the 
trackless  deep,  and  if  those  who  control  the  desti 
nies  of  the  gallant  ship,  which  has  on  board  the 
hopes  of  freedom  and  the  rights  of  man,  are  forget 
ful  of  their  obligations  to  the  past,  and  their  respon 
sibilities  to  the  future,  she  will  yet  be  lost,  and 
storms  and  tempests  will  sweep  unresistingly  over 
the  spot  where  despotism  riots  in  the  destruction  of 
liberty  and  equality. 

rejected  by  Congress,  provided  the  territories  are  nevertheless  preserved 
from  the  pollution  of  slavery.  It  is  the  substance  we  care  for.  and  not  the 
shadow.  If  General  Taylor  throws  the  influence  of  his  name  and  station 
in  favor  of  the  admission  of  the  State  of  California  with  her  present  Con 
stitution,  and  the  protection  of  New  Mexico  against  the  efforts  of  Texas 
to  subject  and  enslave  her.  he  is  practically  on  the  right  side,  no  matter 
what  he  may  feel  constrained  to  say  in  favor  of  non-intervention,  and 
against  the  Proviso.  We  shall  thank  him  for  his  deeds,  and  let  those  who 
choose  place  emphasis  on  his  words." — New-York  Tribune,  Jan.  22,  1850- 


458  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

The  President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  first 
message  to  Congress,  recommended  the  establish 
ment  of  a  territorial  government  for  the  protection 
of  our  citizens  in  Oregon.  His  views  were  reitera 
ted  in  still  more  pointed  language  in  his  message  of 
the  5th  of  August,  1846,  and  in  his  second  and  third 
annual  communications  to  that  body,  and  on  the 
29th  of  May,  1848,  he  made  it  the  subject  of  a  spe 
cial  message.*  Although  these  recommendations 
had  repeatedly  been  pressed  upon  the  attention  of 
Congress  by  the  Executive,  it  was  not  until  the  14th 
of  August,  1848,  that  a  territorial  bill,  containing 
the  Wilmot  Proviso,  passed  Congress,  for  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  citizens  of  Oregon.  This  was  ow 
ing,  in  part,  to  the  other  questions  of  great  interest 
which  occupied  the  attention  of  Congress,  but 
mainly  to  the  question  of  slavery,  which  was  con 
nected  with  all  bills  for  the  establishment  of  terri 
torial  governments  during  that  administration.  In 

*  "  The  memorialists  are  citizens  of  the  United  States.  They  express 
ardent  attachment  to  their  native  land,  and  in  their  present  perilous  and 
distressed  situation,  they  earnestly  invoke  the  aid  and  protection  of  their 
Government." 

"  The  population  of  Oregon  is  believed  to  exceed  twelve  thousand 
souls,  and  it  is  known  that  it  will  be  increased  by  a  large  number  of  emi 
grants  during  the  present  season.  The  facts  set  forth  in  the  accompany 
ing  memorial  and  papers,  show  that  the  dangers  to  which  our  fellow-citi 
zens  are  exposed  are  so  imminent,  that  I  deem  it  my  duty  again  to  impress 
on  Congress  the  strong  claim  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  distant  country 
have  to  the  benefit  of  our  laws,  and  the  protection  of  our  Government." 

"  I  therefore  again  invite  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject,  and 
recommend  that  laws  be  promptly  passed  establishing  a  Territorial  Govern 
ment,  and  granting  authority  to  raise  an  adequate  volunteer  force  for  the 
defence  and  protection  of  its  inhabitants." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Con 
gress,  May  29^,  1848. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  459 

his  approval  of  the  Oregon  bill,  the  President  as 
signed  his  reasons  for  doing  so,  and  laid  down  cer 
tain  principles  for  the  control  of  the  General  Go 
vernment  in  future.* 

On  the  2d  of  August,  1848,  the  Oregon  bill 
passed  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  Wilniot 
proviso  was  inserted  in  it  by  a  vote  of  114  to  88.f 
In  the  Senate  it  was  moved  to  amend  the  bill,  by 
assigning  as  a  reason  for  ingrafting  in  it  the  ordi 
nance  of  1787,  the  fact,  that  the  country  lay  north 
of  36°  30'.  This  proposition  only  received  two 
votes.  J  It  was  then  proposed  to  amend  it  by  ap 
plying  the  principles  of  the  Missouri  compromise 

*  Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  August 
14th,  1848.  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  p.  1081. 

f  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  p.  1027. 

|  "  Mr.  Webster  addressed  the  Senate.  He  admitted  the  propriety  of 
the  establishment  of  a  Territorial  Government  in  Oregon,  and  he  was 
willing  to  vote  for  this  bill  as  it  came  from  the  House.  If  amended  as 
now  proposed,  he  would  not  be  able  to  vote  for  it.  He  recited  the  words 
of  the  section,  and  said,  the  amendment  proposed  gave  a  reason  for  the 
application  of  the  principle  of  the  ordinance  of  1787  to  the  Territory  of 
Oregon.  When  a  single  reason  was  given  for  any  act,  it  was  intended  to 
be  inferred  that  there  were  no  other  reasons.  The  Territory  of  Oregon 
was  above  the  line  of  the  Missouri  compromise.  His  objection  to  slavery 
was  irrespective  of  lines  and  points  of  latitude  :  it  took  in  the  whole  coun 
try  and  the  whole  question.  He  was  opposed  to  it  in  every  shape  and  in 
every  qualification ;  and  was  against  any  compromise  of  the  question." — 
Speech  of  Mr.  Webster,  in  the  Senate,  August  Wth,  1848. 

"  Mr.  Calhoun  said  he  should  vote  against  the  amendment,  because  he 
regarded  it  as  ambiguous,  and  he  was  against  all  ambiguity.  Again,  he 
opposed  it  because  the  North  could  not  be  more  determined  to  exclude  the 
South  than  he  was  to  resist  such  exclusion.  He  would  be  as  firm  in 
maintaining  his  ground  as  Northern  Senators  were  in  maintaining  theirs. 
A  majority  would  always  be  able  to  carry  their  views  ;  but  here  a  minor 
ity,  aided  by  a  few  of  the  majority,  attempted  to  impose  on  the  South 
restrictions  which  could  not  be  submitted  to." — Speech  of  Mr.  Calhoun 
in  the  Senate,  August  Wth,  1848. 


460  HISTORY     OF     THE 

to  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  and  this  was 
agreed  to  by  a  vote  of  33  to  21.*  The  bill  was 
returned  to  the  House,  and  this  amendment  of  the 
Senate  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  121  to  82.  The 
Senate  then  receded  from  their  amendment  running 
the  Missouri  compromise  line  west  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  by  a  vote  of  29  to  25.f  Attempts  were 
made  during  the  same  session  of  Congress,  to  es 
tablish  territorial  governments  for  Oregon,  New 
Mexico,  and  California,  but  they  all  failed  with  the 
exception  of  the  Oregon  bill. 

A  military  Governor  was  appointed  for  Califor 
nia,  with  the  authority  to  exercise  civil  functions, 
and  he  was  continued  in  office  when  the  administra 
tion  of  General  Taylor  came  into  power.  J  The 

*  "  That  the  line  of  thirty-six  degrees  and  thirty  minutes  north  lati 
tude,  known  as  the  Missouri  compromise  line,  as  defined  by  the  eighth 
section  of  an  act  entitled  '  An  act  to  authorize  the  people  of  Missouri  Ter 
ritory  to  form  a  Constitution  and  State  Government,  and  for  the  admission 
of  such  State  into  the  Union  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  States, 
and  to  prohibit  slavery  in  certain  Territories,'  approved  March  6th,  1820, 
be,  and  the  same  is  hereby  declared  to  extend  to  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  and 
the  said  eighth  section,  together  with  the  compromise  therein  effected,  is 
hereby  revised  and  declared  to  be  in  full  force  and  binding  for  the  future 
organization  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  in  the  same  sense, 
and  with  the  same  understanding  with  which  it  was  originally  adopted." — 
Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  p.  1062. 

f  Congressional  Globe,  1st  session  30th  Congress,  p.  1078. 

\  "  The  immediate  establishment  of  Territorial  Governments,  and  the 
extension  of  our  laws  over  these  valuable  possessions,  are  deemed  to  be 
not  only  important,  but  indispensable  to  preserve  order  and  the  due  ad 
ministration  of  justice  within  their  limits,  to  afford  protection  to  the  inhab 
itants,  and  to  facilitate  the  development  of  the  vast  resources  and  wealth 
which  their  acquisition  has  added  to  our  co'untry. 

"  The  war  with  Mexico  having  terminated,  the  power  of  the  Executive 
to  establish  or  continue  temporary  civil  Governments  over  these  territories, 
which  existed  under  the  laws  of  nations,  whilst  they  were  regarded  as 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  461 

people  of  New  Mexico  enjoyed  the  benefit  of  their 
municipal  laws  after  their  annexation  to  the  United 
States,  and  a  military  force  was  sent  to  protect 
them  against  the  Indians. 

During  the  administration  of  Mr.  Polk  two  new 
States,  Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  were  admitted  into  the 
Union.  The  inhabitants  of  Iowa,  through  their 
delegates,  framed  a  Constitution,  which  was  signed 
on  the  18th  of  May,  1846,  and  a  law  was  approved 
on  the  28th  of  December  of  the  same  year,  admit 
ting  her  to  the  sisterhood  of  States.  Iowa  was  set 
tled  by  a  hardy,  industrious  and  enterprising  pop 
ulation,  and  having  the  advantage  of  a  rich  and 
productive  soil,  its  resources  were  rapidly  developed. 
Many  of  the  citizens  of  Iowa  were  from  the  slave 
States,  and  made  their  way  thither  up  the  Missis 
sippi  river,  and  located  upon  its  banks. 

Wisconsin  was  admitted  on  the  3d  of  March, 
1847.  This  State  is  inhabited  principally  by  north 
ern  men,  but  there  may  be  found  within  her  bor- 

conquered  provinces  in  our  military  occupation,  has  ceased.  By  their 
cession  to  the  United  States,  Mexico  has  no  longer  any  power  over  them  ; 
and.  until  Congress  shall  act,  the  inhabitants  will  be  without  any  organ 
ized  Government.  Should  they  be  left  in  this  condition,  confusion  and 
anarchy  will  be  likely  to  prevail." — Message  of  Mr.  Polk  to  Congress. 
July  6th,  1848. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Mr.  Polk  was  willing  to  surrender  the  power 
to  Congress  to  govern  the  territory  acquired,  as  soon  as  the  war  ceased. 
But  Congress  did  not,  during  his  administration,  establish  Territorial  Go 
vernments  ;  and  he  was  forced  therefore  to  appoint  General  Riley  military 
Governor  of  California,  to  prevent  anarchy  and  bloodshed  in  that  territory. 
His  powers  were  enlarged  by  the  succeeding  administration,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  message  of  General  Taylor,  and  the  accompanying  documents, 
which  were  transmitted  to  the  House  of  Representatives  January  21st, 
1850. 


462  HISTORY     OF     THE 

ders  very  many  foreigners.  The  agricultural  re 
sources  of  Wisconsin  are  ever  greater  than  those  of 
Iowa,  and  the  energies  of  her  people  are  making  this 
young  commonwealth  one  of  the  most  flourishing 
in  the  Union.  The  productions  of  both  States  are 
easily  conveyed  away.  The  eastern  boundary  of 
Wisconsin  is  washed  by  the  transparent  waters  of 
Lake  Michigan,  while  the  western  limits  of  Iowa 
are  bathed  by  the  father  of  rivers.  The  surplus 
produce  of  one  finds  its  egress  along  the  lakes  to 
the  Atlantic  coast,  and  that  of  the  other  floats  down 
the  Mississippi  to  the  great  southern  mart.  The 
mind  can  scarcely  realize,  that  these  two  prosperous 
sovereignties  are  furnishing  homes  for  an  industri 
ous  and  happy  people.  But  a  few  years  have 
elapsed  since  the  aborigines  roamed  undisturbed  by 
the  white  man  through  these  western  wilds,  and 
the  sharp  twang  of  the  bow,  the  rush  of  the  arrow, 
and  the  piercing  war-whoop,  alone  disturbed  their 
solitudes.  Cities  have  arisen  in  the  midst  of  forests 
with  a  celerity  unequalled,  except  by  those  which 
have  been  created  almost  by  the  hand  of  magic  upon 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  Within  the  memory  of 
our  young  men,  first  western  New- York,  and  then 
Ohio,  was  regarded  as  the  far  west,  but  now  our 
relations  have  converted  the  vast  forests  which  sur 
rounded  our  inland  seas  and  western  rivers  into 
the  peaceful  and  happy  abodes  of  civilization. 

On  the  9th  day  of  July,  1846,  the  President 
approved  a  bill  retroceding  the  county  and  town 
of  Alexandria  to  the  State  of  Virginia.  This  bill 
re-conveyed  to  that  State  all  the  territory  which 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  463 

had  been  ceded  by  her  to  the  General  Government, 
with  the  exception  of  the  public  buildings  belong 
ing  to  the  United  States.  This  measure  encoun 
tered  very  little  serious  opposition  in  either  House 
of  Congress ;  and  when  we  take  into  consideration 
the  uselessness  of  the  territory  to  the  General  Gov 
ernment,  and  the  vexed  question  of  slavery,  it  was 
perhaps  a  movement  dictated  by  wisdom  upon  the 
part  of  Congress. 

We  might  pause  here  to  consider  the  advance 
which  had  been  made  during  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Polk,  in  the  development  of  the  arts  and  sci 
ences,  the  state  of  American  literature  and  educa 
tion,  the  increase  or  decline  of  morality,  the  pro 
gress  of  religion,  and  the  prevalence  of  fanaticism, 
the  existence  of  energy  and  enterprise  among  our 
citizens,  as  well  as  the  acquisition  of  that  influence 
and  power  as  a  nation,  which  commands  the  re 
spect  and  challenges  the  admiration  of  the  civilized 
world. 

There  are  many  circumstances  in  the  history  of 
a  people  which  are  regarded  of  secondary  import 
ance,  that  seem,  nevertheless,  to  illustrate  their 
career,  and  indicate  the  destiny  which  awaits  them. 
Such  events  signalized  each  year  of  Mr.  Folk's  admin 
istration,  and  a  brief  space  will  now  be  devoted  to 
their  analysis. 

In  former  years  labor  was  performed  by  hand, 
with  the  most  simple  agencies.  The  earth  was  pre 
pared  for  seed  with  wooden  ploughs,  and  harrows 
with  wooden  teeth.  Produce  was  wheeled  to  mar 
ket  along  rough  and  miry  roads,  or  taken  in  flat- 


464  HISTOEY     OF     THE 

boats  down  our  rivers,  while  merchandise,  in  keel- 
boats,  was  warped  against  the  current  to  its  place 
of  destination.*  Yarn  was  spun  with  hand-wheels, 
and  cloth  was  manufactured  in  hand-looms.  And, 
indeed,  all  the  implements  of  husbandry  were  of 
the  roughest  and  most  unwieldy  description.  Time, 
which  is  so  important  with  all,  was  wasted  in  tra 
velling  by  tardy  conveyances,  and  persons  divided 
by  a  few  hundred  miles,  rarely  met.  Within  the 
last  half  century,  great  and  radical  changes  have 
been  made  in  all  that  relates  to  the  comfort  and 
happiness  of  man.  The  power  of  steam  has  be 
come  an  important  agent  in  our  operations.  Along 
our  lakes  and  rivers,  and  even  upon  the  turbulent 
ocean  itself,  steamboats  are  bearing  the  rapidly  ac 
cumulating  commerce  of  the  United  States,  while 
across  streams,  over  valleys,  and  through  mountains, 
rushes  the  iron-horse,  and  intelligence  with  the 
rapidity  of  thought  is  transmitted  from  pole  to 
pole.f  New  improvements  are  yearly  being  made 
in  the  engines  which  move  our  floating  palaces, 
and  in  the  shape  of  the  vessels,  that  they  may  be 
forced  through  the  water  with  greater  ease.  Steam 
presses,  which  are  substituted  for  the  small  and  ill- 
formed  ones  that  were  moved  by  human  power, 

*  But  a  few  years  have  elapsed  since  a  trip  down  the  tributaries  of 
the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans  and  back  required  nearly  half  a  year. 
Merchandise  was  placed  in  keel-boats,  and  with  long  poles  was  pushed 
up  the  river.  When  the  navigators  arrived  at  a  spot  where  the  current 
was  very  rapid,  it  was  warped,  which  operation  consisted  in  attaching  a 
rope  to  a  tree  or  rock,  far  up  the  stream,  and  then  winding  it  up. 

f  The  foreign  news  was  lately  sent  from  Halifax  to  New  Orleans  in 
thirtv-six  hours,  a  distance  of  2,800  miles.  January,  1850. 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  465 

enable  our  enterprising  publishers  to  spread  infor 
mation  and  intelligence,  with  greater  facility,  before 
the  reading  world.  In  almost  every  kind  of  man 
ufacturing  the  agency  of  steam  is  employed.  The 
complicated  machinery  of  cotton,  carpet,  and  wool 
len  corporations,  the  iron  foundry,  and  the  furnace,* 
the  steamship  and  the  tow-boat,  the  flour-mill  and 
the  factory,  all  move  in  obedience  to  that  power 
which  the  genius  of  Fulton  enabled  him  to  subject 
to  our  control.*)* 

The  formation  of  our  ships,  the  structure  of  the 
machinery  used  in  manufacturing,  farming  uten 
sils  ;  in  short,  every  article  employed  by  man,  has 
been  wonderfully  improved  within  the  last  few 

*  To  show  the  power  which  art  enables  man  to  employ  in  his  service, 
it  is  only  necessary  to  recur  to  the  operations  of  some  of  our  iron  masters. 
Steam  is  employed  for  the  purpose  of  moving  the  bellows  attached  to  the 
stack.  This  is  something-  like  a  shot  tower,  only  not  so  high,  built  of 
rock,  into  which  is  put  iron  ore,  chajcoal,  and  limestone.  The  bellows  is 
applied  to  an  aperture  in  the  lower  part  of  the  stack  for  the  purpose  of 
producing  heat.  At  first  the  boilers  were  placed  upon  the  ground,  and 
the  steam  was  generated  by  large  quantities  of  wood.  But  subsequently 
the  boilers  were  elevated  upon  the  top  of  the  stack,  and  steam  was  produced 
by  the  flame  which  came  out  of  it.  The  boilers  moved  the  bellows,  and 
that  operated  upon  the  fire  within  the  stack,  and  the  heat  created  thereby 
generated  the  steam. 

f  While  Robert  Fulton  was  employed  in  convincing  an  incredulous 
community  of  the  practicability  of  applying  steam  power  to  water  craft, 
he  asked  countenance  and  support  from  one  of  the  wealthiest  citizens  of 
New-York,  who  responded  to  him  that  he  was  then  engaged  in  preparing 
for  the  press  a  learned  dissertation  upon  the  influence  which  preserved 
Daniel  unharmed  in  the  lion's  den.  He  was  not  prepared,  therefore,  to 
devote  either  time  or  attention  to  the  "  visionary  scheme  "  which  Fulton 
was  endeavoring  to  perfect.  The  work  which  the  millionaire  supposed 
would  startle  the  literary  world,  only  made  its  appearance  to  find  that 
oblivion  which  it  no  doubt  deserved,  and  its  enthusiastic  author  sleeps  with 
his  fathers,  and  his  name  perished  almost  with  his  existence,  while  Fulton, 
the  despised  and  villified,  won  a  deathless  and  immortal  reputation. 
30 


466  HISTORY     OF     THE 

years,  until  nature  and  art  are  combined  in  yielding 
to  the  lords  of  creation  comfort  and  happiness. 

Science  has  also  made  rapid  strides  within  the 
last  fifty  years  ;  and  at  the  present  day,  speculative 
reasoning,  and  metaphysical  disquisitions  character 
ize  thought  and  argumentation.  Researches  upon 
dry  and  abstruse  questions  seem  to  afford  particular 
pleasure  to  investigating  intellects,  and  the  fruits 
which  reward  mental  toil,  elevate  to  a  still  higher 
pedestal  that  knowledge  which  the  human  mind 
can  grasp  and  retain. 

American  literature  is  each  year  becoming  more 
and  more  appreciated  at  home  and  abroad,  until 
our  authors  stand  in  the  front  rank  of  historians, 
poets,  and  novelists.  Education,  the  advance  guard 
of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man,  has  been  extended 
to  our  youth.  Facilities  are  afforded  to  the  rising 
generation  which  were  unknown  to  our  fathers,  and 
all  obstacles  are  removed  from  the  path  which  leads 
to  the  temple  of  knowledge.  This  subject  presents 
itself  in  the  double  aspect  of  a  guarantee  for  the 
stability  of  our  institutions,  and  a  passport  to  that 
happiness  which  mental  culture  cannot  fail  to  be 
stow.  Volumes  could  be  written  upon  the  advan 
tages  to  be  obtained  by  nations,  as  well  as  indivi 
duals,  from  a  general  system  of  education.*  It  qua 
lifies  men  for  the  high  and  ennobling  destiny  which 
freemen  can  command,  and  renders  the  domestic 
circle  peaceful  and  interesting.  Each  step  taken 
by  the  white  man  from  the  Atlantic  coast  into  the 

*  It,  was  a  true  saying,  that  if  "  the  wages  of  the  school  master  are  re 
duced,  the  pay  of  the  recruiting  sergeant  must  be  increased." 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  467 

wilds  of  the  West,  lias  been  the  precursor  ot  educa 
tion  and  refinement,  and  the  school-house,  the  acad 
emy,  and  the  college,  have  been  erected  upon  the 
confines  of  civilization.  That  energy  which  could 
successfully  encounter  the  solitude  and  perils  of  a 
wilderness,  was  prepared  to  dissipate  its  gloom  by 
mental  improvement  and  social  intercourse.  To 
New  England  are  the  other  States  indebted  for 
much  of  that  well-directed  zeal  in  the  cause  of  edu 
cation  which  signalizes  the  present  age.  The  ce 
lebrity  of  her  system  of  common  schools  has  found 
favor  elsewhere,  and  in  many  instances  has  been 
greatly  improved  upon. 

It  had  been  a  prevailing  opinion  in  Europe,  that 
the  Americans  were  a  nation  of  traders,  not  over 
scrupulous  about  the  means  of  acquiring  wrealth,  and 
consequently,  that  a  high  state  of  morality  could 
not  exist  among  us.  The  Mexican  war,  by  illustra 
ting  the  chivalrous  gallantry  of  the  citizen  soldier, 
went  far  towards  removing  this  prejudice.  It  was 
proved  that  a  much  higher  degree  of  patriotism 
animated  our  people  than  Europe  ever  exhibited. 
And  where  that  is  a  prominent  attribute  of  national 
character,  morality  must  be  found.  I  do  not  mean 
a  thirst  for  slaughter,  or  a  spirit  which  riots  in  car 
nage  and  blood,  as  an  avocation ;  but  that  enthu 
siastic  love  of  country  which  induces  an  estimable 
citizen  to  leave  his  kindred  and  his  home,  to  vindi 
cate  the  honor  of  his  native  land,  and  when  that 
end  is  attained,  to  return  to  his  quiet  fireside,  blest 
with  a  nation's  gratitude. 

It  is  a  subject  as  gratifying  to  the  patriot  as  to 


468  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

the  Christian,  that  morality  is  wielding  yearly  a 
more  enlarged  and  liberal  influence  upon  the  people 
of  this  confederacy.  Keligion  is  exercising  its  mild 
and  gentle  sway,  with  less  of  that  bigotry  which 
hitherto  marked  its  progress.  Charity  is  extended 
to  foreigners  with  a  liberal  hand,  while  the  poor 
and  degraded  are  snatched  from  the  haunts  of 
wretchedness  and  vice,  where  crime  has  not  inclosed 
them  too  closely  in  its  folds.  Religious  fanaticism 
does  not  rage  with  the  same  violence  as  formerly, 
and  therefore  possesses  more  of  that  spirit  which 
was  inculcated  by  our  Saviour.  Many  new  sects 
are  springing  up,  but  their  secession  is  not  visited 
with  that  unforgiving  spirit  which  punished  free 
dom  of  opinion  in  former  days.  As  they  serve  to 
prevent  a  concentration  of  power  in  one  church, 
which  during  its  early  history  proved  not  only 
quite  inconvenient,  but  oftentimes  dangerous,  they 
are  to  be  encouraged,  rather  than  condemned. 
There  is  a  political  fanaticism,  however,  which  has 
increased  in  violence  within  the  last  few  years,  to 
an  alarming  degree.  The  danger  to  be  apprehended 
from  that  kind  of  zeal,  which  borders  upon  frenzy, 
is,  that  its  efforts  are  uncontrolled  by  a  proper  re 
gard  for  the  difficulties  it  seeks  to  overcome.  When 
passion,  instead  of  reason  guides  its  career,  a  due 
respect  is  not  paid  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.* 

*  "  All  this  is  just  and  sound.  But  assuming  the  same  premises,  to 
wit,  that  nil  men  are  equal  hy  the  law  of  nations,  the  right  of  property  in 
slaves  falls  to  the  ground,  for  one  who  is  equal  to  another  cannot  be  the 
owner  or  property  of  that  other.  But  you  answer  that  the  Constitution 
recognizps  property  in  slaves.  It  would  be  sufficient  then  to  reply,  that 
this  constitutional  recognition  must  be  void,  because  it  is  repugnant  to  the 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  469 

The  abolition  excitement  is  produced  by  religious 
zealots  and  unscrupulous  politicians.  The  latter 
make  concessions  to  its  demands,  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  place  and  power.  Its  decrees  are  pro 
mulgated  from  the  pulpit  and  the  hustings,  with  an 
ardor  equal  to  that  which  prompted  the  crusaders 
to  drive  the  infidel  from  the  Holy  Land.  Where  it 
will  terminate  no  one  can  tell,  unless  all  who  respect 
the  guaranties  of  the  Constitution  arrest  its  progress. 

If  the  zeal  which  is  now  employed  upon  distant 
objects,  was  directed  with  as  much  fervor  to  the  re 
lief  of  suffering  at  our  doors,  our  motives  would  not 
so  often  be  subject  to  a  just  criticism. 

The  overthrow  of  the  popular  cause  in  Hungary 
and  Italy  has,  for  a  period,  destroyed  the  hopes  of 
republicanism  in  that  portion  of  the  world.  France 
may  stay  the  tide  of  absolutism,  on  the  one  hand, 
and  socialism,  on  the  other ;  and,  emerging  from  the 
difficulties  which  assail  her  from  without  and  with 
in,  yet  illustrate  the  principles  of  free  government. 

Upon  the  soil  of  Europe  all  is  uncertainty;  the 
spark  of  liberty  which  still  lingers  may  light  up 
into  a  blaze,  and  spread  from  land  to  land,  until 
despotism  and  misrule  shall  nowhere  find  a  spot  to 
exercise  its  ruthless  sway ;  or  it  may  go  out,  leaving 
continental  Europe  surrounded  with  the  darkness 
of  the  middle  asres. 

o 

But  here  no  such  doubt  and  uncertainty  exists. 
That  Constitution  which  was  framed  by  the  wisdom 

law  of  nature  and  of  nations."  "  But  there  is  a  higher  law  than  the  Consti 
tution  which  regulates  our  authority  over  the  domain,  and  devote?  if  to  the 
same  noble  purposes." — Speech  of  Mr.  H.  Seward,  U.  S.  Senate,  March, 
1850. 


4YO  HISTOEY      OF     THE 

of  those  who  passed  through  the  fiery  ordeal  of  the 
Revolution,  stands  the  test  of  scrutiny  and  of  time. 
Every  assault  which  faction  makes  against  it  only 
has  the  effect  of  eliciting  the  veneration  and  regard 
entertained  for  its  provisions  by  the  American  peo 
ple.  And  wherefore  should  it  not  be  so  ?  The  basis 
of  that  Constitution  is  the  immutable  principles  of 
justice  and  truth.  It  guaranties  the  largest  liberty 
to  the  citizen  consistent  with  a  well-ordered  and 
well-regulated  society.  We  choose  our  own  public 
servants,  who  are  accountable  to  us  for  their  actions. 
All  grievances  can  be  redressed  at  the  ballot-box. 
The  private  citizen,  unawed  by  power,  and  uncon 
trolled  by  a  superior,  possesses  all  the  attributes  and 
privileges  of  a  freeman. 

We  have  a  country  of  vast  and  illimitable  re 
sources,  possessing  every  variety  of  soil  and  climate 
which  the  heart  can  desire ;  while  national  justice, 
unmingled  with  pride,  will  enable  us  to  say  that  no 
country  is  blessed  with  inhabitants  so  gallant,  patri 
otic,  enterprising,  scientific,  and  moral,  as  those 
within  the  borders  of  the  American  Union. 

Here  the  husband  is  not  torn  from  the  bosom  of 
his  family,  reluctantly  to  fight  a  tyrant's  battles ; 
but  at  the  call  of  his  country,  when  her  honor  is  as 
sailed,  he  volunteers  to  redress  her  wrongs.  Con 
scious  of  possessing  the  power  of  a  slumbering  giant, 
there  is  no  manifestation  of  constant  alarm  indicated 
by  the  existence  of  large  standing  armies.  On  the 
contrary,  unawed  by  the  formidable  array  presented 
by  foreign  powers,  our  citizens  peacefully  pursue 
their  usual  avocations,  confident  in  their  ability  to 


POLK     ADMINISTEATION.  471 

repel  every  aggression  upon  their  rights,  and  to  pre 
serve  unsullied  the  national  honor. 

With  all  these  elements  of  domestic  happiness 
and  national  greatness,  where  is  the  cause  for  dis 
content?  If  we  were  disposed  to  appreciate  the 
blessings  which  we  enjoy,  instead  of  seeking  some 
imaginary  evil  as  a  source  of  dissatisfaction,  it  would 
be  far  more  conducive  to  our  happiness.  We  should 
not  for  a  moment  forget  that  we  have  the  most  per 
fect  form  of  government  ever  devised  by  the  wit  of 
man.  This  idea  should  daily  be  a  subject  of  rejoic 
ing.  We  should  then  be  prepared  to  estimate  the 
horrors  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  That  terrible 
event  should  not  for  a  moment  be  entertained ;  and 
the  monster  who  could  have  the  hardihood  to  pro 
pose  an  encroachment  upon  the  Constitution,  or  re 
sist  its  requirements,  should  be  held  up  to  the  un 
mitigated  scorn  and  contempt  of  every  patriot  in 
the  land ;  and  whoever  attempts  the  treason  should 
be  made  a  fearful  example  to  all  who  would  shun 
the  traitor's  doom. 

While  the  mind  dwells  upon  the  eventful  admi 
nistration  of  James  K.  Polk,  the  Mexican  war  and 
its  consequences  at  once  arrest  attention.  The  re 
nown  of  the  American  arms  has  spread  abroad,  un 
til  it  is  heralded  in  every  part  of  the  earth,  and  re 
echoed  in  each  isle  of  the  ocean.  Buena  Vista  and 
Molino  del  Key,  Vera  Cruz  and  the  Garitas  of  Mex 
ico,  will  long  be  remembered  by  the  civilized  world. 

The  territory  which  we  obtained  from  Mexico 
will  yield  us  illimitable  resources.  The  frowning 
barriers  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  afford  no  obsta- 


472  HISTORY     OF     THE 

cles  to  our  enterprising  people,  who  are  already 
crowding  into  the  valleys  of  California.  The  com 
merce  of  the  United  States  now  possesses  the  key 
which  will  unlock  the  treasures  of  the  East;  and 
that  which  raised  to  an  extraordinary  pitch  of  gran 
deur  the  cities  of  ancient  times,  by  the  uncontrol 
lable  law  of  destiny  is  turned  like  a  glittering  and 
golden  tide  into  the  harbors  of  California. 

And  where  is  that  man  who  contributed  more 
than  all  others  towards  producing  these  brilliant 
results  ?  His  pulseless  form  is  mingling  with  the 
dust.  The  vast  amount  of  labor  which  he  perform 
ed  while  occupying  the  presidential  chair  was  too 
much  for  his  constitution,  and  he  had  scarcely  reach 
ed  his  home  in  Tennessee  when  he  was  attacked  by 
disease,  which  baffled  the  efforts  of  the  most  skilful 
physicians,  and  terminated  his  mortal  career  on  the 
loth  day  of  June,  1849.*  Posterity  will  pronounce 
his  eulogium. 

*  "NASHVILLE,  June  16//i,  1849. 

"  Yesterday,  at  twenty  minutes  before  five  o'clock,  P.  M.,  James  K. 
Polk  expired  at  his  residence  in  this  city. 

"  Mr.  Polk  had  suffered  from  diarrhoea  on  his  way  up  the  Mississippi 
River,  from  New  Orleans,  in  March,  but  the  attack  passed  off,  and  he 
reached  this  city  in  good  health.  A  few  days  after  his  arrival  he  moved 
into  his  new  mansion,  a  stately  edifice,  which  had  just  been  completed 
and  furnished  in  a  style  of  combined  elegance  and  taste.  His  estate  lies 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  city,  on  an  eminence  known  as  Grundy's  Hill, 
having  been  the  home  of  the  Hon.  Felix  Grundy,  from  whose  heirs  Mr. 
Polk  purchased  the  property. 

';  Having  taken  up  his  abode  here,  the  Ex-President  gave  himself  up 
to  the  improvement  of  the  grounds,  and  was  seen  every  day  about  his 
dwelling,  aiding  and  directing  the  workmen  he  had  employed.  Now 
overlooking  a  carpenter,  now  giving  instructions  to  a  gardener,  often 
attended  by  Mrs.  Polk,  whose  exquisite  taste  constituted  the  element  of 
every  improvement.  It  is  not  a  fortnight  since  that  I  saw  him  on  his 


POLK     ADMINISTKATION.  473 

lawn  directing  some  men  who  were  removing  decaying  cedars.  I  was 
struck  with  his  erect  and  healthful  bearing,  and  the  active  energy  of  his 
manner,  which  gave  promise  of  long  life.  His  flowing  gray  locks  alone 
made  him  appear  beyond  the  middle  age  of  life.  He  seemed  in  full 
health.  The  next  day  being  rainy  he  remained  within,  and  began  to 
arrange  his  large  library,  and  the  labor  of  reaching  books  from  the  floor 
and  placing  them  on  the  shelves,  brought  on  fatigue  and  slight  fever, 
which  the  next  day  assumed  the  character  of  disease  in  the  form  of  chronic 
diarrhoea,  which  was  with  him  a  complaint  of  many  years'  standing,  and 
readily  induced  upon  his  system  by  any  over-exertion. 

"  For  the  first  three  days  his  friends  felt  no  alarm.  But  the  disease 
baffling  their  skill,  (and  for  skilful  physicians,  Nashville  wrill  compare 
with  the  first  cities  in  the  Union,)  Dr.  Hay,  his  brother-in-law  and  family 
physician  for  twenty  years,  was  sent  for  from  Columbia.  But  the  skill 
and  experience  of  this  gentleman,  aided  by  the  highest  medical  talent, 
proved  of  no  avail.  Mr.  Polk  continued  gradually  to  sink  from  day  to 
day.  The  disease  was  checked  upon  him  four  days  before  his  death,  but 
his  constitution  was  so  weakened  that  there  did  not  remain  recuperative 
energy  enough  in  the  system  for  healthy  re-action.  He  sunk  away  so 
slowly  and  insensibly,  that  it  was  eight  hours  before  he  died,  after  the 
heavy  death  respirations  commenced.  He  died  without  a  struggle,  simply 
ceasing  to  breathe,  as  when  deep  and  quiet  sleep  falls  upon  a  weary 
man. 

"  About  half  an  hour  preceding  his  death,  his  venerable  mother,  en 
tered  the  room,  and  kneeling  by  his  bedside,  offered  up  a  beautiful  prayer 
to  the  "  King  of  kings,  and  Lord  of  lords,"  committing  the  soul  of  her  son 
to  his  holy  keeping.  The  scene  was  strikingly  impressive.  Major  Polk, 
the  President's  brother,  was  also  by  his  bedside,  with  other  members  of 
the  family. 

"  Upon  the  coffin  was  a  plain  silver  plate,  with  these  words  :— 

"J.   K.   POLK, 

"BoRN  NOVEMBER,  1795, 
"DiED  JUNE  15,  1849. 

"  The  body  lies  in  state  to-day.  The  noble  drawing-rooms  are  shrouded 
in  black,  and  every  window  in  morning  with  black  scarfs  of  crape.  The 
tall  white  columns  of  the  majestic  portico  facing  the  south,  are  completely 
shrouded  in  black,  giving  a  solemnly  majestic  and  funeral  aspect  to  the 
Presidential  mansion. 

"The  funeral  took  place  at  four  o'clock  this  afternoon,  masonic  cere 
monies  being  first  performed  in  the  drawing-room  over  the  body.  I  saw 
the  body  before  it  was  encoffined.  The  features  are  in  noble  composure. 


474  HISTORY     OF     THE 

Death  has  impressed  upon  them  the  seal  of  majesty.  In  his  life  his  fea 
tures  never  wore  that  impress  of  command  and  intellectual  strength  that 
seemed  now  chiselled  upon  their  marble  outline.  He  was  habited  in  a 
plain  suit  of  black,  and  a  copy  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
was  placed  at  his  feet.  Before  being  taken  to  the  cemetery,  the  body  was 
hermetically  soldered  within  a  copper  coffin. 

"  From  the  house  the  funeral  cortege,  which  was  very  large,  all  places 
of  business  being  closed  by  order  of  our  good  whig  mayor,  proceeded  to 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  where,  after  services  performed  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  McFerren,  it  was  conveyed  to  the  cemetery,  followed  by  a  vast 
concourse  of  citizens.  The  body  was  deposited  in  the  Grundy  vault, 
temporarily ;  but  it  will  soon  be  removed  to  a  vault  on  the  lawn  of  the 
Ex-Presidential  mansion,  where  a  willow  now  stands,  and  over  it  will  be 
erected  a  stately  marble  mausoleum  :  thus  the  body  of  the  President  from 
Tennessee  will  lie  entombed  in  the  heart  of  its  capital.  Mr.  Polk,  by 
will,  the  evening  before  his  death,  gave  the  lawn  to  the  State,  in  perpe 
tuity,  for  this  purpose. 

"  Mr.  Polk  sent  for  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edgar,  of  the  Presbyterian  church, 
seven  days  before  his  death,  desiring  to  be  baptized  by  him.  He  said  to 
him  impressively : — 

"  '  Sir,  if  I  had  suspected  twenty  years  ago  that  I  should  come  to  my 
death-bed  unprepared,  it  would  have  made  me  a  wretched  man ;  yet  I  am 
about  to  die,  and  have  not  made  preparation.  I  have  not  even  been  bap 
tized.  Tell  me,  sir,  can  there  be  any  ground  for  a  man  thus  situated  to 
hope  ?' 

"  The  Rev.  Doctor  made  known  to  him  the  assurances  and  promises 
of  the  gospel  that  mercifully  run  parallel  with  man's  life. 

"  Mr.  Polk  then  remarked  that  he  had  been  prevented  from  baptism 
in  infancy  by  some  accidental  occurrence,  that  he  had  been  several  times 
strongly  inclined  to  be  baptized  during  his  administration,  but  that  the 
cares  and  perplexities  of  public  life  hardly  gave  him  time  for  the  solemn 
preparation  requisite,  and  so  procrastination  had  ripened  into  inaction, 
when  it  was  now  almost  too  late  to  act.  In  his  conversation  with  the 
Rev.  clergyman,  Mr.  Polk  evinced  great  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures, 
which,  he  said,  he  had  read  a  great  deal,  and  deeply  reverenced  as  divine 
truth  ;  in  a  word,  he  was  theoretically  a  Christian. 

"  The  conversation  fatiguing  Mr.  Polk  too  much  for  him  to  be  then 
baptized,  it  was  postponed,  to  take  place  the  next  evening  ;  but  in  the  in 
terval  the  Ex-President  recollected  that  when  he  was  Governor,  and  lived 
here,  he  used  to  hold  many  arguments  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  McFerren,  the 
talented  and  popular  Methodist  minister  of  the  place,  his  warm  personal 
and  political  friend,  and  that  he  had  promised  him  that  when  he  did  em 
brace  Christianity,  that  he,  the  Rev.  Mr.  McFerren,  should  baptize  him. 


POLK     ADMINISTRATION.  475 

He,  therefore,  sent  for  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edgar,  made  known  this  obligation, 
and  expressed  his  intention  to  be  baptized  by  his  friend  the  Methodist 
minister.  The  same  day  the  venerable  Mrs.  Polk,  mother  of  the  Ex-Pre 
sident,  a  very  pious  Presbyterian  lady,  arrived  from  her  residence,  forty 
miles  distant,  accompanied  by  her  own  pastor,  hoping  that  her  distin 
guished  son  would  consent  to  be  baptized  by  him. 

" '  Mother,'  said  the  dying  Ex-President,  taking  her  affectionately  by 
the  hand,  '  I  have  never  in  my  life  disobeyed  you,  but  you  must  yield  to 
your  son  now,  and  gratify  my  wishes.  I  must  be  baptized  by  the  Rev. 
Mr.  McFerren.' 

"  His  mother,  wise  as  she  is  pious,  did  not  hesitate  to  give  her  consent; 
and  in  the  presence  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Edgar,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Mack,  of 
Columbia,  the  Ex-President  received  the  rite  of  baptism  at  the  hands  of 
the  Rev.  Mr.  McFerren. 

"  Mr.  Polk  has  died  worth  about  one  hundred  thousand  dollars,  the 
bulk  of  which  is  settled  upon  his  amiable  lady ;  who,  it  is  to  be  hoped, 
will  long  make  this  city  her  abode — an  ornament  to  its  society,  for  '  all 
lips  do  praise  her.' 

"  P.  S. — I  have  sent  you  a  rude,  but  accurate  sketch  of  the  mansion 
of  the  Ex-President,  as  draped  with  mourning  on  the  day  of  the  funeral. 
The  window  blinds  are  tied  with  black  crape,  in,  however,  handsomer 
bows  than  my  pen  has  achieved." — Correspondence  of  the  New-York 
Herald. 


APPENDIX. 


GENERAL  SCOTT  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 

MEXICO,  February  24, 1848. 

SIR:  On  the  18th  instant,  I  received  your  two  letters,  of  the  13th 
ultimo,  and  immediately  issued  the  general  order,  No.  59,  (a  copy  in 
closed,)  devolving  the  command  of  the  army  in  Mexico  upon  Major  Ge 
neral  Butler. 

As  the  officers  detailed  for  the  court  of  inquiry  before  which  I  am  or 
dered  to  appear  as  a  criminal,  are  not  known  to  have  arrived  in  the  coun 
try.  I  avail  myself  of  a  moment's  leisure  to  recall  some  of  the  neglects, 
disappointments,  injuries  and  rebukes,  which  have  been  inflicted  upon  me 
by  tfce  War  Department,  since  my  departure  from  Washington,  November 
23,1846. 

To  me,  the  business  of  recrimination,  however  provoked,  has  ever 
been  painful.  In  this  summary  I  shall,  therefore,  indulge  in  no  wanton 
ness  of  language,  but  confine  myself  to  naked  historical  facts,  leaving  con 
clusions  to  men  of  sense  and  candor. 

In  the  hurry  of  preparation  for  Mexico,  (only  four  days  were  allowed 
me  at  Washington — when  twenty  might  have  been  most  advantageously 
employed  in  the  great  bureaux — those  of  the  chief  engineer's,  chief  of 
ordnance,  chief  quartermaster's  and  chief  commissary  of  subsistence,)  I 
handed  to  you  a  written  request  that  one  of  three  of  our  accomplished 
captains,  therein  mentioned,  might  be  appointed  assistant  adjutant  general, 
with  the  rank  of  major,  for  duty  with  me  in  the  field,  and  there  was  a  va 
cancy,  at  the  time,  for  one.  My  request  has  never  been  attended  to,  and 
thus  I  have  had  no  officer  of  the  adjutant  general's  department  with  me  in 
the  campaign.  Can  another  instance  be  cited  of  denying  to  a  o-eneral-in- 
chicf,  in  the  field,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  or  even  a  small  one.  the 
selection  of  his  chief  of  the  staff — that  is,  the  chief  in  the  department  of 
orders  and  correspondence  ? 

Early  in  the  following  January,  I  asked  that  a  general  court-martial 


478  APPENDIX. 

might  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  President,  for  the  trial  of  two  offi 
cers  (named  by  me),  for  conduct  each  had  committed,  that  endangered,  in 
a  high  degree,  the  success  of  the  impending  campaign  ;  and  I  specially  re 
ferred  to  the  anomalous  and  fatal  act  of  Congress.  (May  29,  1830,)  which 
prohibited  me,  as  the  "  accuser  or  prosecutor,"  from  ordering  the  court  for 
the  trial  of  the  cases.  My  application  has  never  been  noticed.  This  neg 
lect  alone  ought  early  to  have  admonished  me  that  1  had  no  hope  of  sup 
port  at  Washington,  in  any  attempt  I  might  make  (against  certain  offi 
cers)  to  maintain  necessary  discipline  in  the  army  I  was  about  to  lead  into 
the  field. 

I  lett  Washington  highly  flattered  with  the  confidence  and  kindness 
the  President  had  just  shown  me,  in  many  long  personal  interviews  on 
military  matters.  For  more  than  two  months  my  expressions  of  gratitude 
were  daily  and  fervent,  nor  were  they  much  less  emphatic  towards  the 
head  of  the  War  Department.  Proceeding  with  zeal  and  confidence  in 
my  most  hazardous  duties,  I  learned,  January  27,  at  the  Brazos  San  Jago, 
that  an  attempt  was  on  foot  to  create  a  lieutenant  general  to  take  command 
in  the  field  over  me.  Shocked  and  distressed,  I  allowed  of  no  relaxation 
in  my  efforts  to  serve  my  country,  resolved  that,  for  the  short  time  I  was 
likely  to  remain  in  commission,  to  be 

"  True  as  the  dial  to  the  sun, 
Although  it  be  not  shined  upon.' 

A  yet  greater  outrage  soon  followed  :  failing  to  obtain  an  act  for  the 
citizen  lieutenant  general,  a  bill  was  pressed  upon  Congress  to  authorize 
the  placing  a  junior  major  general,  just  appointed,  (the  same  individual,) 
in  command  over  all  the  old  major  generals  then  in  front  of  the  enemy  ! 

I  will  not  here  trust  myself  to  add  a  soldier's  comment  upon  those  at 
tempts,  but  I  may  thank  God  that  He  did  not  allow  them,  or  subsequent 
injuries,  to  break  down,  entirely,  the  spirit  and  abilities  (such  as  they  are) 
with  which  He  has  endowed  me. 

Foreseeing  at  Washington  that,  from  the  great  demands  of  commerce 
at  the  moment,  it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  take  up,  perhaps 
at  any  price,  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  at  New-Orleans  and  Mobile  to 
transport  the  regiments  of  my  expedition  from  the  Rio  Grande  frontier  to 
Vera  Cruz,  I  endeavored  to  impress  upon  the  War  Department  the  neces 
sity  of  sending  out  from  the  northern  and  eastern  ports  a  certain  number 
of  large  ships  in  ballast,  in  order  that  the  expedition  might  not  be  delayed, 
and  in  view  of  "  the  fixed  fact,"  the  return  of  the  xomito,  at  Vera  Cruz  in 
the  spring  of  the  year,  a  delay  of  a  few  weeks  was  likely  to  prove  a  total 
defeat. 

In  a  paper  transmitted  to  me,  headed  "  Memorandum  for  the  Quarter 
master  General,"  marked  "  War  Department,  December  15,  1846,"  an  J 


APPENDIX.  479 

signed  by  the  secretary,  which  I  received  January  8,  it  is  said  :  "  Independ 
ently  of  this  number  of  transports  for  troops  and  ordnance  stores,  [from 
the  north]  there  will  be  required,  say,  five  ships  for  the  transportation  of 
the  [surf]  boats  now  being  prepared,  besides  which,  ten  vessels  must  be 
taken  up  and  sent  out  in  ballast,  [for  troops,]  unless  stores  can  be  put  on 
board,  to  make  up  the  number  (40)  required  by  the  commanding  general." 

The  date  of  this  memorandum  is  December  15,  more  than  three  weeks 
after  my  requisition  and  departure  from  Washington.  Of  not  one  of  the 
"  ten  vessels,"  in  ballast,  or  with  stores,  (leaving  room  for  troops,)  have  I 
heard  up  to  this  day.  Relying  upon  them,  confidently,  the  embarkation 
was  delayed  in  whole  or  in  part,  at  the  Brazos  and  Tampico,  from  the  15th 
of  January  to  the  9th  of  March,  leaving,  it  was  feared,  not  half  the  time 
needed  for  the  reduction  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its  castle  before  the  return  of 
the  yellow  fever.  But  half  the  surf  boats  came  at  all,  and  of  the  siege 
train  and  ordnance  stores,  only  about  one-half  had  arrived  when  the  Mexi 
can  flags  were  replaced  by  those  of  the  United  States  on  those  formidable 
places.  We  succeeded  at  last  in  reaching  the  point  of  attack,  in  the  midst 
of  frightful  northers,  by  means,  in  great  part  of  trading  craft,  small  and 
hazardous,  picked  up  accidentally  at  the  Brazos  and  Tampico,  and  when 
the  army  got  ashore,  its  science  and  valor  had  to  supply  all  deficiencies  in 
heavy  guns,  mortars,  and  ordnance  stores. 

The  first  letter  that  I  received  from  the  department,  after  entering  the 
captured  city,  contained  an  elaborate  rebuke,  (dated  February  22,)  for  hav 
ing  ordered  Colonel  Harney,  2d  dragoons,  to  remain  in  the  command  of  the 
cavalry  with  Major  General  Taylor,  so  as  to  leave  Major  Sumner,  of  the 
same  regiment,  the  senior  of  that  arm,  in  my  expedition.  There  was  no 
great  difference  in  the  number  of  cavalry  companies  with  the  armies. 

This  rebuke  was  written  with  a  complacency  that  argued  the  highest 
professional  experience  in  such  matters,  and  could  not  have  been  more  con 
fident  in  its  tone  if  dictated  to  the  greenest  general  of  the  recent  appoint 
ments.  Yet,  without  the  power  of  selecting  commanders  of  particular 
corps,  no  general-in-chief  would  venture  to  take  upon  himself  the  con 
duct  of  a  critical  campaign.  Such  selections  were  always  made  by  the 
father  of  his  country,  and  the  principal  generals  under  him.  So  in  the 
campaign  of  1814,  I  myself  sent  away,  against  their  wishes,  three  senior 
field  officers,  of  as  many  regiments,  who  were  infirm,  uninstructed.  and 
inefficient,  in  favor  of  three  juniors,  and  with  the  subsequent  approbation 
of  Major  General  Brown,  on  his  joining  me,  and  the  head  of  the  War  De 
partment.  Both  were  well  acquainted  with  the  customs  of  war.  in  like 
cases,  at  home  and  abroad  ;  and  without  that  energy  on  my  part,  it  is 
highly  probable  that  no  American  citizen  would  ever  have  cited  the  battles 
of  the  Niagara  without  a  sigh  for  his  country.  I  am  happy,  however, 
that  before  a  word  had  been  received  from  the  department,  and  indeed  be- 


480  APPENDIX. 

fore  it  could  have  had  any  knowledge  of  the  question,  I  had  decided  to 
take  with  me  the  frank  and  gallant  colonel,  and  hope  soon  to  learn  that  he 
and  very  many  other  officers  have  been  rewarded  with  brevets  for  their 
highly  distinguished  services  in  the  campaign  that  followed. 

It  was  in  reference  to  the  same  rebuke  that,  in  acknowledging  your 
communication,  I  said,  from  Vera  Cruz,  April  5,  "  I  might  very  well  con 
trovert  the  military  principles  so  confidently  laid  down  by  the  department, 
[in  the  letter  of  the  22d  February,]  but  believing  that  the  practice  of  the 
United  States  army,  in  the  two  wars  with  Great  Britain,  would  have  no 
weight  in  the  particular  case,  I  waive  further  reply;  having,  at  the  mo 
ment,  no  leisure  and  no  inclination  for  controversy." 

Alluding  to  the  heavy  disappointments,  in  respect  to  transports,  siege 
train,  and  ordnance  stores,  then  already  experienced,  I  wrote  to  the  de 
partment  from  Lobos,  February  28  :  "  Perhaps  no  expedition  was  ever  so 
unaccountably  delayed — by  no  w7ant  of  foresight,  arrangement,  or  energy 
on  my  part,  as  I  dare  affirm — and  under  circumstances  the  most  critical  to 
this  entire  army ;  for  every  body  relied  upon  and  knew,  from  the  first,  as 
well  as  I  knew,  it  would  be  fatal  to  us  to  attempt  military  operations  on 
this  coast  after,  probably,  the  first  week  in  April ;  and  here  we  are  at  the 
end  of  February.  Nevertheless  this  army  is  in  heart ;  and  crippled  as  I 
am  in  the  means  required  and  promised,  I  shall  go  forward,  and  expect  to 
take  Vera  Cruz  and  its  castle  in  time  to  escape,  by  pursuing  the  enemy, 
the  pestilence  of  the  coast." 

The  city  and  castle  were  captured  March  29,  and,  with  about  one- 
fourth  of  the  necessary  means  for  a  road  train,  (no  fault  of  mine.)  the  re 
treat,  in  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  was  vigorously  commenced  April  8.  The 
battle  of  Cerro  Gordo  soon  followed,  and  we  occupied  Jalapa  and  Perote, 
where  we  were  obliged  to  wait  for  supplies  from  Vera  Cruz.  In  those 
positions  I  was  made  to  writhe  under  another  cruel  disappointment. 

In' my  four  memorials,  to  the  department,  on  the  further  prosecution  of 
the  war  against  Mexico,  written  at  Washington,  and  dated,  respectively, 
October  27,  November  12,  16.  and  21,  (it  was  only  intimated  to  me  in  the 
night  of  November  18,  that  I  might  prepare  myself  for  the  field,)  papers 
in  which  I  demonstrated  that  Vera  Cruz  was  the  true  base  of  operations, 
and  that  the  enemy's  capital  could  not,  probably,  be  reached  from  the  Rio 
Grande,  I  estimated  that  after  taking  that  great  seaport,  "  about  20,000 
men,"  or  ':  an  army  of  more  than  20,000  men  may  be  needed  ;  1.  To  beat, 
in  the  field  and  in  passes,  any  accumulated  force  in  the  way ;  2.  To  gar 
rison  many  important  points  in  the  rear,  to  secure  a  free  communication 
with  Vera  Cruz  ;  and  3.  To  make  distant  detachments,  in  order  to  gather 
in,  without  long  halts,  necessary  subsistence."  And  that  force,  I  sup 
posed,  including  volunteers,  and  aided  by  land  and  money  bounties,  might 
be  raised  in  time  by  adding  ten  or  twelve  new  regiments  of  regulars,  and 
filling  up  the  ranks  of  the  old. 


APPENDIX.  481 

A  bill  was  introduced  for  raising  ten  additional  regular  regiments,  and 
I  certainly  do  not  mean  to  charge  the  department  with  the  whole  delay  in 
passing  the  bill  through  Congress.  But  it  was  passed,  February  11, 1847, 
and  under  it,  by  early  in  April,  some  few  thousand  men  had  been  already 
raised  and  organized.  My  distress  may  be  conceived,  by  any  soldier,  on 
learning  at  Jalapa,  April  27th,  that  the  whole  of  that  force  had  been  sent, 
under  Brigadier  Cadwalader,  to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier. 

In  my  letter  to  the  department,  written  the  day  after,  I  said,  I  had  ex 
pected  that  "  detachments  of  the  new  regiments,  would,  as  you  had  pro 
mised  me,  begin  to  arrive  in  this  month,  and  continue  to  follow  perhaps  in 
June."  "  How  many  (volunteers)  will  re-engage  under  the  act  approved 
March  3,  (only  received  two  days  ago,)  I  know  not ;  probably  but  few. 
Hence,  the  greater  my  disappointment  caused  by  sending  the  new  troops 
to  the  Rio  Grande ;  for,  besides  their  keeping  the  road  in  our  present  rear 
open  for  many  weeks,  by  marches  in  successive  detachments,  I  had  in 
tended,  as  I  advanced,  to  leave  strong  garrisons  in  this  place,  [Jalapa,]  in 
Perote,  and  Puebla,  and  to  keep  at  the  head  of  the  movement,  a  force  equal 
to  any  probable  opposition.  It  may  now  depend  on  the  number  of  the  old 
volunteers  who  may  re-engage,  and  the  number  of  new  troops  that  may 
arrive  from  the  Brazos  in  time  ;  as  also,  in  some  degree,  upon  the  advance 
of  Major  General  Taylor,  whether  I  shall  find  this  army  in  strength  to 
leave  the  garrisons  and  to  occupy  the  capital." 

I  may  add,  that  only  about  fifty  individuals  of  the  old  volunteers  re 
engaged  under  the  provision  of  the  act  of  March  3  ;  that  the  remainder 
were  discharged  May  4  ;  that  Major  General  Taylor  made  no  movement  in 
advance  of  Saltillo,  and  that  the  new  regulars,  including  Cadwalader's 
brigade,  only  began  to  cftme  up  with  me,  at  Puebla,  in  July,  but  not  in  suf 
ficient  numbers  till  August  6.  The  next  day  the  army  commenced  its 
advance  upon  the  capital  with  a  little  more  than  10,000  effective  men. 

It  is  not  extravagant  to  say  that,  if  Brigadier  General  Cadwalader's 
forces  had  not  been  diverted  from  me,  to  the  Rio  Grande,  where  he  was 
made  to  lose,  without  any  benefit  to  Major  General  Taylor,  much  precious 
time,  I  might  easily  have  taken  this  city  in  the  month  of  June,  and  at 
one-fifth  of  the  loss  sustained  in  August  and  September.  The  enemy  • 
availed  himself  of  my  forced  delay,  at  Puebla,  to  collect,  to  treble,  to  orga 
nize  and  discipline  his  forces,  as  also  to  erect  numerous  and  powerful  de 
fences  with  batteries.  Nearly  all  those  extraordinary  preparations,  for 
our  reception,  were  made  after  the  middle  of  June.  And  it  is  known  that 
the  news  of  the  victory  of  Buena  Vista  reached  Washington  in  time  to 
countermand  Cadwalader's  orders  for  the  Rio  Grande,  before  his  departure 
from  New-Orleans.  Two  rifle  companies  with  him  received  the  counter 
mand  there  and  joined  me  early. 

I  know  that  I  had  the  misfortune  to  give  offence  to  the  department  by 
31 


482  APPENDIX. 

expressing  myself  to  the  same  effect,  from  Jalapa,  May  6.  In  a  report  of 
that  date,  I  said  : 

"  The  subject  of  that  order  (No.  135 — old  volunteers)  has  given  me 
long  and  deep  solicitude.  To  part  with  so  large  and  so  respectable  a  por 
tion  of  this  army  in  the  middle  of  a  country  which,  though  broken  in  its 
power,  is  not  yet  disposed  to  sue  for  peace  ;  to  provide  for  the  return  home 
of  seven  regiments,  from  this  interior  position,  at  a  time  when  I  find  it 
quite  difficult  to  provide  transportation  and  supplies  for  the  operating  forces 
which  remain  ;  and  all  this  without  any  prospect  of  succor  or  reinforce 
ment  in,  perhaps,  the  next  seven  months — beyond  some  300  army  recruits 
— present  novelties  utterly  unknown  to  any  invading  army  before.  With 
the  addition  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand  new  levies  in  April  and  May — 
asked  for,  and,  until  very  recently,  expected — or  even  with  the  addition  of 
two  or  three  thousand  new  troops,  destined  for  this  army,  but  suddenly^  by 
the  orders  of  the  War  Department,  diverted  to  the  Rio  Grande  frontier,  I 
might,  notwithstanding  the  unavoidable  discharge  of  the  old  volunteers — 
seven  regiments  and  two  independent  companies — advance  with  confi 
dence  upon  the  enemy's  capital.  I  shall,  nevertheless,  advance  ;  but 
whether  beyond  Puebla,  will  depend  on  intervening  information  and  reflec 
tion.  The  general  panic  given  to  the  enemy  at  Cerro  Gordo  still  remain 
ing,  I  think  it  probable  that  we  shall  go  to  Mexico,  or,  if  the  enemy  reco 
ver  from  that,  we  must  renew  the  consternation  by  another  blow." 

Thus,  like  Cortez,  finding  myself  isolated  and  abandoned,  and  again 
like  him,  always  afraid  that  the  next  ship  or  messenger  might  recall  or 
farther  cripple  me.  I  resolved  no  longer  to  depend  on  Vera  Cruz  or  home, 
but  to  render  my  little  army  "  a  self-sustaining  machine" — as  I  informed 
every  body,  including  the  head  of  the  War  Department — and  advance  to 
Puebla. 

It  was  in  reference  to  the  foregoing  serious  causes  of  complaint,  and 
others  to  be  found  in  my  reports  at  large — particularly  in  respect  to  money 
for  the  disbursing  staff  officers,  clothing,  and  Mr.  Trist,  commissioner — 
that  I  concluded  my  report  from  Puebla,  June  4,  in  these  words  : 

is  Considering  the  many  cruel  disappointments  and  mortification  I  have 
been  made  to  feel  since  I  left  Washington,  and  the  total  want  of  support 
or  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  War  Department,  which  I  have  so  long 
experienced,  I  beg  to  be  recalled  from  this  army  the  moment  it  may  be 
safe  for  any  person  to  embark  at  Vera  Cruz  ;  which,  I  suppose,  will  be 
early  in  November.  Probably  all  field  operations  will  be  over  long  before 
that  time." 

But  my  next  report  (July  25th)  from  Puebla  has,  no  doubt,  in  the 
end,  been  deemed  more  unpardonable  by  the  department.  In  that  paper, 
after  speaking  of  the  "  happy  change  in  my  relations,  both  official  and  pri 
vate,  with  Mr.  Trist,"  I  continued  : 


APPENDIX.  483 

"  Since  about  the  26th  ultimo  [June],  our  intercourse  has  been  fre 
quent  and  cordial,  and  I  found  him  [Mr.  T.]  able,  discreet,  courteous,  and 
amiable.  At  home  it  so  chanced  that  we  had  had  but  the  slightest  possible 
acquaintance  with  each  other.  Hence,  more  or  less  of  reciprocal  preju 
dice,  and  of  the  existence  of  his  feelings  towards  me,  I  knew  (by  private 
letters),  before  we  met,  that  at  least  a  part  of  the  cabinet  had  a  full  intima 
tion. 

"  Still,  the  pronounced  misunderstanding  between  Mr.  Trist  and  my 
self  could  not  have  occurred,  but  for  other  circumstances:  1.  His  being 
obliged  to  send  forward  your  letter  of  April  14th,  instead  of  delivering  it 
in  person,  with  the  explanatory  papers  which  he  desired  to  communicate. 
2.  His  bad  health  in  May  and  June,  which,  I  am  happy  to  say,  has  now 
become  good  ;  and  3.  The  extreme  mystification  into  which  your  letter — 
and  particularly  an  interlineation — unavoidably  threw  me. 

"  So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  am  perfectly  willing  that  all  I  have  here 
tofore  written  to  the  department  about  Mr.  Trist  should  be  suppressed. 
I  make  this  declaration  as  due  to  my  present  esteem  for  that  gentleman  ; 
but  ask  no  favor,  and  desire  none,  at  the  hands  of  the  department.  Jus 
tice  to  myself,  however  tardy,  I  shall  take  care  to  have  done.  *  *  * 

"  I  do  not  acknowledge  the  justice  of  either  of  your  rebukes  contained 
in  the  letter  of  May  31,  [in  relation  to  Mr.  Trist  and  the  prisoners  at  Cerro 
Gordo,]  and  that  I  do  not  here  triumphantly  vindicate  myself,  is  not  from 
the  want  of  will,  means,  or  ability,  but  lime. 

"  The  first  letter  (dated  February  22)  received  from  you  at  Vera  Cruz, 
contained  a  censure,  and  I  am  now  rebuked  for  the  unavoidable — nay, 
wise,  if  it  had  not  been  unavoidable— release  on  parole  of  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Cerro  Gordo  ;  even  before  one  word  of  commendation  from  gov 
ernment  has  reached  this  army  on  account  of  its  gallant  conduct  in  the 
capture  of  those  prisoners.  [No  such  commendation  has  yet  been  re 
ceived,  February,  1848.]  So,  in  regular  progression.  I  may — should  the 
same  army  gallantly  bear  me  into  the  city  of  Mexico,  in  the  next  six  or 
seven  weeks,  which  is  probable,  if  we  are  not  arrested  by  a  peace  or  a 
truce — look  to  be  dismissed  from  the  service  of  my  country  !  You  will 
perceive  that  I  am  aware  (as  I  have  long  been)  of  the  dangers  which  hang 
over  me  at  home ;  but  I,  too,  am  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  well 
know  the  obligations  imposed,  under  all  circumstances,  by  an  enlightened 
patriotism. 

"  In  respect  to  money,  I  beg  again  to  report  that  the  chief  commissary 
(Captain  Grayson)  of  this  army  has  not  received  a  dollar  from  the  United 
States  since  we  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  March  9.  He  now  owes  more  than 
$200,000,  and  is  obliged  to  purchase,  on  credit,  at  great  disadvantages. 
The  chief  quartermaster  (Captain  Irwin)  has  received  perhaps  $60,000, 
and  labors  under  like  incumbrances.  Both  have  sold  drafts  to  small 


484  APPENDIX. 

amounts,  and  borrowed  largely  of  the  pay  department,  which  has  received 
about  half  the  money  estimated  for.  Consequently  the  troops  have  some 
four  months'  pay  due  them.  Our  poverty,  or  the  neglect  of  the  disbursing 
departments  at  home,  has  been  made  known,  to  our  shame,  in  the  papers 
of  the  capital  here,  through  a  letter  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  Hunt,  that 
was  found  on  the  person  of  the  special  messenger  from  Washington. 

"  The  army  is  also  suffering  greatly  from  the  want  of  necessary  cloth 
ing,  including  blankets  and  great-coats.  The  new  troops,  (those  who 
have  last  arrived,)  as  destitute  as  the  others,  were  first  told  that  they 
would  find  abundant  supplies  at  New-Orleans ;  next,  at  Vera  Cruz,  and 
finally  here  ;  whereas,  we  now  have,  perhaps,  a  thousand  hands  engaged 
in  making  shoes  and  (out  of  bad  materials  and  at  high  cost)  pantaloons. 
These  articles,  about  3,000  pairs  of  each,  are  absolutely  necessary  to  cover 
the  nakedness  of  the  troops. 

"  February  28th,  off  Lobos,  I  wrote  to  Brigadier  General  Brooke,  to 
direct  the  quartermaster  at  New-Orleans  to  send  me  large  supplies  of 
clothing.  March  16  and  23,  General  Brooke  replied  that  the  quartermas 
ter  at  New-Orleans,  had  '  neither  clothing  nor  shoes,'  and  that  he  was 
'  fearful  that  unless  they  have  been  sent  out  to  you  direct,  you  will  be 
much  disappointed.' 

"  Some  small  quantity  of  clothing,  perhaps  one-fifth  of  our  wants, 
came  to  Vera  Cruz,  from  some  quarter,  and  followed  us  to  Jalapa  and  this 
place." 

I  must  here  specially  remark,  that  this  report,  No.  30,  though  for 
warded  the  night  of  its  date  (July  25),  seems  to  have  been  miscarried. 
Perceiving,  about  November  27,  that  it  was  not  acknowledged  by  the  de 
partment,  I  caused  a  duplicate  to  be  made,  signed  it  and  sent  it  off  by  the 
same  conveyance  with  my  dispatch  No.  36,  and  the  charges  against  Bre 
vet  Major  General  Worth,  Major  General  Pillow,  and  Brevet  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Duncan,  together  with  the  appeal  against  me,  of  the  former.  All 
these  papers  are  acknowledged  by  the  department  in  the  same  letter,  Janu 
ary  13,  that  recalls  me. 

It  was  that  budget  of  papers  that  caused  the  blow  of  power,  so  long 
suspended,  to  fall  on  a  devoted  head.  The  three  arrested  officers,  and  he 
who  had  endeavored  to  enforce  a  necessary  discipline  against  them,  are  all 
to  be  placed  together  before  the  same  court.  The  innocent  and  the  guilty, 
the  accuser  and  the  accused,  the  judge  and  his  prisoners,  are  dealt  with 
alike.  Most  impartial  justice  !  But  there  is  a  discrimination  with  a  ven 
geance  !  While  the  parties  are  on  trial — if  the  appealer  is  to  be  tried  at 
all,  which  seems  doubtful — two  are  restored  to  their  corps — one  of  them 
with  his  brevet  rank,  and  I  am  deprived  of  my  command.  There  can  be  but 
one  step  more  in  the  same  direction ;  throw  the  rules  and  articles  of  war 
into  the  fire,  and  leave  all  ranks  in  the  army  free  to  engage  in  denuncia- 


APPENDIX.  485 

tions,  and  a  general  scramble  for  precedence,  authority,  and  executive  fa 
vor.  The  pronunciamento,  on  the  part  of  my  factious  juniors,  is  most 
triumphant. 

My  recall — under  the  circumstances  a  severe  punishment  before  trial, 
but  to  be  followed  by  a  trial  here  that  may  run  into  the  autumn,  and  on 
matters  I  am  but  partially  permitted  to  know  by  the  department  and  my 
accusers — is  very  ingeniously  placed  on  two  grounds  :  1 .  My  own  re 
quest,  meaning  that  of  June  4,  (quoted  above,  and  there  was  no  other  be 
fore  the  department,)  which  had  been  previously  (July  12)  acknowledged 
and  rebukingly  declined.  2.  The  arrest  of  Brevet  Major  General  Worth, 
for  writing  to  the  department,  "  under  the  pretext  and  form  of  an  appeal," 
an  open  letter,  to  be  sent  through  me,  in  which  I  was  grossly  and  falsely 
accused  of  "  malice"  and  "  conduct  unbecoming  an  officer  and  gentle 
man,"  in  the  matter  of  the  general  order,  No.  349,  on  the  subject  of  puff 
ing  letters  for  the  newspapers  at  home. 

On  that  second  point,  the  letter  from  the  department  of  January  13  is 
more  than  ingenious  ;  it  is  elaborate,  subtle,  and  profound ;  a  professional 
dissertation,  with  the  rare  merit  of  teaching  principles,  until  now  wholly 
unknown  to  military  codes  and  treatises,  and  of  course  to  all  mere  soldiers, 
however  great  their  experience  in  the  field. 

I  have  not,  in  this  place,  time  to  do  more  than  hint  at  the  fatal  conse 
quences  of  the  novel  doctrine  in  question.  According  to  the  department, 
any  factious  junior  may,  at  his  pleasure,  in  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  using 
"  the  pretext  and  form  of  an  appeal"  against  his  commander,  insult  and 
outrage  him  to  the  grossest  extent,  though  he  be  the  general-in-chief,  and 
charged  with  the  conduct  of  the  most  critical  operations,  and  that  com 
mander  may  not  arrest  the  incipient  mutineer  until  he  shall  have  first  laid 
down  his  own  authority,  and  submitted  himself  to  a  trial,  or  wait,  at  least, 
until  a  distant  period  of  leisure  for  a  judicial  examination  of  the  appeal ! 
And  this  is  precisely  the  case  under  consideration.  The  department,  in 
its  eagerness  to  condemn  me,  could  not  take  time  to  learn  of  the  ex 
perienced  that  the  general-in-chief  who  once  submits  to  an  outrage 
from  a  junior,  must  lay  his  account  to  suffer  the  like  from  all  the  vicious 
under  him  ;  at  least,  down  to  a  rank  that  may  be  supposed  without  influ 
ence  in  high  quarters  beyond  the  army.  But  this  would  not  be  the  whole 
mischief  to  the  public  service.  Even  the  great  mass  of  the  spirited,  in 
telligent,  and  well  affected,  among  his  brothers  in  arms,  would  soon  re 
duce  such  commander  to  utter  imbecility,  by  holding  him  in  just  scorn  and 
contempt  for  his  recreancy  to  himself  and  country.  And  are  discipline 
and  efficiency  of  no  value  in  the  field? 

But  it  was  not  my  request  of  June  4,  nor  report  No.  30  (of  July  25), 
so  largely  quoted  from  above,  nor  yet  the  appeal  of  one  pronunciado, 
that  has  at  length  brought  down  upon  me  this  visitation,  so  clearly  pre- 


486  APPENDIX. 

dieted.  That  appeal,  no  doubt,  had  its  merits,  considering  it  came  from 
an  erratic  brother — a  deserter  from  the  other  extreme — who,  having  just 
made  his  peace  with  the  true  faith,  was  bound  to  signalize  apostasy  by  ac 
ceptable  denunciations  of  one  for  whom,  up  to  Vera  Cruz,  he  had  pro 
fessed  (and  not  without  cause)  the  highest  obligations.  (It  was  there  he 
learned  from  me  that  I  was  doomed  at  Washington,  and  straightway  the 
apostate  began  to  seek,  through  a  quarrel,  the  means  of  turning  that 
knowledge  to  his  own  benefit.)  No,  there  was  (recently)  still  another 
element  associated  in  the  work,  kept,  as  far  as  practicable,  out  of  the  letter 
of  recall ;  an  influence  proceeding  from  the  other  arrested  general,  who  is 
quite  willing  that  it  should  be  generally  understood  (and  who  shall  gainsay 
his  significant  acquiescence  ?)  that  all  rewards  and  punishments  in  this 
army  were,  from  the  first,  to  follow  his  recommendations.  This  the  more 
powerful  of  the  pronunciados  against  No.  349  well  knew,  at  the  time,  as 
I  soon  knew  that  he  was  justly  obnoxious  not  only  to  the  animadversions 
of  that  order,  but  to  other  censures  of  yet  a  much  graver  character. 

In  respect  to  this  general,  the  letter  of  recall  observes,  parenthetically, 
but  with  an  acumen  worthy  of  more  than  "  a  hasty"  notice,  that  some  of 
my  specifications  of  his  misconduct  "  are  hardly  consistent  with  your  [my] 
official  reports  and  commendations." 

Seemingly  this  is  a  most  just  rebuke.  But,  waiting  for  the  trials,  I 
will  here  briefly  state,  that  unfortunately  I  followed  that  general's  own 
reports,  written  and  oral ;  that  my  confidence  lent  him  in  advance,  had 
been  but  very  slightly  shaken  as  early  as  the  first  week  in  October  ;  that 
up  to  that  time,  from  our  entrance  into  this  city,  I  had  been  at  the  desk, 
shut  out  from  personal  intercourse  with  my  brother  officers,  and  that  it  was 
not  till  after  that  confinement  that  facts,  conduct,  and  motives,  began  to 
pour  in  upon  me. 

A  word  as  to  the  5th  article  of  war.  I  can  truly  say  that  in  this  and 
other  communications,  I  have  not  designed  the  slightest  disrespect  to  the 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States.  No 
doubt  he,  like  myself  and  all  others,  may  fall  into  mistakes  as  to  particular 
men  ;  and  I  cannot,  having  myself  been  behind  the  curtain,  admit  the  legal 
fiction  that  all  acts  of  a  secretary  are  the  acts  of  the  President.  Yet,  in 
my  defensive  statements,  I  have  offered  no  wanton  discourtesy  to  the  head 
of  the  War  Department,  although  that  functionary  is  not  in  the  enumera 
tion  of  the  above-mentioned  article. 

Closing  my  correspondence  with  the  department  until  after  the  ap 
proaching  trial, 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  respectfully,  your  most  obedient  servant. 

WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

Hon.  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 


APPENDIX.  487 


THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR  TO  GENERAL  SCOTT. 

WAR  DEPARTMENT,      ) 
Washington,  April  21,  1848.  \ 

SIR  :  It  would  not  be  respectful  to  you  to  pass  unnoticed  your  extraor 
dinary  letter  of  the  24th  of  February,  nor  just  to  myself  to  permit  it  to 
remain  unanswered  on  the  files  of  this  department. 

To  attempt  to  dispel  the  delusions  which  you  seem  to  have  long  perti 
naciously  cherished,  and  to  correct  the  errors  into  which  you  have  fallen, 
devolves  upon  me  a  duty  which  I  must  not  decline ;  but  in  performing  it  I 
mean  to  be  as  cautious  as  you  profess  to  have  been,  to  abstain  from  any 
"  wanton  discourtesy,"  and  I  hope  to  be  alike  successful.  Your  prudent 
respect  for  the  "  5th  article  of  war,"  has  induced  you  to  hold  me  ostensi 
bly  responsible  for  many  things  which,  you  are  aware,  are  not  fairly 
chargeable  to  me.  The  device  you  have  adopted  to  assail  the  President, 
by  aiming  your  blows  at  the  Secretary  of  War,  does  more  credit  to  your 
ingenuity  as  an  accuser,  than  to  your  character  as  a  soldier.  A  premedi 
tated  contrivance  to  avoid  responsibility  does  not  indicate  an  intention  not 
to  do  wrong. 

The  general  aspect  of  your  letter  discloses  an  evident  design  to  create 
a  belief  that  you  were  drawn  forth  from  your  quiet  position  in  a  bureau  of 
this  department,  and  assigned  to  the  command  of  our  armies  in  Mexico, 
for  the  purpose  of  being  sacrificed  ;  and  that,  to  accomplish  this  end, 
"  neglects,  disappointments,  injuries,  and  rebukes"  were  "  inflicted"  on 
you,  and  the  necessary  means  of  prosecuting  the  war  with  success  with 
held  ;  or,  in  otjjer  words,  that  the  Government,  after  preferring  you  to  any 
other  of  the  gallant  generals  within  the  range  of  its  choice,  had  labored  to 
frustrate  its  own  plans,  to  bring  defeat  upon  its  own  armies,  and  involve  it 
self  in  ruin  and  disgrace,  for  an  object  so  unimportant  in  its  bearing  upon 
public  affairs.  A  charge  so  entirely  preposterous,  so  utterly  repugnant  to 
all  the  probabilities  of  human  conduct,  calls  for  no  refutation. 

For  other  purposes  than  to  combat  this  fondly  cherished  chimera,  it  is 
proper  that  I  should  notice  some  of  your  specific  allegations. 

It  is  true  that,  after  you  were  designated  for  the  chief  command  of  our 
armies,  the  President  was  desirous  that  your  departure  should  not  be  un 
necessarily  delayed,  but  you  were  not  restricted,  as  you  allege,  to  "  only 
four  days,"  to  make  the  necessary  preparations  at  Washington.  You 
were  not  ordered  away  until  you  had  reported  that  these  preparations  were 
so  far  completed  that  your  presence  here  was  no  longer  required.  Then, 
instead  of  going  directly  to  Mexico,  you  were  permitted,  at  your  own  re 
quest,  to  take  a  circuitous  route  through  New-York,  and  there  to  remain 
a  few  days.  You  staid  at  New-York  nearly  an  entire  week  ;  and  not  until 


488  APPENDIX. 

the  19th  of  December  (twenty-six  days  after  leaving  Washington),  did 
you  reach  New-Orleans,  where  you  would  have  arrived  in  seven  days,  if 
you  had  been  required  to  take  the  direct  route.  This  solicited  indulgence, 
by  which  your  arrival  at  New-Orleans  was  delayed  nearly  three  weeks, 
is  incompatible  with  your  allegation  that  you  were  allowed  "  only  four 
days  at  Washington,  where  twenty  might  have  been  most  advantageously 
employed."  This  complaint  has  relation  to  facts  within  your  own  knowl 
edge  ;  error,  therefore,  is  hardly  reconcileable  with  any  solicitude  to  be  ac 
curate.  As  this  is  your  opening  charge  against  the  War  Department,  and 
may  be  regarded  as  indicative  of  those  which  follow,  I  shall  make  the  refu 
tation  of  it  still  more  complete,  for  the  purpose  of  showing  with  what 
recklessness  you  have  performed  the  functions  of  an  accuser,  and  how 
little  reliance,  in  the  present  state  of  your  feelings,  can  be  placed  on  your 
memory.  You  are  the  witness  by  whom  your  allegation  is  to  be  dis 
proved.  On  the  day  of  your  departure  from  Washington,  you  left  with 
me  a  paper  in  your  own  handwriting,  dated  November  23d,  1846,  with  the 
following  heading  :  "  Notes,  suggesting  topics  to  be  embraced  in  the  Se 
cretary's  instructions  to  General  S.,  drawn  up  (in  haste)  at  the  request  of 
the  former."  From  that  paper  I  extract  the  following  paragraph  : 

"  I  [the  Secretary  of  War]  am  pleased  to  learn  from  you  [General 
Scott]  that  you  have,  in  a  very  few  days,  already,  through  the  general 
staff  of  the  army  here,  laid  a  sufficient  basis  for  the  purposes  with  which 
you  are  charged,  and  that  you  now  think  it  best  to  proceed  at  once  to  the 
southwestern  order  to  organize  the  largest  number  of  troops  that  can  be 
obtained  in  time  for  that  most  important  expedition" — the  expedition  against 
Vera  Cruz.  Here  is  your  own  most  explicit  admission  that  you  repre 
sented  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  before  leaving  Washington,  that  ar 
rangements  were  so  far  completed,  that  you  thought  it  best  to  proceed  at 
once  to  the  army  in  Mexico,  and  yet  you  make  it  your  opening  charge 
against  the  department,  that  you  were  forced  away  to  Mexico  before  you 
had  time  for  necessary  preparations. 

I  present  the  next  charge  in  your  own  language  :  "  I  handed  to  you  a 
written  request  that  one  of  three  of  our  accomplished  captains,  therein 
named,  might  be  appointed  assistant  adjutant  general,  with  the  rank  of 
Major,  for  duty  with  me  in  the  field,  and  there  was  a  vacancy,  at  the  time. 
for  one.  My  request  lias  never  been  attended  to ;  and  thus  I  have  had  no 
officer  of  the  adjutant  general's  department  with  me  in  the  campaign. 
Can  another  instance  be  cited  of  denying  to  a  general-in-chief,  in  the  field, 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  or  even  a  small  one,  the  selection  of  his  chief 
of  the  staff — that  is,  the  chief  in  the  department  of  orders  and  correspond 
ence  ?" 

Were  the  case  precisely  as  you  have  stated  it  to  be,  you  have  given 
too  much  prominence,  as  a  matter  of  complaint,  to  the  President's  refusal 


APPENDIX.  489 

to  be  controlled  in  the  exercise  of  the  appointing  power  by  your  wishes. 
Had  there  been  a  vacancy,  such  as  you  mention,  for  one  of  the  "  accom 
plished  captains"  you  named,  no  one  knows  better  than  you  do  that  your 
request  could  not  have  been  acceded  to,  without  departing  from  the  uniform 
rule  of  selection  for  staff  appointments — without  violating  the  rights  of  se 
veral  officers  to  regular  promotion,  and  offering  an  indignity  to  all  those  who 
held  the  position  of  assistant  adjutants  general  with  the  rank  of  captain. 
The  rule  of  regular  promotion  in  the  staff*  is  as  inflexible,  and  has  been 
as  uniformly  observed,  as  that  in  the  line.  It  must  appear  surprising  that 
you,  who  were  so  deeply  "  shocked  and  distressed"  at  the  suggestion  of 
appointing,  by  authority  of  Congress,  a  "  citizen  lieutenant  general,"  or 
vesting  the  President  with  power  to  devolve  the  command  of  the  army  on 
a  major  general,  without  regard  to  priority  in  the  date  of  his  commission, 
should,  in  your  first  request  after  being  assigned  to  command,  ask  the  Pre 
sident  to  disregard  the  rights  of,  at  least,  four  officers,  as  meritorious  as  the 
"  three  accomplished  captains"  named  by  you.  The  President's  views  on 
this  subject  undoubtedly  differ  from  yours.  His  regard  for  the  rights  of 
officers  is  not  graduated  by  their  rank.  Those  of  captains  and  major  ge 
nerals  have  equal  value  in  his  estimation,  and  an  equal  claim  to  his  respect 
and  protection.  I  cannot  admit  that  it  is  a  just  ground  of  censure  and  re 
buke  against  the  "  head  of  the  War  Department,"  that  the  President  did 
not  see  fit,  in  order  to  gratify  your  feelings  of  favoritism,  to  disregard  the 
claims,  and  violate  the  rights,  of  all  the  assistant  adjutants  general  of  the 
rank  of  captain  then  in  commission. 

But,  so  far  as  it  is  made  a  ground  of  complaint  and  reproof,  this  is  not 
the  worst  aspect  of  the  case.  You  are  entirely  mistaken  in  the  assertion 
that  there  was  then  a  vacancy  in  the  adjutant  general's  staff,  with  the  rank 
of  major,  to  which  either  of  the  captains  recommended  by  you  could  have 
been  properly  appointed.  There  was  no  such  vacancy.  To  show  the 
correctness  of  this  statement,  and  to  demonstrate  your  error,  I  appeal  to 
the  army  register  and  the  records  of  the  adjutant  general's  office.  Your 
mistake  as  to  an  obvious  fact,  lying  within  the  range  of  matters  with 
which  you  are  presumed  to  be  familiar,  has  excited  less  surprise  than  the 
declaration  that,  by  the  non-compliance  with  your  request,  you  "  have  had 
no  officer  of  the  adjutant  general's  department  with  me  [you]  in  the  cam 
paign."  Every  officer  of  that  department,  at  least  eight,  were,  as  you  well 
knew,  subject  to  your  command.  When  you  arrived  in  Mexico,  there 
were  with  the  army  at  least  five  assistant  adjutants  general,  all  at  your 
service.  That  you  chose  to  employ  none  of  them  at  your  head-quarters, 
and  detached  from  other  appropriate  duties  an  officer  to  act  as  an  assistant 
adjutant  general,  may  well  be  regarded  as  a  slight  to  the  whole  of  that 
staff  then  with  you  in  Mexico,  and  a  cause  of  complaint ;  but  certainly  not 
a  complaint  to  emanate  from  you  against  the  War  Department.  Willing 


490  APPENDIX. 

as  I  am  to  presume,  though  unable  to  conceive,  that  circumstances  justi 
fied  you  in  passing  over  all  the  assistant  adjutants  general  then  with  the 
army,  and  in  selecting  an  officer  of  the  line  to  perform  the  duties  of  adju 
tant  general  at  your  head-quarters,  I  was  much  surprised  to  learn  from  you 
that,  when  General  Worth  sent  to  you  one  of  these  "  accomplished  cap 
tains,"  the  first  on  your  list,  under  the  belief  that  you  desired  his  services 
as  an  acting  assistant  adjutant  general,  you  declined  to  employ  him  in  that 
capacity ;  and  I  am  still  more  surprised  to  perceive  that  you  have  made  it 
a  distinct  ground  of  charge  in  your  arraignment  of  the  War  Department, 
that  you  were  not  permitted  to  have  him  as  an  assistant  adjutant  general  at 
your  head-quarters.  Had  you  selected  him  instead  of  another,  as  you 
might  have  done,  you  would  have  been  bereft  of  all  pretext  for  complaint. 
Though  there  was  no  vacancy  in  the  adjutant  general's  staff  of  the  grade 
of  major,  for  which  only  you  recommended  the  "  accomplished  captains," 
and  to  which  only  they  were  properly  eligible,  there  was  a  vacancy  in  it 
of  the  rank  of  captain.  For  this  position  you  recommended  an  officer  in 
General  Wool's  staff,  then  on  the  Chihuahua  expedition.  This  officer  was 
subsequently  appointed  assistant  adjutant  general,  with  the  rank  of  captain, 
as  you  desired,  and  has  ever  since  been  at  the  head-quarters  of  that  general. 
Thus  it  will  be  perceived  that  your  request,  so  far  as  it  was  proper  and 
reasonable,  was  actually  complied  with. 

The  next  specification  in  the  catalogue  of  charges  preferrred  against 
me  is,  that  a  court-martial  was  not  instituted  by  the  President  for  the  trial 
or  General  Marshall  and  Captain  Montgomery  on  your  charges  against 
them.  The  offences  imputed  to  them  were  certainly  not  of  an  aggravated 
character.  The  one,  as  was  alleged,  had  been  incautious  in  relation  to  a 
dispatch,  under  circumstances  that  might  admit  of  its  coming  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  enemy  ;  and  the  other  had  not  carried  a  dispatch  with  as 
much  expedition  as  you  thought  he  might  have  done.  As  one  was  a  ge 
neral  officer,  a  court  to  try  him  must  have  been  composed  of  officers  of 
high  rank.  Before  the  order  for  assembling  it  could  have  reached  Mexico, 
it  was  foreseen  that  your  command  would  be  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  probably 
engaged  in  an  active  siege  of  that  city.  Officers  could  not,  therefore,  have 
been  then  sent  from  your  column  to  Monterey  or  the  Rio  Grande,  (where 
the  court  must  have  been  held,)  without  great  detriment  to  the  public  ser 
vice.  Had  you  been  deprived  of  several  officers  of  high  rank,  at  that 
critical  period,  by  order  of  the  President,  it  would  have  afforded  a  bet 
ter  pretence  of  complaint  than  any  one  in  your  extended  catalogue.  Had 
the  court  been  composed  of  officers  taken  from  General  Taylor's  com 
mand,  it  would  have  still  further  weakened  his  condition,  already  weak  in 
consequence  of  the  very  large  force  you  had  withdrawn  from  him.  Sub 
sequent  events  have  proved  that  it  was  most  fortunate  the  President  did 
not  comply  with  your  request,  for  had  he  done  so,  some  of  the  officers 


APPENDIX.  491 

highest  in  rank  and  most  conspicuous  at  Buena  Vista  might,  at  that  criti 
cal  juncture,  have  been  separated  from  their  commands  and  engaged  on  a 
court  at  a  distance  from  that  glorious  scene  of  action.  It  is  not  fanciful  to 
suppose  that  their  absence  might  have  changed  the  fortune  of  that  event 
ful  day,  and  that,  instead  of  rejoicing,  as  we  now  do,  in  a  triumphant  vic 
tory,  among  the  most  brilliant  in  the  whole  course  of  the  war,  we  might 
have  had  to  lament  a  most  disastrous  defeat,  and  the  almost  total  loss  of 
the  whole  force  you  had  left  to  sustain  that  frontier. 

No  man  has  more  reason  than  yourself  to  rejoice  that  no  order  emana 
ted  from  Washington,  though  requested  by  you,  which  would  have  fur 
ther  impaired  the  efficiency  of  General  Taylor's  command  in  the  crisis 
that  then  awaited  him. 

My  letter  of  the  22d  of  February,  conveying  the  President's  views  in 
regard  to  your  order  depriving  Colonel  Harney  of  his  appropriate  com 
mand,  is  severely  arraigned  by  you  as  offensive,  both  in  manner  and  matter. 

The  facts  in  relation  to  this  case  of  alleged  grievance  are  now  before 
the  public,  and  a  brief  allusion  to  them  will  place  the  transaction  in  its 
true  light.  Under  your  orders  Colonel  Harney  had  brought  seven  compa 
nies  of  his  regiment,  the  2d  dragoons,  from  Monterey  to  the  Brazos,  to  be 
under  your  immediate  command  ;  and  two  others,  being  all  of  the  regiment 
in  Mexico,  were  expected  to  follow  within  a  few  days.  In  the  midst  of  his 
high  hopes  and  ardent  desire  for  active  service,  you  took  from  him  the 
command  of  his  own  regiment,  devolved  it  on  one  of  his  junior  officers, 
and  ordered  him  back  to  General  Taylor's  line,  to  look  for  what  was  not 
inappropriately  denominated  "  an  imaginary  command."  Outraged  in  his 
feelings  and  injured  in  his  rights,  he  respectfully  remonstrated  ;  his  appeal 
to  your  sense  of  justice  was  unavailing.  Neither  to  this  gallant  officer, 
nor  to  the  President,  did  you  assign  any  sufficient  or  even  plausible  reason 
for  this  extraordinary  proceeding.  The  whole  army,  I  believe,  and  the 
whole  country,  where  the  transaction  became  known,  entertained  but  one 
opinion  on  the  subject,  and  that  was,  that  you  had  inflicted  an  injury  and 
an  outrage  upon  a  brave  and  meritorious  officer.  Such  an  act,  almost  the 
first  on  your  assuming  command,  boded  disastrous  consequences  to  the 
public  service,  and  devolved  upon  the  President  the  duty  of  interposing  to 
protect  the  injured  officer.  This  interposition  you  have  made  a  grave 
matter  of  accusation  against  the  head  of  the  War  Department,  and  have 
characterized  it  as  a  censure  and  a  rebuke.  It  may  imply  both,  and  still, 
being  merited,  may  leave  you  without  a  pretence  for  complaint.  The  Pre 
sident,  after  alluding  to  his  duty  to  sustain  the  rights  of  the  officers  under 
your  command,  as  well  as  your  own  rights,  informed  you  that  he  did  not 
discover  in  the  case,  as  you  had  presented  it,  sufficient  cause  for  such  an 
order ;  that,  in  his  opinion.  Colonel  Harney  had  a  just  cause  to  complain, 
and  that  he  hoped  the  m-itter  had  been  reconsidered  by  you,  and  the  colo- 


492  APPENDIX. 

nel  restored  to  his  appropriate  command.  Your  own  subsequent  course 
in  this  case  demonstrates  the  unreasonablenes  of  your  complaint,  and  vin 
dicates  the  correctness  of  the  President's  proceedings.  You  had  really 
rebuked  and  censured  your  own  conduct,  for  even  before  you  had  received 
the  President's  views,  you  had,  as  he  hoped  you  would,  reconsidered  the 
matter,  become  convinced  of  your  error,  reversed  your  own  order,  and  re 
stored  Colonel  Harney  to  his  command  ;  thus  giving  the  strongest  evidence 
in  favor  of  the  propriety  and  correctness  of  all  the  President  had  done  in 
the  case.  I  give  you  too  much  credit  for  steadiness  of  purpose,  to  suspect 
that  you  retraced  your  steps  from  mere  caprice,  or  for  any  other  cause 
than  a  conviction  that  you  had  fallen  into  error.  After  the  matter  had 
thus  terminated,  it  appears  unaccountable  to  me  that  you,  who  above  all 
others  should  wish  it  to  pass  into  oblivion,  have  again  called  attention  to  it 
by  making  it  an  item  in  your  arraignment  of  the  War  Department. 

You  struggle  in  vain  to  vindicate  your  course  in  this  case,  by  referring 
to  your  own  acts  in  the  campaign  of  1814.  You  then  sent  away,  as  you 
allege,  against  their  wishes,  "  three  senior  field  officers,  of  as  many  regi 
ments,  who  were  infirm,  uninstructed,  and  inefficient,  in  favor  of  three 
juniors,  and  with  the  subsequent  approbation  of  Major  General  Brown  and 
the  head  of  the  War  Department."  This  precedent  does  not,  in  my  judg 
ment  change  the  aspect  of  the  present  case.  Colonel  Harney  was  not 
"  infirm,  uninstructed,  and  inefficient ;"  you  did  not  assign,  and  in  defer 
ence  to  the  known  opinion  of  the  army  and  country,  you  did  not  venture 
to  assign  that  reason  for  deposing  him.  I  do  not  understand  the  force  of 
your  logical  deduction,  that,  because  you,  on  a  former  occasion,  had  de 
prived  officers  under  you  of  their  commands,  for  good  and  sufficient  rea 
sons,  with  subsequent  approval,  you  may  now,  and  at  any  time,  do  the 
same  thing,  without  any  reason  whatever ;  and  if  the  President  interposes 
to  correct  the  procedure,  you  have  a  just  cause  to  complain  of  an  indig 
nity,  and  a  right  to  arraign  the  War  Department. 

As  your  animadversion  upon  the  tone  of  my  letter  is,  probably,  not  a 
blow  aimed  at  a  much  more  conspicuous  object,  to  be  reached  through  me, 
I  ought,  perhaps,  to  pass  it  without  notice.  On  revision  of  that  letter,  I 
cannot  perceive  that  it  is  not  entirely  respectful  in  manner  and  language. 
The  views  of  the  President  are  therein  confidently  expressed,  because 
they  were  confidently  entertained.  It  seems  to  be  admitted  by  you  that, 
"  if  dictated  to  the  greenest  general  of  the  recent  appointments,"  the 
letter  would  not  have  been  exceptionable.  I  was  not  aware  that  it  was 
my  duty  to  modify  and  graduate  my  style,  so  as  to  meet,  according  to  your 
fastidious  views,  the  various  degrees  of  greenness  and  ripeness  of  the 
generals,  to  whom  I  am  required  to  convey  the  orders  of  the  President ; 
and  for  any  such  defect  in  my  official  communications  I  have  no  apology 
to  offer. 


APPENDIX.  493 

In  the  same  letter,  wherein  you  complain  of  being  censured  for  your 
course  in  relation  to  Colonel  Harney,  you  say,  "  I  am  now  rebuked  for  the 
unavoidable — nay  wise,  if  it  had  not  been  unavoidable — release,  on  parole, 
of  the  prisoners  taken  at  Cerro  Gordo — even  before  one  word  of  com 
mendation  from  government  had  reached  this  army,  on  account  of  its  gal 
lant  conduct  in  the  capture  of  those  prisoners."  Accident  alone,  not  any 
oversight  or  neglect  on  my  part,  has  given  you  the  apparent  advantage  of 
the  aggravation,  which  you  have  artfully  thrown  into  this  charge.  My 
letter,  commending  yourself  and  the  gallant  army  under  your  command, 
for  the  glorious  achievement  at  Cerro  Gordo,  was  written  and  sent  to  you 
on  the  1 9th  of  May,  eleven  days  before  that  which  you  are  pleased  to  con 
sider  as  containing  a  rebuke. 

But  I  meet  the  main  charge  with  a  positive  denial.  You  never  were 
rebuked  for  discharging  the  prisoners  taken  at  Cerro  Gordo.  This  issue 
can  be  tried  by  the  record.  All  that  was  ever  said  on  the  subject,  is  con 
tained  in  the  following  extract  from  my  letter  of  the  31st  of  May. 

"  Your  course  hitherto,  in  relation  to  prisoners  of  war,  both  men  and 
officers,  in  discharging  them  on  parole,  has  been  liberal  and  kind ;  but 
whether  it  ought  to  be  still  longer  continued,  or  in  some  respects  changed, 
has  been  under  the  consideration  of  the  President,  and  he  has  directed  me 
to  communicate  to  you  his  views  on  the  subject.  He  is  not  unaware  of 
the  great  embarrassment  their  detention,  or  the  sending  of  them  to  the 
United  States,  would  occasion ;  but,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  officers,  he 
thinks  they  should  be  detained  until  duly  exchanged.  In  that  case,  it  will 
probably  be  found  expedient  to  send  them,  or  most  of  them,  to  the  United 
States.  You  will  not,  therefore,  except  for  special  reasons  in  particular 
cases,  discharge  the  officers,  who  may  be  taken  prisoners,  but  detain  them 
with  you,  or  send  them  to  the  United  States,  as  you  shall  deem  most  ex 
pedient." 

If  I  understand  the  force  of  terms,  there  is  nothing  in  this  language 
which,  by  fair  interpretation,  can  be  made  to  express  or  imply  a  rebuke.  I 
cannot  conceive  that  any  mind,  other  than  one  of  a  diseased  sensitiveness, 
ever  anxious  to  discover  causes  for  complaint  and  accusation,  could  ima 
gine  that  any  thing  like  a  rebuke  was  contained  in  this  extract ;  yet  on  this 
unsubstantial  basis  alone  rests  the  charge,  over  and  over  again  presented, 
that  you  were  rebuked  by  the  War  Department,  for  discharging  the  pris 
oners  captured  at  Cerro  Gordo.  If,  in  a  case  where  it  was  so  easy  to  be 
right  and  so  difficult  to  get  wrong,  you  could  fall  into  such  an  obvious  mis 
take,  what  may  not  be  expected  from  you  in  other  masters,  where  your 
perverted  feelings  have  a  freer  and  wider  range  ? 

Before  considering  your  complaints,  for  not  having  been  supplied  with 
sufficient  means  for  transportation  for  the  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz,  I 
will  notice  your  "  four  memorials"  to  the  War  Department,  in  which  you 


494  APPENDIX. 

demonstrated,  as  you  state,  that  Vera  Cruz  was  the  true  basis  of  opera 
tions,  and  that  the  enemy's  capital  could  not,  probably,  be  reached  from  the 
Rio  Grande. 

I  cannot  discover  the  pertinency  of  your  allusion  to  these  four  memo 
rials,  except  it  be  to  put  forth  a  claim  to  the  merit  of  originating  the  expe 
dition  against  Vera  Cruz,  and  of  being  the  first  to  discover  that  the  most 
practicable  route  to  the  city  of  Mexico  was  from  that  point  on  the  Gulf; 
but  your  known  abhorrence  for  a  "  pruriency  of  fame  not  earned,"  ought 
to  shield  you  from  the  suspicion  of  such  an  infirmity. 

I  am  sure  you  are  not  ignorant  of  the  fact — but,  if  you  are,  it  is  nev 
ertheless  true — that  the  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz  had  been  for  some 
time  under  consideration  ;  that  great  pains  had  been  taken  to  get  informa 
tion  as  to  the  defences  of  that  city,  the  strength  of  the  castle,  and  the 
difficulties  which  would  attend  the  debarkation  of  troops ;  that  maps  had 
been  procured  and  carefully  examined  ;  that  persons  who  had  resided  there, 
and  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  had  been  consulted  on  the  subject,  and 
the  enterprise  actually  resolved  on  before  the  date  of  your  first  memoir, 
and  before  you  were  thought  of  to  conduct  it. 

As  early  as  the  9th  of  July,  1846,  within  two  months  after  the  decla 
ration  of  war,  and  before  the  main  body  of  troops  raised  for  its  prosecution 
had  reached  the  scene  of  operations,  considerable  attention  had  been  given 
to  that  subject.  On  that  day  a  letter,  from  this  department  to  General 
Taylor,  thus  alludes  to  a  movement  from  Vera  Cruz  into  the  interior  of  the 
enemy's  country. 

"  If,  from  all  the  information  you  may  communicate  to  the  department, 
as  well  as  that  derived  from  other  sources,  it  should  appear  that  the  diffi 
culties  and  obstacles  to  the  conducting  of  a  campaign,  from  the  Rio 
Grande,  the  present  base  of  your  operations,  for  any  considerable  distance 
into  the  interior  of  Mexico,  will  be  very  great,  the  department  will  consider 
whether  the  main  invasion  should  not  ultimately  take  place  from  some 
point  on  the  coast,  say  Tampico,  or  some  other  point  in  the  vicinity  of 
Vera  Cruz.  This  suggestion  is  made  with  a  view  to  call  your  attention 
to  it,  and  to  obtain  from  you  such  information  as  you  may  be  able  to  im 
part.  Should  it  be  determined  that  the  main  army  should  invade  Mexico 
at  some  other  point  than  the  Rio  Grande — say  the  vicinity  of  Vera  Cruz 
— a  large  and  sufficient  number  of  transport  vessels  could  be  placed  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  by  the  time  the  healthy  season  sets  in — say 
early  in  November.  The  main  army,  with  all  its  munitions,  could  be 
transported,  leaving  a  sufficient  force  behind  to  hold  and  occupy  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  all  the  towns  and  provinces  which  you  may  have  conquered 
before  that  time.  In  the  event  of  such  being  the  plan  of  operations,  your 
opinion  is  desired,  what  increased  force,  if  any,  will  be  required  to  carry  it 
out  with  success.  We  learn  that  the  army  could  be  disembarked  a  few 


APPENDIX.  495 

miles  distant  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  readily  invest  the  town  in  its  rear,  with 
out  coming  within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  d' 
Ulloa.  The  town  could  be  readily  taken  by  land,  while  the  fortress,  being 
invested  by  land  and  sea,  and  all  communication  cut  off,  must  soon  fall. 
From  Vera  Cruz  to  the  city  of  Mexico  there  is  a  fine  road,  upon  which 
the  diligences  or  stage  coaches  run  daily.  The  distance  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  the  city  of  Mexico  is  not  more  than  one-third  of  that  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  the  city  of  Mexico." 

The  subject  was  again  brought  into  view  on  the  13th  of  October,  in 
the  same  year,  and  more  particularly  on  the  22d  of  October,  in  letters  ad 
dressed  to  General  Taylor.  At  the  last  date,  the  plan  had  been  so  far 
matured  that  several  officers  of  the  staff  and  line  were  indicated  for  that 
service.  This  was  nearly  a  month  before  it  was  determined  to  employ  you 
with  the  army  in  any  part  of  Mexico. 

It  was  never  contemplated  here  to  strike  at  the  city  of  Mexico  from 
the  line  occupied  by  General  Taylor,  or  through  any  other,  except  that 
from  Vera  Cruz.  If  the  war  was  to  be  pushed  to  that  extent,  it  required 
no  elaborate  demonstration,  no  profound  military  talent,  nothing  more 
than  common  sagacity  and  very  slight  reflection  on  the  subject,  to  see  the 
propriety  and  the  necessity  of  making  Vera  Cruz  the  base  of  military  ope 
rations. 

An  alleged  deficiency  of  means  to  transport  the  troops  in  the  expedi 
tion  to  Vera  Cruz  seems  to  be  most  prominently  presented,  and  most  con 
fidently  relied  on,  to  sustain  your  charge  against  the  War  Department  for 
neglecting  this  branch  of  its  duties.  I  issued,  it  seems  to  be  admitted,  the 
proper  order,  so  far  as  the  means  of  transportation  were  to  be  drawn  from 
the  north  ;  but  the  allegation  is  that  it  was  issued  too  late,  and  was  never 
executed.  It  was  issued  at  least  four  days  before  you  arrived  at  New- 
Orleans,  on  your  way  to  the  army.  If  promptly  executed,  it  was  a  reas 
onable  calculation  that  the  "  ten  vessels,"  alluded  to  in  your  letter,  would 
have  arrived  in  season  to  receive  the  troops,  as  soon  as  you  could  collect 
them  from  their  remote  and  scattered  positions  in  the  interior  of  Mexico, 
bring  them  to  the  sea-coast,  and  prepare  for  their  embarkation.  Whether 
an  order  for  ships  to  be  sent  out  in  ballast,  issued  the  15th  of  December, 
was  or  was  not  in  season  for  the  service  they  were  designed  for,  depends 
upon  the  time  when  the  expedition  could  be  got  ready  to  sail.  To  deter 
mine  this,  a  regard  must  be  paid  to  what  you  required  to  be  done  prepara 
tory  to  the  expedition,  rather  than  what  you  may  have  said  on  that  subject. 

A  reference  to  two  or  three  of  your  requisitions  will  show  that  no  ra 
tional  hope  could  be  entertained  that  the  expedition  would  set  forth  before 
the  middle  or  the  last  of  February.  You  required,  as  one  item  of  the 
outfit,  one  hundred  and  forty  surf  boats — all  to  be  constructed  after  you 
left  Washington.  Though  the  department  urged  a  less  number,  you  in- 


496  APPENDIX. 

sisted  on  all.  You  estimated  the  expense  of  each  at  $200,  and  thought, 
by  putting-  the  principal  ship-yards  on  the  Atlantic  coast  in  requisition, 
they  might  be  constructed  by  the  first  of  January.  To  show  what  reli 
ance  was  to  be  placed  on  your  calculation,  I  refer  to  the  fact,  that  though 
due  regard  to  economy  was  had  in  procuring  these  boats,  each  cost  on  an 
average  $950 — nearly  fivefold  your  estimate.  Conceding  that  you  erred 
much  less  as  to  the  time  within  which  they  could  be  constructed — nay, 
more,  admitting  they  could  have  been  ready  by  the  first  of  January,  and 
sooner  you  did  not  expect  they  could  be  made — by  no  reasonable  calcula 
tion  could  they  have  reached  the  coast  of  Mexico  before  the  first  of  Febru 
ary.  The  expedition  could  not  go  forth  without  them.  In  your  letter  to 
me,  dated  the  28th  of  February,  off  Lobos,  you  state  that  but  a  small  part 
of  the  transports  engaged  at  New-Orleans,  under  your  orders  of  the  28th 
December,  had  arrived,  and  "  not  one  of  the  ten  ordered  by  your  memo 
randum  of  the  15th  of  that  month,  and  the  whole  were  due  at  the  Brazos  on 
the  1 5th  of  January."  Having  thus  shown,  by  your  own  opinion,  that,  un 
der  my  order,  "  the  ten  vessels"  ought  to  have  been  at  the  Brazos  at  least 
fifteen  days  before  the  expedition  could  have  been  ready  to  sail,  I  have  vindica 
ted  myself  from  the  charge  of  having  neglected  my  duty,  by  not  issuing 
that  order  at  an  earlier  date.  If  issued  earlier,  it  would  have  involved  a 
largely  increased  expenditure  for  demurrage,  and  resulted  in  no  public 
benefit. 

But  the  graver  part  of  this  charge  is,  that  none  of  these  "  ten  vessels" 
ever  arrived.  "  Relying,"  you  say,  in  the  letter  now  under  consideration, 
"  upon  them  [the  ten  vessels]  confidently,  the  embarkation  was  delayed, 
in  the  whole,  or  in  part,  at  the  Brazos  and  Tampico,  from  the  15th  of  Janu 
ary  to  the  9th  of  March,  leaving,  it  was  feared,  not  half  the  time  needed 
for  the  reduction  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its  castle,  before  the  return  of  the  yel 
low  fever."  To  whomsoever  the  calamitous  consequences  of  the  non- 
arrival  of  these  "  ten  vessels"  and  your  ':  cruel  disappointment"  in  rela 
tion  to  them  are  imputable,  he  has  certainly  involved  himself  in  a  serious 
responsibility.  I  hope  to  remove  the  whole  of  it  from  "  the  head  of  the 
War  Department,"  and  entertain  some  apprehensions  that  it  will  fall,  in 
part,  upon  the  commanding  general  of  the  expedition. 

The  execution  of  the  most  difficult  branch  of  duties  appertaining  to  a 
military  expedition — providing  for  transportation — is  by  the  distribution  of 
the  business  of  the  War  Department  allotted  to  the  quartermaster  general. 
As  an  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz  had  been  resolved  on  some  time  before 
you  were  assigned  to  take  command  of  it,  General  Jesup  had  gone  to 
New-Orleans  to  be  in  the  best  position  to  make  the  necessary  preparations 
for  such  an  enterprise.  From  his  great  knowledge,  and  long  experience  in 
military  affairs,  not  only  in  his  appropriate  department,  but  as  a  commander 
in  the  field,  the  government  thought  it  fortunate  that  you  could  have  the 
advice  and  assistance  of  so  able  a  counsellor. 


APPENDIX.  497 

Your  suggestion  that  it  might  be  necessary  to  send  ships  in  ballast 
from  the  north,  for  transports,  was  not  neglected  or  unheeded  by  me. 
Whether  it  would  be  necessary,  or  not,  depended,  according  to  your  state 
ment  to  me,  upon  the  means  of  transportation  which  could  be  procured  at 
New-Orleans,  &c.  My  first  step  was,  to  write  to  the  quartermaster  gene 
ral,  then  at  that  place,  for  information  on  that  subject.  In  my  letter  to  him 
of  llth  of  December,  I  said  :  "  It  is  expected  that  most  of  the  vessels  in 
the  service  of  the  quartermaster's  department  can  be  used  as  transports  for 
the  expedition.  It  will  be  necessary  that  the  department  here  should 
know  what  portion  of  the  transportation  can  be  furnished  by  the  ordinary 
means  which  the  quartermaster's  department  has  now  under  its  control  for 
the  purposes  of  its  expedition.  I  have  to  request  that  information  on  this 
point  should  be  furnished  without  delay. 

"  Another  point  upon  which  the  department  desires  information  is, 
what  amount  of  means  of  transportation,  for  such  an  expedition,  can  be 
furnished  at  New-Orleans,  Mobile,  and  in  that  quarter. 

"  The  expense  of  procuring  transports  from  the  Atlantic  cities  will  be 
exorbitant.  Freights  are  very  high,  and  most  of  the  good  vessels  are  en 
gaged  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  commerce." 

It  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  that  you  saw  this  letter,  on  your  first  ar 
rival  at  New-Orleans.  In  writing  to  me  from  that  place,  December  21st, 
you  observe,  "  I  have  seen  your  letter  (in  the  hands  of  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Hunt)  to  the  quartermaster  general,  dated  the  llth."  You  could  not  mis 
take  its  object,  because  it  was  clearly  expressed.  I  asked  distinctly  what 
means  of  transportations  for  the  expedition  can  be  furnished  at  New-Or 
leans,  &c.,  and  referred  to  the  expense  and  difficulty  of  procuring  trans 
ports  from  the  Atlantic  cities.  You  could  not,  therefore,  but  know  that 
my  course,  as  to  sending  ships  in  ballast  from  the  north,  would  be  regula 
ted  by  the  quartermaster  general's  reply.  While  waiting  for  this  informa 
tion,  and  in  order  to  prevent  delay,  and  be  sure  not  to  deserve  the  imputa 
tion  you  now  cast  upon  me,  I  issued  the  order  of  the  15th  of  December, 
to  which  you  refer,  knowing  that  it  could  be  modified  and  conformed  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  service,  according^  to  the  answer  which  I  should  re 
ceive  from  General  Jesup.  His  reply  is  dated  the  27th  of  December,  and 
in  it  he  says  : 

"  Transportation  can  be  provided  here  for  all  the  troops  that  may  be 
drawn  from  the  army  under  the  command  of  General  Taylor,  and  for  all 
the  ordnance,  ordnance  stores,  and  other  supplies,  which  may  be  drawn 
either  from  this  depot,  [the  Brazos,]  or  from  New-Orleans.  The  public 
transports,  I  mean  those  owned  by  the  United  States,  that  can  be  spared 
for  the  contemplated  operations,  it  is  estimated,  will  carry  three  thousand 
men,  with  all  their  supplies.  Vessels  can  be  chartered  here,  on  favorable 
terms,  for  any  additional  transportation  that  may  be  required."  This  letter 
32 


498  APPENDIX. 

was  submitted  to,  and  read  by,  you,  as  appears  from  your  endorsement 
thereon.  After  referring  to  some  other  matters  in  the  letter,  you  conclude 
your  endorsement  as  follows  :  "  I  recommend  that  Brevet  Major  General 
Jesup's  suggestions  be  adopted."  This  fact  shows  that  the  letter  received 
your  particular  attention. 

When  this  letter,  which  you  knew  was  forwarded  to  the  department, 
was  here  received,  showing  that  your  apprehended  difficulty  in  obtaining 
sufficient  transportation  at  the  south  was  unfounded,  and  that  it  could  be 
provided  in  that  quarter  in  great  abundance  on  favorable  terms,  my  order 
of  the  15th  of  December,  so  far,  and  only  so  far,  as  it  related  to  sending 
out  vessels  in  ballast,  was  countermanded.  It  is  strange,  indeed,  that,  after 
you  were  made  acquainted  with  the  object  of  my  inquiries  and  General 
Jesup's  letter  in  reply  to  them,  you  should  have  looked  for  transport  ves 
sels  in  ballast  from  the  Atlantic  cities ;  and,  still  more  strange,  that  their 
non-arrival  should  be  the  proof  you  rely  on  to  convict  me  of  having  neg 
lected  my  duty  in  this  instance.  If,  in  truth,  you  delayed  the  expedition 
nearly  two  months  for  these  transports,  I  am  blameless  ;  the  responsibility 
is  in  another  quarter.  It  cannot  be  said  that  this  statement,  as  to  the  suffi 
ciency  of  transports  to  be  obtained  at  the  south,  had  an  implied  reference 
to  what  I  had  ordered  from  the  Atlantic  cities ;  for  my  order  was  then  un 
known  to  yourself  and  the  quartermaster  general.  You  first  received  a 
copy  of  it  several  days  after  the  date  of  General  Jesup's  letter  to  rne,  and 
of  your  endorsement  thereon.  [See  your  letter  to  me  of  the  12th  of 
January.]  Resisted,  as  you  were,  by  "  head  winds,"  enveloped  in  "  fright 
ful  northers,"  and  oppressed  with  complicated  and  perplexing  duties  in 
arranging  and  preparing  the  expedition  against  Vera  Cruz,  some  tempo 
rary  bewilderment  may  be  excused  ;  but  to  charge  the  War  Department 
with  your  own  misapprehensions  and  mistakes  is  inexcusable. 

My  reply  to  your  accusations  forces  me  to  expose  some  of  your  mis- 
statements  of  fact.  You  allege  that  the  expedition,  for  the  want  of  the 
"  ten  vessels,"  was  delayed  from  the  \blh  of  January  to  the  9th  of  March. 
You  certainly  mean  to  be  understood  that,  on  the  15th  of  January,  your 
troops  were  ready  to  embark,  and  were  delayed  for  want  of  these  trans 
ports  ;  but  this  was  not  so,  and  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  most  abundant 
proof  to  establish  your  inaccuracy.  The  great  body  of  your  troops,  for 
the  expedition,  was  drawn  from  General  Taylor's  command  at  Monterey, 
and  in  the  interior  of  Mexico,  and  no  part  of  them  had  reached  either  the 
Brazos  or  Tampico,  the  points  of  embarkation,  on  the  15th  of  January. 
In  your  letter  of  the  12th  of  that  month,  to  General  Brooke,  at  New-Or 
leans,  yon  said  :  "  I  have  now  to  state  that  it  is  probable  the  troops  I  have 
called  for  from  General  Taylor's  immediate  command,  to  embark  here 
[the  Brazos]  and  at  Tampico,  will  not  roach  these  points  till  lute  in  the 
present  month,  [January,]  say  about  the  25th."  In  a  letter  to  me,  of  the 


APPENDIX.  499 

26th  of  January,  you  remark  that  General  Butler  responded  to  your  call 
for  the  troops  with  the  utmost  promptitude,  and  that  General  Worth  made 
an  admirable  movement :  "  the  head  of  his  division  arrived  with  him  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande  the  day  before  yesterday,"  [24th  January.] 
When  the  remainder  came  up,  is  not  stated  ;  yet  one  of  your  "  naked  his 
torical  facts"  places  the  whole  command  at  the  points  of  embarkation, 
waiting  for  the  "  ten  vessels"  at  least  nine  days  before  the  actual  arrival  of 
any  part  of  them.  But,  if  they  had  been  there,  why  should  they  have 
been  detained  for  these  vessels  ?  In  the  same  letter,  written  but  two  days 
after  the  arrival  of  the  head  of  the  first  division,  and  probably  before  the 
other  troops  had  come  up,  you  say  :  "  that  the  quartermaster  general,  Bre 
vet  Major  General  Jesup,  at  New-Orleans,  I  find,  has  taken  all  proper  mea 
sures,  with  judgment  and  promptitude,  to  provide  every  thing  depending 
on  his  department  for  the  dispatch  and  success  of  my  expedition."  If 
more  was  wanted,  cumulative  proof  might  be  drawn  from  the  same  source 
— your  own  correspondence — to  show,  not  only  that  this  charge  against 
me  has  no  foundation  in  truth,  but  that  you  can  have  no  apology  for  having 
preferred  it. 

After  showing  how  unfortunate  you  have  been  in  your  specific  charges, 
I  may,  with  propriety,  meet  those  of  a  general  and  sweeping  character 
with  a  less  particular  detail  of  proofs  to  show  their  groundlessness. 

Though  the  "  ten  vessels"  were  not,  for  the  very  sufficient  reasons  I 
have  assigned,  sent  out  in  ballast  from  the  Atlantic  cities,  yet  a  very  large 
number  were  sent  thence  with  stores,  supplies,  and  troops  to  co-operate 
in  the  expedition.  In  General  Jesup's  letter  to  me,  of  the  17th  instant,  a 
copy  of  which  is  sent  herewith,  he  states  that  fifty-three  ships,  barques, 
brigs,  and  schooners,  were  sent  from  the  north,  and  the  department  actu 
ally  furnished  at  New-Orleans,  Brazos,  and  Tampico,  for  the  army,  before 
it  took  up  the  line  of  march  into  the  interior,  one  hundred  and  sixty-three 
vessels. 

1  have  alluded  to  the  large  number  of  surf-boats,  and  the  great  diffi 
culty  of  procuring  them,  as  the  cause  of  the  delay  in  their  arrival.  I 
have,  also,  a  similar  reason  to  offer  in  reply  to  your  complaint  for  not  hav 
ing  seasonably  received  the  siege-train  and  ordnance  supplies.  The  delay 
is  to  be  ascribed  to  the  enormously  large  outfit  you  required.  If  it  was 
necessary,  and  dispatch  was  used  in  procuring  it,  no  one  is  in  fault ;  if  too 
large,  you  certainly  should  not  regard,  as  a  reprehensible  delay,  the  time 
necessarily  taken  up  in  preparing  it.  To  show  that  it  was  large,  and  re 
quired  much  time  to  prepare  it,  I  will  select  from  many,  a  single  item. 
You  demanded  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  thousand  ten-inch  shells,  and 
forty  or  fifty  mortars  of  like  calibre.  This  enormous  quantity  of  shells — 
about  four  thousand  tons — was  mostly  to  be  manufactured  after  you  left 
Washington.  All  the  furnaces  ia  *he  country,  willing  to  engage  in  the 


500  APPENDIX. 

business,  were  set  to  work  ;  but,  with  the  utmost  diligence  and  dispatch, 
the  supply  of  this  one  article,  or  even  two-thirds  of  it,  having  to  be  manu 
factured  and  transported  to  the  seaboard  from  the  furnaces,  (located,  in 
most  instances,  in  the  interior  of  the  country,)  at  a  season  of  the  year 
when  water  communications  were  obstructed  by  ice,  could  rot  be  ready 
to  be  sent  forward  to  you  in  many  months  after  your  departure  from 
Washington.  Had  your  requisitions  been  moderate,  and,  undoubtedly, 
more  moderate  ones  would  have  sufficed,  they  could  have  been  furnished 
at  a  much  earlier  period. 

The  memorandum  which  you  left  "  for  the  siege-train  and  ammunition 
therefor,"  was  submitted  to  me  by  the  ordnance  department  on  the  26th  of 
November,  with  an  intimation  that  it  could  not  be  complied  with  in  season 
for  the  expedition  to  go  forward  as  early  as  you  had  contemplated.  I  en 
dorsed  upon  it,  "  comply  with  the  above  as  far  as  pracficabk ;"  and  this 
order,  I  am  satisfied,  after  full  examination,  was  faithfully  executed. 

What  could  be  done  at  Washington,  was  done  promptly.  You  had 
with  you  the  quartermaster  general,  with  all  the  means  at  the  command  of 
the  War  Department,  and  with  unrestricted  authority  to  do  whatever  you 
might  require.  He  was  under  your  supervision,  and  subject  to  your  orders, 
able  and  willing  to  execute  them  ;  and  you  have  never  intimated  that  he, 
in  any  respect,  failed  in  his  duty,  but  on  the  contrary,  you  have  spoken  hi 
highly  commendatory  terms  of  his  efficient  services.  I  have  already  quo 
ted  your  acknowledgment  that  he  had  "  taken  all  proper  measures,  with 
judgment  and  promptitude,  to  provide  everything  depending  on  his  depart 
ment  for  the  dispatch  and  success  of  your  expedition."  In  an  issue  of 
fact  between  you  and  the  head  of  the  War  Department,  his  testimony, 
next  to  your  own  confessions,  is  the  best  that  can  be  offered  to  correct  your 
misstatements,  and  to  refute  your  charges.  Tn  his  letter  to  me  of  the  2d 
of  January,  1847,  he  says  :  "  General  Scott  left  for  the  interior  on  the  29th 
ultimo,  and  I  am  taking  active  measures  to  have  every  thing  depending 
upon  me  ready  for  his  operations.  The  quartermaster's  department,  I 
find,  is  called  upon  to  do  a  great  deal  that  should  be  done  by  other  branches 
of  the  staff.  So  far  as  General  Scott's  operations  go,  I  shall  have  every 
thing  done  that  is  necessary,  whether  it  belongs  to  my  department  or  to 
other  departments  to  do  it."  You  had  with  you,  and  subject  to  your  or 
ders,  not  only  the  quartermaster  general,  but  officers  of  the  other  staff  de 
partments.  They  did  not  look  to  the  War  Department,  but  to  yourself, 
for  directions  ;  and  it  was  your  duty,  and  not  mine,  to  see  that  your  re 
quirements  were  complied  with.  That  they  were  so,  to  the  utmost  prac 
ticable  extent,  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt;  but,  if  they  were  not,  the  fault, 
if  any,  is  not  with  the  War  Department.  You  also  gave  the  instructions 
in  relation  to  providing  the  means  of  land  transportation,  and  the  officers 
charged  with  that  duty  were  under  your  immediate  control  ;  and,  if  there 


APPENDIX.  501 

is  blame  any  where  for  any  deficiency  in  this  respect,  it  cannot  be  imputed 
to  the  War  Department.  Your  whole  correspondence  with  me,  and  the 
staff  officers  with  you,  shows  that  you  very  properly  took  upon  yourself 
the  whole  charge  of  giving  directions  in  this  matter.  In  a  letter  to  Cap 
tain  Hetzel,  senior  quartermaster  at  the  Brazos,  speaking  on  the  subject  of 
the  land  transportation  which  may  be  needed  after  the  descent  on  the  ene 
my's  coast,  near  Vera  Cruz,  you  say  :  "  I  have  already  discussed  and  ar 
ranged  with  you  the  detail  of  the  early  land  transportation  train,"  &c.  On 
the  19th  of  March  you  furnished  General  Jesup  with  your  estimates  and 
directions  on  this  subject.  The  staff  officers  being  with  you,  and  under 
your  orders,  nothing  further  was,  or  properly  could  be,  required  or  ex 
pected  to  emanate  from  Washington  beyond  the  supply  of  funds ;  and 
this  being  done,  if  you  were  disappointed  in  not  realizing  your  expecta 
tions,  you  have  not  a  colorable  pretence  for  imputing  blame  to  "  the  head 
of  the  War  Department." 

As  a  ground  of  complaint,  and  a  matter  of  accusation,  you  refer  to 
your  deficiency  of  means  to  make  the  descent,  and  to  capture  the  city  of 
Vera  Cruz  and  the  castle  of  San  Juan  d'  Ulloa,  and  assume  that  the  ex 
tent  of  that  deficiency  was  the  difference  between  what  you  received  and 
what  you  required.  It  would  be  quite  as  correct  reasoning  to  say  that 
what  you  had  having  proved  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  the  difference 
showed  the  extent  of  the  errors  in  your  estimates.  The  truth  lies,  per 
haps,  between  the  two  extremes.  You  had  less,  probably,  than  you  should 
have  had,  and  you  required  much  more  than  was  necessary.  That  you 
did  not  have  more,  and,  indeed,  all  you  asked  for,  I  have  already  shown, 
was  not  the  fault  of  the  War  Department. 

General  Jesup  was  with  you  at  Vera  Cruz,  saw  your  means,  and  is  ca 
pable  of  forming  an  estimate  of  their  sufficiency.  He  is,  as  his  letter 
herewith  shows,  disposed  to  be  just,  and  even  generous  to  your  fame.  To 
his  opinion  on  the  subject,  no  well-founded  exception  can  be  taken.  He 
says,  in  reference  to  your  complaints  on  account  of  a  deficient  supply  of 
surf  boats,  siege  train,  and  ordnance  stores,  "  the  result  shows  that  he 
[General  Scott  J  had  surf  boats  and  stores  enough ;"  and  of  the  delay  of 
which  you  complain,  he  fully  exonerates  the  War  Department,  and  as 
cribes  the  whole  to  yourself  and  to  unavoidable  accidents. 

The  imputation  that  you  were  designedly  crippled  in  your  means,  is  a 
charge  as  preposterous  as  it  is  unfounded. 

I  am  aware  that  the  execution  of  some  of  the  many  arrangements  for 
the  Vera  Cruz  expedition  was  obstructed  and  delayed  by  accidents  ;  but 
they  were  such  as  human  sagacity  could  not  foresee,  or  human  agency 
control.  They  were  not,  however,  more  than  a  considerate  mind,  bring 
ing  into  view  all  the  vast  difficulties  of  the  case,  would  have  expected. 
When  your  complaints  on  this  subject  were  %st  received  here,  evincing, 


502  APPENDIX. 

as  they  did,  that  you  intended  to  hold  the  department  responsible  for  every 
untoward  event,  the  heads  of  the  several  bureaus  were  called  on  by  me  to 
show  how  they  had  executed  the  duties  which  had  been  confided  to  them, 
particularly  in  regard  to  matters  referred  to  by  you.  The  evidence  they 
presented  of  having  done  all  that  was  required,  or  could  have  been  expect 
ed,  convinced  me,  and  I  venture  to  say  that,  on  a  full  examination,  it  will 
satisfy  any  mind  open  to  conviction,  that  all  your  complaints,  so  far  as  they 
imputed  blame  to  the  War  Department,  or  any  of  its  branches,  are  un 
founded.  It  will  do  much  more — it  will  show  that  great  industry,  prompt 
ness,  uncommon  capacity,  and  extraordinary  exertions,  in  relation  to  every 
thing  connected  with  the  war,  have  characterized  the  action  of  each  of 
these  subordinate  departments.  As  a  commendation  justly  merited  by 
these  several  branches  of  the  department,  assailed,  as  they  are,  indirectly 
by  you,  I  see  no  good  reason  for  withholding  my  opinion,  that  an  instance 
cannot  be  found  wThere  so  much  has  been  done,  and  well  done,  in  so  short 
a  time,  by  any  similar  body  of  officers,  under  similar  circumstances. 

As  you  have,  by  implication,  laid  a  heavy  hand  upon  the  bureau  which 
is  charged  with  the  onerous  duties  of  executing  the  laws  and  orders  for 
raising  and  sending  forward  the  recruits  and  levies,  I  feel  bound  to  affirm 
that  you  have  done  to  that  branch  of  the  public  service  the  greatest  injus 
tice.  No  industry  has  been  spared,  no  possible  effort  omitted  to  raise  the 
forces  which  were  authorized,  and  to  send  them  to  their  destination  within 
the  briefest  practicable  period.  The  numerous  orders  issued  from  the  ad 
jutant's  general's  office,  and  its  voluminous  correspondence  on  that  subject, 
will  sustain  this  assertion. 

You  have  pressed  with  unwonted  zeal  the  charge  in  relation  to  divert 
ing  the  detachments  of  th'e  new  regiments  under  General  Cadwalader's 
command  to  the  Brazos,  and  have  indulged  in  the  wildest  speculations  as 
to  the  sad  consequences  which  attended  this  imputed  error.  Assuming 
that  my  orders  diverted  these  troops,  or  any  others,  (an  assertion  which  I 
shall  controvert  hereafter,)  the  circumstances  justified  the  measure.  The 
critical  condition  of  General  Taylor,  according  to  all  accounts  received 
here  at  that  time,  is  stated  in  my  letter  to  you  of  the  22d  of  March.  To 
show  that  the  department  acted  properly,  though  it  incurred  your  reproof, 
it  is  necessary  to  recall  the  facts  as  they  then  appeared  here.  They  are 
presented  in  the  following  extract  from  that  letter  : 

"  The  information  which  has  just  reached  us,  in  the  shape  of  rumors, 
as  to  the  situation  of  General  Taylor  and  the  forces  under  his  command, 
has  excited  the  most  painful  apprehensions  for  their  safety.  It  is  almost  cer 
tain  that  Santa  Anna  has  precipitated  the  large  army  he  had  collected  at 
San  Luis  de  Potosi  upon  General  Taylor,  and  it  may  be  that  the  general 
has  not  been  able  to  maintain  the  advanced  position  he  had  seen  fit  to  take 
at  Agua  Nueva,  but  has  been  obliged  to  fall  back  on  Monterey.  It  is 


APPENDIX.  503 

equally  certain  that  a  Mexican  force  has  been  interposed  between  Monterey 
and  the  Rio  Grande,  and  that  it  has  interrupted  the  line  of  communication 
between  the  two  places,  and  seized  large  supplies  which  were  on  the  way 
to  General  Taylor's  army. 

"  If  the  hostile  force  between  the  Rio  Grande  and  General  Taylor's 
army  is  as  large  as  reports  represent  it,  our  troops  now  on  that  river  may 
not  be  able  to  re-establish  the  line,  nor  will  it,  perhaps,  be  possible  to  place 
a  force  there  sufficient  for  the  purpose,  in  time  to  prevent  disastrous  con 
sequences  to  our  army,  unless  aid  can  be  afforded  from  the  troops  under 
your  immediate  command. 

"  From  one  to  two  thousand  of  the  new  recruits  for  the  ten  regiments, 
from  this  quarter,  will  be  on  the  way  to  the  Brazos,  in  the  course  of  three 
or  four  days.  All  the  other  forces  will  be  directed  to  that  point,  and  every 
effort  made  to  relieve  General  Taylor  from  his  critical  situation.  You 
will  have  been  fully  apprised,  before  this  can  reach  you,  of  the  condition 
of  things  in  the  valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  at  the  head-quarters  of  Ge 
neral  Taylor,  and  have  taken,  1  trust,  such  measures  as  the  importance  of 
the  subject  requires.  I  need  not  urge  upon  you  the  fatal  consequences 
which  would  result  from  any  serious  disaster  which  might  befall  the  army 
under  General  Taylor,  nor  do  I  doubt  that  you  will  do  what  is  in  your 
power  to  avert  such  a  calamity." 

The  course  pursued  by  the  War  Department  on  that  occasion,  which 
you  convert  into  a  charge,  must,  on  revision,  I  think,  commend  itself  to 
general  approbation.  Had  it  been  indifferent  to  the  alarming  condition  of 
General  Taylor's  army,  and  forborne  to  use,  at  the  earliest  moment,  the 
most  energetic  measures  to  guard  against  the  fatal  consequences  of  its 
defeat,  then  too  probable,  it  would  have  deserved  an  arraignment  as  severe 
as  that  which  you  have  made  against  it,  for  having  done  its  duty  in  that 
critical  emergency.  When  you  first  received  the  reasons  assigned  for  the 
course  adopted  here,  they  appear  to  have  been  satisfactory.  In  your  dis 
patch  of  the  28th  of  April,  you  say :  "  Yesterday  I  learned  by  your  letter 
of  the  22d,  and  the  adjutant  general's  of  the  26th  ultimo,  that  all  the  re 
cruits  of  the  regiments,  some  3.000.  raised,  or  likely  to  be  raised  in  time 
for  this  army,  have  been  ordered  to  the  Rio  Grande."  You  did  not  then 
intimate  the  slightest  dissatisfaction,  not  even  a  premonitory  symptom  of 
that  deep  distress  with  which,  instantly  on  Mr.  Trist's  arrival  in  Mexico, 
you  represent  yourself  to  have  been  seized.  It  is  a  coincidence,  not  un 
worthy  of  notice,  that  the  letter  containing  your  first  condemnatory  re 
mark  on  this  subject,  was  written  on  the  day  of  the  date  of  Mr.  Trist's 
first  note  to  you,  and  only  the  day  before  your  captious  reply  to  it,  and  in 
both  you  assail  the  War  Department.  Your  withering  disappointment 
seems  to  have  slumbered  for  ten  days,  and  then  to  have  been  aroused  by 
the  appearance  of  Mr.  Trist  in  Mexico,  and  your  quarrel  with  him.  If 


504  APPENDIX. 

the  order  from  the  War  Department  had  in  fact  "  diverted"  the  forces  with 
General  Cadvvalader,  still  it  was  fully  justified  by  the  threatening  aspect 
of  affairs  on  the  Rio  Grande ;  but  I  am  quite  sure  that  it  did  not  divert 
them.  No  previous  order  from  the  department  had  designated  any  other 
place  of  rendezvous  than  the  Brazos,  for  the  troops  that  were  to  join  your 
column.  It  was  well  understood,  before  you  left  Washington,  that  all  the 
troops  for  both  armies  were  to  be  sent  to  that  place,  and  there  to  fall  under 
your  command.  This  arrangement  was  not,  nor  was  it  expected  that  it 
would  be,  here  changed,  until  you  had  penetrated  so  far  into  the  enemy's 
country  as  to  render  your  communication  with  that  place  of  general  ren 
dezvous  difficult  and  dilatory. 

You  also  complain  that  the  order  was  not  countermanded.  If  there 
had  been  such  an  order,  and  it  had  been  countermanded,  what  would  have 
been  the  consequences  ?  The  troops  would  have  gone  forward  from  the 
United  States,  under  the  former  orders  of  the  department,  which  would 
have  taken  them  to  the  same  place. 

You  allege  that  "  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Buena  Vista  reached 
Washington  in  time  to  countermand  Cadwalader's  orders  for  the  Rio 
Grande,  before  his  departure  from  New-Orleans."  I  notice  this  specifica 
tion  of  neglect  of  duty,  to  show  the  extent  to  which  you  have  carried  your 
fault-finding,  and  the  industry  with  which  you  have  searched  for  occasions 
to  indulge  it. 

Your  assumption  is,  that  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Buena  Vista 
should  have  satisfied  the  War  Department  that  Cadwalader's  forces  were 
not  needed  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  the  omission  to  countermand,  as  soon 
as  that  news  was  received,  the  orders  to  send  them  there,  was  a  neglect 
deserving  severe  animadversion.  How  did  you  act  under  similar  circum 
stances  ?  With  better  means  of  information  as  to  the  actual  condition  of 
the  Rio  Grande  frontier  after  the  victory  of  Buena  Vista,  you  did  not  deem 
it  prudent,  after  being  forty-one  days  in  possession  of  the  news  of  that 
victory,  to  issue  positive  orders  to  remove  a  single  man  from  that  frontier  ; 
yet,  you  venture  to  censure  me  for  not  having  sent  the  troops  away  the 
momenf  the  news  reached  Washington. 

You  received  information  of  that  victory  on  or  before  the  14th  of 
March,  for  on  that  day  you  proclaimed  it  in  orders  to  your  army.  On  the 
25th  of  April,  more  than  forty  days  thereafter,  you  issued  an  order  to  the 
commanding  officer  at  the  Brazos,  to  embark  for  Vera  Cruz  "  such  detach 
ments  of  the  new  regiments  as  may  have  been  ordered  by  the  War  De 
partment  to  Point  Isabel ;  but  you  made  it  conditional,  with  reference  to 
the  safety  of  the  line  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  said  to  that  officer  that  you 
relied  upon  his  "  sound  judgment  to  determine  on  the  spot,  whether  that 
line  would  not  be  too  much  exposed  by  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  in 
question."  Thus  it  appears  that  you  do  not  hesitate  to  impute  neglect  of 


APPENDIX.  505 

duty  to  me,  for  not  having  adopted  and  acted  on  the  conclusion  that  the  line 
of  the  Rio  Grande  was  safe  the  moment  I  heard  of  the  victory  of  Buena 
Vista;  but,  when  acting  on  the  same  subject,  you  dared  not  adopt  that  con 
clusion,  although  you  had  been  in  possession  of  the  same  information 
forty-one  days.  Your  own  conduct  in  this  matter  completely  refutes  this 
charge  of  yours  against  the  War  Department ;  it  does  more,  it  shows  how 
rash  and  inconsiderate  you  have  been  in  selecting  topics  for  attack. 

But  the  most  serious  consequences  are  attributed  to  the  long  delay  of 
these  troops  at  the  Brazos.  For  your  sake,  I  sincerely  hope  these  conse 
quences  are  much  exaggerated,  because  I  am  quite  confident  it  will  be 
shown  that  you  alone  are  responsible  for  the  delay.  The  War  Depart 
ment  did  not — and  it  was  proper  that  it  should  not — issue  any  order  in  re 
gard  to  the  movement  of  the  troops  after  their  arrival  in  Mexico.  The 
order  from  the  department,  of  the  30th  of  April,  making  a  division  of  the 
new  levies  between  the  two  columns,  does  not  contradict  this  assertion, 
for  these  levies  were  then  mostly  within  the  United  States ;  only  portions 
of  them  had  then  reached  Mexico.  Until  this  order  took  effect,  the  troops 
at  the  Brazos,  and,  indeed,  on  the  Rio  Grande  and  with  General  Taylor, 
were  under  your  entire  and  unrestricted  command.  As  to  this  matter  you 
were  under  no  misapprehension,  for,  on  the  25th  of  April,  and  before  you 
were  informed  what  had  been  done  here  to  secure  the  Rio  Grande  line, 
you  issued  an  order  in  relation  to  the  troops  at  the  Brazos.  This  place, 
you  well  knew,  was  the  general  rendezvous  of  the  new  levies  from  the 
United  States  ;  and  before  you  sailed  on  your  expedition  to  Vera  Cruz,  you 
were  notified  that  the  Mexican  army  were  advancing  upon  Qeneral  Tay 
lor.  To  have  assumed  that  you  had  not  left  at  the  Brazos,  with  a  view  to 
meet  any  probable  contingency,  orders  for  the  proper  disposition  of  the 
troops  which  were  or  might  be  sent  there,  would  have  implied  an  opinion 
that  you  wanted  suitable  qualifications  for  the  high  station  whi'ch  had  been 
assigned  to  you.  These  troops  were  a  part  of  your  command,  and  sub 
ject  to  your  orders ;  and  if  they  remained  one  day  at  the  Brazos  after  it 
was  there  known  that  they  were  not  needed  on  the  Rio  Grande  line,  and 
would  be  serviceable  with  your  column,  the  fault  was  entirely  your  own, 
and  in  no  wise  imputable  to  the  War  Department.  If  your  opinion  be  not 
extravagant,  and  you  say  it  is  not,  that,  but  for  the  diversion  of  General 
Cadwalader's  forces  from  you,  and  the  "  much  precious  time"  lost  at  the 
Brazos,  you  "  might  easily  have  taken  this  city  (Mexico)  in  the  month  of 
June,  and  at  one-fifth  of  the  loss  sustained  in  August  and  September," 
you  have,  indeed,  a  most  fearful  account  to  settle  with  your  country. 

I  cannot,  however,  but  regard  your  speculative  opinions  on  this  subject 
as  fanciful  and  wild.  You  greatly  over-estimate  the  forces  which  landed 
at  the  Brazos,  and  subsequently  joined  you.  From  the  best  calculations 
which  can  be  made  from  data  in  the  adjutant  general's  office,  the  num- 


506  APPENDIX. 

her  was  much  less  than  you  imagine,  and  did  not  probably  exceed  one 
thousand.  As  the  refutation  of  your  charge  against  the  department  for 
diverting  these  troops  is  in  no  wise  impaired  by  their  number,  be  it  more 
or  less,  it  is  not  important  to  inquire  into  that  matter ;  but  there  is  a  ques 
tion  of  serious  import,  which  I  think  the  country  will  expect  you  to  an 
swer.  If  these  new  levies,  which  had  just  entered  the  service,  would  have 
enabled  you  to  capture  the  city  of  Mexico  in  June,  with  a  comparatively 
small  loss,  why  did  you  at  the  very  time  you  discovered  that  they  were  so 
much  needed,  and  would  have  been  so  useful,  send  away  from  your  army 
three  times  as  many  volunteers,  who  had  been  many  months  in  service,  and 
were,  as  you  acknowledge,  "  respectable  in  discipline  and  efficiency,"  and 
who  had  distinguished  themselves  at  Vera  Cruz  and  Cerro  Gordo,  and  in 
the  hour  of  peril  had  fought  by  the  side  of  your  veteran  troops,  and  merited 
an  honorable  share  in  the  glory  of  those  memorable  conflicts  ? 

The  period  of  their  engagement  had  not  expired.  When  thus  sent 
away  but  one  of  the  seven  regiments  had  less  than  thirty,  and  most  of 
them  had  more  than  forty-five  days  to  serve.  According  to  your  own 
opinion,  concurred  in  by  the  department,  they  could  have  been  legally  re 
tained  on  your  line  of  operations  till  the  last  hour  of  their  engagement.  If 
not  deemed  expedient  to  take  them  on  towards  Mexico  with  you,  their  ser 
vices  at  that  critical  period  would  have  been  of  inestimable  value  in  hold 
ing  the  post  at  Jalapa,  so  important  and  so  unexpectedly  abandoned,  and 
in  keeping  open  the  communication  between  Vera  Cruz  and  your  head 
quarters,  whereby  supplies,  munitions,  and  recruits  could  be  safely  and 
expeditiously  forwarded  to  you.  Had  this  been  done  you  would  have  been 
spared  the  trouble  of  inditing  many  items  of  grievance  and  complaint 
against  the  War  Department,  for  having  failed  to  furnish  them.  If  you 
had  retained  the  twelve  months'  volunteers  until  the  end  of  their  agree 
ment — and  no  sufficient  reason  has  yet  been  shown  for  their  premature 
discharge — you  might,  for  a  season  at  least,  have  received,  without  much 
obstruction,  supplies  from  the  main  depot  on  the  Gulf;  the  army  might 
have  been  strengthened  by  reinforcements  at  an  earlier  period,  and  many 
of  the  revolting  scenes  of  barbarity  on  the  road  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Jalapa, 
in  which  so  many  lives  of  our  fellow-citizens  have  been  sacrificed  by  the 
ruthless  guerrilleros,  would  not  have  occurred. 

Another  and  still  more  lamentable  calamity  is,  I  think,  fairly  to  be  as 
cribed  to  the  early  obstruction  of  this  important  line  of  communication. 
The  brave  and  patriotic  men  who  were  hurried  on  to  Mexico  in  small  de 
tachments,  in  order  to  reinforce  your  armv,  were  unexpectedly  but  neces 
sarily  detained  at  Vera  Cruz  until  the  numbers  there  collected  were  suffi 
cient  to  force  their  way  through  the  strong  guerrilla  bands  which  held  the 
difficult  passes  on  the  Jalapa  road.  While  thus  detained  on  that  inhospita 
ble  coast  in  the  sickly  season,  they  were  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  a  wasting 


APPENDIX.  507 

pestilence,  more  formidable  and,  as  it  unfortunately  proved,  more  destruc 
tive  than  the  Mexican  arrny. 

When  the  unwelcome  news  of  the  premature  discharge  of  this  large 
body  of  volunteers  was  received  here,  unaccompanied  by  any  explanation 
to  show  the  necessity  of  the  act,  it  excited  very  general  surprise  and  re 
gret  ;  its  consequences  were  at  once  foreseen,  but  the  step  had  been  taken 
and  could  not  be  retraced.  It  was  loudly  condemned.  Many  did  not  be 
lieve  that  a  measure  which  appeared  to  be  so  unwise  and  so  injurious  to 
the  operations  of  the  arrny  could  have  emanated  from  yourself,  but  they 
were  less  charitable  towards  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War.  Both 
were  denounced  for  what  you  had  done  ;  they  were  unscrupulously  charged 
with  weakness  and  incapacity ;  with  being  actuated  by  hostility  to  you, 
and  a  desire  to  secure  popularity  with  the  volunteers,  nor  were  these  bit 
ter  assaults  intermitted  until  it  began  to  be  suspected  that  they  were  mis 
directed. 

If  you  really  regarded,  on  the  6th  of  May,  the  augmentation  of  your 
forces  as  being  of  such  vital  importance,  it  is  almost  as  difficult  to  account 
for  the  course  taken  to  re-engage  the  volunteers,  as  for  their  premature 
discharge.  I  am  misled  by  information  on  which  I  ought  to  rely,  if  many 
of  these  volunteers  would  not  have  continued  in  service  if  proper  measures 
had  been  taken  at  Jalapa,  while  they  were  indulging  the  hope  of  partici 
pating  in  further  triumphs,  and  of  being  among  those  who  would  enjoy 
the  enviable  distinction  of  first  entering,  as  victors,  the  proud  capital  of  the 
Mexican  republic.  Though  the  subject  was  there  presented  to  their  con 
sideration,  no  vigorous  efforts  seem  to  have  been  made,  no  attempt  to  form 
new  companies,  or  to  muster  them  into  service,  until  this  powerful  induce 
ment  was  weakened  or  withdrawn ;  until  they  had  been  detached  from  a 
victorious  army,  as  if  no  longer  deemed  worthy  to  be  a  part  of  it ;  sent 
sixty  miles  towards  their  homes,  into  a  pestilential  region,  and  there 
brought  within  the  sympathetic  influence  of  the  sentiments  which,  it  was 
natural  that  many  should  feel  and  manifest,  at  the  moment  of  embarking, 
to  return  to  their  families  and  friends.  Considering  the  manner  in  which 
the  President's  order  on  that  subject  was  attempted  to  be  executed,  it  is 
not  strange  that  among  more  than  three  thousand  patriotic  volunteers  sent 
away  by  your  order  of  the  4th  of  May,  only  about  "  fifty  individuals"  were 
found  willing  to  re-engage. 

You  seem  to  have  suddenly  conceived  the  notion  of  converting  the 
army,  "  like  Cortez,"  "  in/o  a  self-sustaining  machine"  and  to  make  the 
resemblance  between  yourself  and  the  Spanish  hero  more  complete,  you 
indulged  a  dream  of  fancy,  until  you  seem  to  have  adopted  it  as  a  matter 
of  belief,  that  you  were  "  doomed  at  Washington,"  and  you  became,  "  like 
him,  always  afraid  that  the  next  ship  or  messenger  might  recall  or  further 
cripple"  you. 


508  APPENDIX. 

It  should  not  be  forgotten  that  the  design  of  this  unaccountable  mili 
tary  movement  was  first  communicated  to  Mr.  Trist,  before  you  had  given 
any  intimation  of  it  to  your  government,  and  while  under  the  perturbation 
of  mind  which  his  unwelcome  presence  in  Mexico  had  produced.  Had 
you  confided  this  extraordinary  plan  of  a  campaign  to  him,  after  the  "  hap 
py  change"  in  your  relations  ;  after  you  had  digested  his  "  farrago  of  in 
solence,  conceit,  and  arrogance  ;"  and,  after  he  too,  mistaking  notoriety  for 
fame,  had  sought  to  win  it  by  disobying  the  orders  of  his  government,  de 
fying  its  authority,  and  assailing  its  conduct,  this  distinguishing  mark  of 
your  confidence  in  him  would  have  caused  much  less  surprise.  This 
novel  conception,  so  suddenly  adopted,  was  as  suddenly  carried  out — your 
army  was  indeed  converted  "  into  a  self-sustaining  machine" — you  dis 
charged  the  twelve  months'  volunteers,  and  broke  up  your  post  at  Jalapa, 
and  on  the  way  to  your  main  depot ;  "  resolved,"  as  you  announced,  "  no 
longer  to  depend  on  Vera  Cruz  or  home ;"  you  put  yourself  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  supplies  which  had  been  provided  by  the  government,  and 
rendered  yourself,  in  a  great  measure,  inaccessible  to  the  recruits  and  le 
vies  (except  in  strong  parties)  which  had  been  raised  to  augment  your 
command.  In  this  way  you  rendered  unavailing,  for  a  time  at  least,  all 
that  had  been  or  could  be  done  by  the  assiduous  and  incessant  labors  of  the 
War  Department  in  all  its  branches,  and  then  you  recklessly  put  forth  the 
groundless  complaint  of  "  a  total  want  of  support  and  sympathy"  from  it. 

Your  letter  of  the  25th  of  July,  which  w7as  not  received  at  Washing 
ton  until  the  30th  of  December  last,  abounds  with  complaints  against  the 
department,  and  refers  in  strong  terms  to  the  wants  and  sufferings  of  the 
army  at  that  time.  Before  you  venture  to  make  its  then  destitute  condition 
a  ground  of  charge  against  the  War  Department,  you  ought  to  have  recol 
lected  that  the  afflictions  fell  upon  it  in  the  midst  of  your  experiment  of 
making  it  "  a  self-sustaining  machine,"  and  were  the  legitimate  fruits  of 
that  experiment.  These  sufferings  came  upon  it  before  your  estimated  pe 
riod  of  isolation  from  "  Vera  Cruz  and  home"  had  half  expired.  When  you 
had  designedly  and  unnecessarily  abandoned  both,  and  entered  upon  your 
self-sustaining  position,  "  cut  off  from  all  supplies  and  reinforcements  from 
home,  until  perhaps  late  in  November,"  by  what  pretence  of  justice  do  you 
complain  of  the  War  Department  for  the  distresses  you  thus  voluntarily 
inflicted  upon  yourself  and  the  gallant  army  under  your  command  ? 
Something  very  different  from  censure  and  reproof  is  due  for  the  extraor 
dinary  efforts  which  were  successfully  made  to  reach  you  with  recruits 
and  supplies  in  your  sequestered  situation,  and  to  rescue  you  from  the  em 
barrassments  in  whijch  your  ill-judged  measure  had  involved  you.  I  have 
brought  into  view  this  unaccountable  movement  of  yours,  with  no  purpose 
to  make  any  comment  upon  it  as  a  military  measure,  but  solely  to  show 
that  the  evils  resulting  from  it  are  not  just  grounds  of  accusation  against 


APPENDIX.  509 

the  War  Department,  and  that  the  labored  attempt  to  pervert  them  to  such 
a  purpose,  discloses  the  manner  and  spirit  with  which  you  have  executed 
the  assumed  task  of  its  accuser. 

As  you  have  indulged  in  the  wildest  range  of  speculation  in  regard  to 
the  alleged  sinister  motives  and  covert  designs  of  others,  I  feel  less  reluct 
ant  to  present  my  views  as  to  the  main  object  of  your  last  communication. 
Throughout  the  whole  of  it,  and  particularly  in  the  concluding  part,  you 
manifest  the  utmost  solicitude  to  place  yourself  in  the  position  of  an  in 
jured  and  persecuted  man.  With  all  the  aid  you  can  derive  from  dextrous 
strategy,  you  will  be  likely  to  fail  in  your  attempt,  unless  you  can  have 
the  full  benefit  of  your  high  coloring  of  some  facts,  and  your  forgetful- 
ness  of  others,  together  with  all  your  fanciful  conjectures  and  surmises. 
Your  recall  is,  you  assert,  the  long  suspended  "  blow  of  power"  which  you 
had  the  sagacity  clearly  to  predict.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  your 
predictions  preceded  the  events  which  you  imagine  provoked  that  blow. 
As  early  as  the  25th  of  July — soon  after  '"  the  happy  change  in  my  [your] 
relations,  both  official  and  private,  with  Mr.  Trist" — you  looked,  you  say, 
"  to  be  dismissed  from  the  service  of  my  [your]  country."  If  your  recall 
can  be  regarded  as  a  dismissal,  you  are  entitled  to  all  the  credit  of  the 
fulfilment  of  your  own  early  prediction. 

In  presenting  in  its  true  light  the  President's  compliance  with  your 
own  request  to  be  recalled,  which  you  now  denominate  your  dismissal,  I 
may  be  obliged  to  strip  it  of  the  embellishments  you  have  ingeniously 
thrown  around  it,  though,  in  doing  this,  you  may  be  deprived  of  much 
upon  which  you  depend  to  sustain  your  claim  to  be  considered  as  a  perse 
cuted  man. 

As  early  as  June  you  begged  to  be  recalled.  You  allege  that  this  ap 
plication  was  "  rebukingly  declined."  This  is  not  saying  the  exact  thing. 
The  reply  to  your  request  was,  "  that  it  would  be  decided  with  exclusive 
reference  to  the  public  good.  When  that  shall  render  it  proper  in  his 
(the  President's)  opinion  to  withdraw  you  from  your  present  command, 
his  determination  to  do  so  will  be  made  known  to  you."  This  was  not  a 
denial,  but  a  suspension  of  present  action,  accompanied  with  an  assurance 
of  future  action  on  the  subject.  Your  request  was  still  pending ;  a  regard 
to  the  public  good  then  stood  in  the  way  of  the  immediate  gratification  of 
your  wishes,  but  the  President  promised  to  act  definitely  on  the  question 
when  that  obstacle  should  be  removed.  Judging  from  the  state  of  things 
at  the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  in  January,  he  concluded  that  it  was  re 
moved,  and  that  he  ought  no  longer  to  require  of  you  reluctant  service  as 
commanding  general.  This,  certainly,  cannot  be  called  persecution,  or 
punishment.  I  do  not  deem  it  proper  to  comment  on  the  state  of  things  at 
the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  to  which  allusion  is  made  in  the  letter 
granting  your  request,  nor  to  express  an  opinion  as  to  the  share  of  respon- 


510  APPENDIX. 

sibility  therefor  which  rests  upon  yourself  or  others  ;  that  matter  is  to  a 
considerable  extent  involved  in  the  investigations  before  the  court  of  inqui 
ry  now  sitting  in  Mexico.  Your  request  to  be  recalled,  thus  ultimately 
granted,  was  prefaced  with  imaginary  complaints,  which  could  not  be 
passed  without  notice,  nor  noticed,  without  exposing  their  groundlessness. 
If  the  exposition  has  given  offence,  you  can  blame  only  yourself  for  intro 
ducing  complaints  so  entirely  unfounded. 

The  crowning  outrage,  as  you  regard  it,  is  the  simple  fact  that  you 
and  "  the  three  arrested  officers"  are  all  to  be  placed  together  before  the 
same  court ;  "the  innocent  and  the  guilty,  the  accuser  and  the  accused, 
the  judge  and  his  prisoners,  are  all  dealt  with  alike."  "  Most  impartial 
justice  !"  you  exclaim.  And  why  is  it  not  impartial  justice  ?  On  what 
ground  of  right  can  you  claim  to  have  your  case  discriminated  from  theirs  ? 
It  is  true  you  have  assumed  to  be  their  judge,  and  have  pronounced  them 
guilty  ;  and  complain  and  repine  that  the  laws  of  the  country  do  not  allow 
you,  their  accuser,  to  institute  a  court  to  register  your  decree.  But  you 
are  not  their  rightful  judge,  although  they  were  your  prisoners.  Before 
that  court  you  all  stand  on  the  same  level,  and  all  have  equal  rights. 
Though  you  may  have  the  self-satisfying  conviction  that  you  are  innocent 
and  they  are  guilty,  the  government  could  act  upon  no  such  presumption. 
By  becoming  an  accuser  you  did  not  place  yourself  beyond  the  reach  of 
being  accused  ;  and  unless  you  are  clothed  with  the  immunity  of  despotic 
power,  and  can  claim  the  benefit  of  the  maxim  "  that  the  king  can  do  no 
wrong,"  I  know  not  why  your  conduct,  when  made  the  subject  of  charges, 
may  not  be  investigated  by  a  court  of  inquiry,  nor  can  I  perceive  by  what 
other,  or  better,  right  you  have  to  complain,  and  arraign  the  government, 
than  the  other  officers  whom  you  have  accused,  and  whose  cases,  with 
yours  were  referred  to  the  same  court.  If  yours  is  a  hard  case,  theirs  is 
not  less  so  ;  if  you  can  rightfully  complain  of  persecution  by  the  govern 
ment,  so  can  they,  with  equal  justice,  and  an  equal  claim  to  public  sym 
pathy. 

The  charges  against  you  did  not  emanate  from  the  government,  nor  did 
they  relate  to  a  matter  in  which  it  could  feel  any  peculiar  interest.  Not 
believing  it  impossible  for  you  to  do  wrong,  or  that  you  were  exempt  from 
all  responsibility,  for  whatever  you  might  have  done,  the  government 
deemed  it  proper,  when  charges  were  preferred  against  you,  coming  from 
a  source  entitled  to  respect,  to  cause  them  to  be  investigated.  As  the 
usual  and  mildest  mode  of  proceeding,  they  were  referred  to  a  court  of  in 
quiry.  Until  you  can  show  that  you  enjoy  the  transcendental  privilege  to 
have  your  official  conduct  exempt  from  all  examination,  in  any  form  what 
ever,  you  have  no  cause  to  complain  of  the  course  taken  in  regard  to  the 
charges  against  you. 

If  your  extraordinary  pretensions  are  to  derive  any  support  from  your 


APPENDIX.  511 

distinguished  services  in  the  field,  you  ought  to  be  mindful  that  the  three 
accused  officers,  put  under  arrest  by  you,  have  like  claims  for  distinguished 
services.  On  the  pages  of  impartial  history  their  names,  and  their  gallant 
deeds,  must  appear  with  yours,  and  no  monopolizing  claims,  seeking  "  ma 
lignant  exclusions,"  at  the  expense  of  the  "  truth  of  history,"  will  be  per 
mitted  to  rob  them  of  their  fair  share  of  the  glory  won  by  our  gallant  army 
while  under  your  command. 

With  your  assault  upon  the  character  of  your  "  erratic  brother"  I  shall 
not  intermeddle,  but  I  must  repel  your  charge  that  he  has  been  favored  for 
being  a  political  "  deserter"  to  "  the  true  faith"  for  signalizing  his  "apos 
tasy,  by  acceptable  denunciations  of  one"  to  whom  he  had  formerly  "  pro 
fessed  (and  not  without  cause)  the  highest  obligations."  The  reasons  for 
not  sending  your  charges  against  Brevet  Major  General  Worth  to  the  court 
of  inquiry,  are  set  forth  in  my  letter  of  the  13th  of  January.  I  regret 
that  they  are  so  entirely  unsatisfactory  to  you,  but  am  consoled  with  the 
assurance  that  they  are  in  other  quarters  more  favorably  received.  The 
errors  of  your  commentary  on  my  letter  have  arisen  from  your  misappre 
hension  of  the  text.  The  principle  there  laid  down  is  of  vital  import 
ance  to  subordinate  officers,  and  in  no  respect  impairs  the  rights  or  the  au 
thority  of  those  in  chief  command.  As  the  principles  which  you  arraign 
are  the  creations  of  your  own  fancy,  and  have  no  countenance  or  support 
from  my  letter,  I  am  in  no  way  implicated  by  the  "  fatal  consequences" 
you  deduce  from  them.  Whether  legitimate  or  fanciful,  they  do  not  dis 
turb  the  positions  laid  down  in  my  letter. 

I  cannot,  however,  but  regard  your  solicitude  for  the  support  of  disci 
pline  to  be  more  ostentatious  than  profound.  When  a  general  at  the 
head  of  an  army  of  freemen,  who  do  not  lose  their  rights  as  citizens  by 
becoming  soldiers,  sets  up  pretensions  to  dictatorial  power — when  he  con 
temns  the  authority  of  his  government,  and  is  much  more  ready  to  censure 
than  to  execute  its  orders  and  instructions — when  he  denounces  as  an  out 
rage  and  a  punishment  the  attempt  to  submit  his  acts,  charged  to  be  an 
offence  against  a  subordinate  officer,  to  an  investigation  in  the  mildest  form 
— when  he  administers  an  indignant  reproof  to  his  superior  for  upholding 
the  sacred  right  of  appeal,  upon  which  depend  the  security  and  protection 
of  all  under  his  command — such  a  general  sets  an  example  of  insubordi 
nate  conduct  of  wide  and  withering  influence  upon  sound  military  disci 
pline. 

By  extending  my  comments  upon  your  letter,  I  might  multiply  proofs 
to  show  that  your  accusations  against  the  head  of  the  War  Department 
are  unjust ;  that  your  complaints  are  unfounded  ;  that  the  designs  imputed 
by  you  to  the  government  to  embarrass  your  operations,  impair  your  right 
ful  authority  as  commander,  and  to  offer  outrage  and  insult  to  your  feel 
ings,  are  all  the  mere  creations  of  a  diste  npsred  fancy  ;  but  to  do  more 
than  I  have  done  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  a  work  of  supererogation. 


512  APPENDIX. 

In  conclusion,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  that,  as  one  of  the  Presi 
dent's  advisers,  I  had  a.  full  share  in  the  responsibility  of  the  act  which 
assigned  you  to  the  command  of  our  armies  in  Mexico.  I  felt  interested 
even  more  than  naturally  appertained  to  my  official  position,  that  success 
and  glory  should  signalize  your  operations.  It  was  my  duty  to  bring  to 
your  aid  the  efficient  co-operation  of  the  War  Department.  I  never  had 
a  feeling  that  did  not  harmonize  with  a  full  and  fair  discharge  of  this  duty. 
I  know  it  has  been  faithfully  performed.  There  are  some  men  for  whom 
enough  cannot  be  done  to  make  them  grateful,  or  even  just,  unless  acts 
of  subserviency  and  personal  devotedness  are  superadded.  From  you  I 
expected  bare  justice,  but  have  been  disappointed.  I  have  found  you  my 
accuser.  In  my  vindication  I  have  endeavored  to  maintain  a  defensive  line, 
and  if  I  have  gone  beyond  it  at  any  time,  it  has  been  done  to  repel  unpro 
voked  aggression.  To  your  fame  I  have  endeavored  to  be  just.  I  have 
been  gratified  with  the  many  occasions  1  have  had  to  bear  public  testi 
mony  to  your  abilities  and  signal  services  as  a  military  commander  in  the 
field.  It  has  been,  and,  under  any  change  in  our  personal  relations,  it  will 
continue  to  be,  my  purpose  to  be  liberal  in  my  appreciation  of  your  dis 
tinguished  military  merits.  In  respect  to  your  errors  and  your  faults, 
though  I  could  not  be  blind,  I  regret  that  you  have  not  permitted  me  to  be 
silent. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

W.  L.  MARCY, 
Secretary  of  War. 

To  Major  General  WINFIELD  SCOTT, 

U.  S.  Army,  Mexico. 


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